Opinion
Lessons of Fifty-One Years After the Nigerian Civil War by Amb. Godknows Igali
Published
5 years agoon
By
Eric
(Protocol)
INTRODUCTION
Let me start by appreciating the organizers of this conference for creating this forum to enable us parley and exchange ideas on the journey which we have embarked upon during the last half century and also chat a way forward for our children. I specially would like to appreciate the Nzuko Umunna (the Igbo Think Tank), Ovation International, Njeje Media, and our own indefatigable Professor Pat Utomi, the Chairman of the Conference Planning Committee for putting this together; especially in creating an auspiciously convivial atmosphere and bringing in such a distinguished array of speakers and participants.
I would want, to specially appreciated the fact that His Excellency, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, our former President of Nigeria, whom I was privileged to serve in different capacities while he was in office and consider a lifelong mentor is here. The presence of Chief Obasanjo today as Special Guest of Honor, is most appropriate because no Nigerian, either living or dead could be substituted for him in terms of the wealth of personal and institutional memory of Nigeria’s post-independence political and socio-economic experience.
I have been privileged to read President Obasanjo’s rich and rather unique assortment of writings which encapsulate in an encyclopedic manner, the Nigerian story from our dawn of nationhood. For the purpose of our discussion today, some of his books such as “Chukwuma Nzegwu” with whom he shared closest affinity as well as “Not My Command” and “My Watch” (three volumes) all dwelling on the Nigerian Civil War, underscore his knowledge on the subject of our discussion.
Similarly your successful conscription of our ever ready father, Pa (Chief) Ayodele Adebanjo who is not just leader of Afenifere but has been a foremost political activist and firm nation builder from the days of nationalist struggle is most useful. This has aptly been shown from his rich intervention as Chairman of the Occasion. Similarly our other patriarchs, Dr Uma Eleazu and Alhaji Tanko Yakassi, both of whom have already made rich interventions showing their forte in this complex process of nation building which we are seized with. These are amongst our most outstanding patriots. I also salute our many contemporary voices assembled to share thoughts here.
It will be totally incomplete if I do not pay deserved tribute and appreciation to Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah our Key Note Speaker. I have been tempted, a few times to refer to Bishop Kukah as a veritable typology of the 16th century theologian, Dr. Martin Luther who ignited the process of Christian Reformation and political change in the then “known”. But more precisely, Dr. Luther took on the gargantuan Roman Catholic Church which ruled the world during that epoch and boldly appeared before the conspiratorial Council of Worms in 1521 to defend his views.
THE GLOBAL SCOURGE OF CIVIL WARS RECOUNTED
Intra-state conflicts and wars have always been part of human society from the cradle of human social organization. This is to the extent that the object of the causative disagreements is to possess control of political power, economic power or influence public policies and maintain control of some over others.
Without going too far or detailed into history, the truth is that, a trail of civil wars have occurred around the world. For example, from the time of the Trojan Wars (1300-1200BC, 1200-1100BC) to the Greco-Persian wars (492-449BC), the Peloponnesian wars (431-404), and even up to the Punic wars during the 2nd century BC, internal conflicts and civil wars have never seized. That was why the Norman Conquest of Europe in 1066 AD, the 100 Years’ Wars in Europe (1337-1453) during which over 3,300,000 people died as well as the 30 Years’ Wars which left a terrible toll of over 8,000,000 lives, all remain recounted painfully in world history. Indeed, of more particular note, to us are the English Civil Wars (1642-1651) between Parliament and Monarchy over the style of governance, limits of power and religious freedom. Of similar interest is the American Revolution (1775-1783), the French Revolution (1787-1799) and the American civil war (1861-1865), in which about 620,000 soldiers died.
In more contemporary times, werebthe atrociously bloody experiences in the Balkans and all around u. Closer home, we have all been witnesses to the civil wars in Congo, the Great Lakes region, Sudan, Ethiopia, Niger, Chad, Central African Republic, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea Bissau, Mali, etc.
I have gone into such details to underscore the fact that civil wars of different dimensions and scopes have sadly been part of human history. Furthermore, such wars have not been limited to any particular part of the world. But unfortunately, have been part and parcel of human history and touched most realms. It is of particular note, that despite all these internal upheavals, most of the countries that experienced them are today, quite peaceful and counted today as some of the most stable democracies. The question therefore, is how did they do it?
THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR
As I stated earlier, none is in a position to give better account of the Nigerian Biafra War than President Olusegun Obasanjo. Also, other speakers have in a rather rich manner, collectively added to give the background to the series of events that led to the war. It may therefore, be needless for me to dwell on the details of what happened but rather focus on the lessons we have learnt. It would however, suffice to lament, that the staggering 2,000,000 lives or more of civilians particularly from Biafra and about 100,000 soldiers who died in that war from 1967-1966, could have been averted if our political leaders at the time had decided to learn from history of similar occurrences from around the world. Besides, if our leaders had bothered to show more restrain and enquired on why some countries have never experienced civil wars but maintained relative peace around them, conflicts could be staved off.
Unfortunately as once said by the English philosopher and writer Aldoux Huxley “men do not learn very much from the lessons of history is the most important from all the lessons of history”. So I am afraid that we seem not to have learnt much, but let’s keep talking and talking. More than that, let’s keep thinking about the way forward, ponder on new solutions and regurgitate on new ideas.
This approach is also in tune with my area of academic interest which has focused more on State Formation and National Integration. In other words, what keeps nations together, what could make them to disintegrate, and what could make them survive the complex vagaries that comes with the process of staying together. My thoughts I must mention, humbly, are contained in two of my award winning books: Perspectives on Nation-State Formation in Contemporary Africa and Global Trends in State Formation.
So, 51 years since the Nigerian Civil Car ended, what lessons have we learnt. Also, what anecdotes can we put in place to avoid any such reoccurrences in the future. With respect to such reoccurrences, I also mean the series of political interruptions by way of endless military coups which we experienced in Nigeria for 38 years and the rather slow process of national integration after over 100 years of amalgamation and 60 years of statehood. This also includes the continued reign of political intolerance as well as the parlous state of social and economic development in the midst of relative wealth and not excluding the rising tide of internal divisions, suspicions and disharmony.
Having said that, and with the limitation of time, let us ponder on a few areas that I believe will help us as a country in the years ahead. I must confess however, that these prescriptions are rather annotated.
ON THE WAY FORWARD
a) ELITE CONSENSUS
The underling factor of keeping nations at peace and avoiding bloodshed is for the elite to have very positive disposition towards staying together as one. This is a sine-qua-non for peaceful co-existence and harmony in all political communities, irrespective of size and extent of complexity. As we know, almost all nations of the world are multi ethnic, diverse and heterogeneous. Even in places such as Somalia, North Korea and South Korea which are often cited as relatively homogeneous societies, there are internal expressions of sub-identity of various forms. As a matter of fact, nations are like the human alimentary canal which keeps changing in demographic form and character, and defined by what goes in and comes out overtime.
It is therefore incumbent on those on whom leadership has been entrusted to continuously work on how to make the union to work. As a matter of fact, the history of political philosophy in all traditional societies was more focused on consensus. This is what still obtains in our traditional societies here in Africa and Nigeria in particular. It was why some of the founding fathers of African nationalism such as Julius Nyerere, the first President of Tanzania, opposed the imposition of Westminster type sharp divisions in governance. That is, the idea of having a Seating Government and a Shadow Government, both on each other’s throat. Nyerere argued and rightly so, that in his own traditional world view, like most of Africa, the concept of an opposition leader was an anathema and was almost equivalent to enmity. Nyerere insisted therefore on continuous dialogue and consultation within any political space until consensus is arrived.
If we cast our minds back to the origins of the Nigerian state itself, Lord Fredrick Luggard, our first Governor General appreciated the fact of our diversity and so did all his colonial successors who were ceased with administration of Nigeria. On the Nigerian side, our founding fathers all recognized that varying differences existed amongst our people. Yet they all agreed to live together, work together towards independence and the building of a nation. Such elite consensus is therefore paramount and absolute, if we do not want to go back to the ugly civil war years.
b) THE RULE OF LAW
Great nations are also founded on the existence of laws which exist and create an atmosphere of fairness, equity and justice. Wars, dissensions and disaffections have always occurred when a state of inequity and multiple standards exists. That is, where some groups feel aggrieved and get treated with disregard, there is bound to be conflict. The law must make all to feel same sense of belonging and inclusion. The law must protect all and not promote superiority and inferiority classes, either expressly or in opaque terms. The law must continuously integrate all and not have lacunas which could be the basis for disharmony.
The guiding mantra to avoid conflict should be, “what is good for the goose must be good for the gander”. That is why we cannot brush aside the clamor by the Ibos to be allowed or rather encouraged to aspire for the office of the President of Nigeria. Why not? Or the quest by the people of the Niger Delta for greater control of their resources in line with the spirit, letter and original tenets entrenched in the 1960/63 Constitutions and or demand for better protection of their environment much damaged by oil production. The law must protect their environment from pollution and similar situations around the country, without discrimination. The law must rule and protect all.
c) BUILDING HOMEBRED DEMOCRACY
While democracy has been identified as the best form of government, it is important to mention that there’s no fit for all form of the concept. Yes, it has irreducible standards for all nations to adopt. However, democracy must be endogenous and homebred. Democracy only thrives and becomes an enabler of peace and balanced growth, if it is tailored to the realities of the specific political ecology.
That is why the 26 cantons of Switzerland, the peculiarities of American Republicanism and Exceptionalism, French Hybrid Republicanism, the German, Israeli and Italian models are all unique. So is the post Soviet, Russian model of political order, the Indian federation of 28 states and 8 Union Territories, the Constitutional Monarchies of Europe, Middle East, Japan, Thailand, and elsewhere. All these have their peculiarities.
Nigerian does not need to shop around the world for an idyllic form of democracy. The tendency of continuously borrowing from norms of other nations breeds the enabling environment for conflicts. The political elite must look at our peculiar situation, antecedents and geo-strategic circumstances and craft our paradigms for state buildings. Such indigenous prototype will be fit for staving off possible potent internal conflicts and even civil war as occurred for the bloody 30 months.
d) THE IMPERATIVE OF RIGHT COMMUNICATION TEMPLATE
One of the most destabilizing factors in any human community, state or nation is the inability of leaders to communicate appropriately in a direction that will build common good. This has been worsened by the wrong use and application of diverse modern communication channels, especially social media. Hence what has become popularized as “hate speech” is now most potent weapon for conflict and wars, especially internal. On the contrary, effective national building can best strive when leaders and critical political actors communicate in a manner that conjures feelings of common and shared destiny amongst the various peoples. The civil wars in Rwanda, former Yugoslavia and several still festering conflicts around the world, have their origin and sustenance from what one may call evil communications from leaders. Such negative forms of communication, deliberately on unwittingly spurn hate, mutual suspicion and incitement to violence and anarchy.
These must be avoided and discouraged as of common cause by all. On the contrary, the leaders of various groups in the country must come up with a template of what is acceptable forms of communication and have very strict sanctions for infringement. This is the best panacea to avoiding what happened in 1966 and through to 1970 and has remained as an albatross in Nigerian’s unique situation in the past 51 years.
e) ON FOOD SECURITY AND SOCIOECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
For us to avoid the tendency of recline to anarchy, conflict and even war, there is a need for us to ensure that the country is able to feed itself. Food is one of man’s basic needs and therefore closely tied to the question of security and peace. As a matter of fact, food availability, access to food and the prevention of hunger and malnutrition could in a major way douse political tensions where they exist.
We must, as a country, therefore, focus on agriculture, production of food for our people, and have functional food support and school feeding programmess. All those in need of food must be catered for and have access to proper nutrition without difficulty.
Food availability will engender economic growth, social wellbeing and in a general sense reduce poverty. If we must live in peace and avoid the kinds of situation that created the war in 1967, we must apply copious financial resources, technology and deploy our active population to produce food. The 80,000,000 acres of arable land which the country has must be utilized fully. We have to apply irrigation and drainage, fertilizers, genetic engineering, land preparation and reclamation, tractorisation, green house technologies and the like to feed our people and thereby seriously eliminate the propensity to conflict and anarchy. Besides this will mop-up the army of unemployed youth and improve house hold savings and wealth creation.
As long as majority of Nigerians go to bed hungry every day, the propensity for a return to what caused the civil war and has easily tended to create an atmosphere of social tension will be there. The saying that “a hungry man is an angry man” holds quite true and must been avoided.
f) IMBIBING PEER REVIEW AND CROSS MENTORSHIP AMONGST LEADERS
The whole concept of Peer Review is the openness of allowing persons with similar background and competencies to provide some level of censorship to what is being done by one another. This, to some extent, is a form of self-regulation, so a person with such abilities in a particular field, is able at all given times to cross regulate one another. This is to ensure that certain globally accepted standards in civility, political decency and governance are maintained.
In other words we must develop a national frame-work where our political elite are able to have a mechanism of checking and extracting the best of standards of good conduct and public decorum from one another. This must be at all levels, both at the federal and subnational levels (that is the 36 states and 774 Local Government) areas.
This is unlike the present situation where there are no ingrained norms for evaluating equal standards among political actors around the country. So the present situation of governance and leadership in the country appears as a situation of anomie and a free for all.
When the leaders of the African continent formed the African Union in 1999, they shortly came up with a template called the African Peer Review Mechanism. One author defined this as “a mutually agreed instrument voluntarily acceded to by member’s state of the African union (AU) as a self-monitoring mechanism”. Since this process was started in 2003, it has become a major instrument “to encourage conformity with regards to political, economic and corporate governance value, costs and standards among African countries”.
At national level, our process of integration into one, in the midst of much diversity and creating of a feeling of common belonging by our people and at the same time putting us the sad years of civil will be greatly enhanced if we can have such a regime in place. This is due to the fact, that good governance cultivates an atmosphere forl peace.
g) THE COLLECTIVE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION
The Global Corruption Perception Index shows that the most peaceful countries are those where their citizens enjoy the best standard of living, which is a function of where corruption is least endemic. As a former Nigerian Ambassador to the Scandinavia that is Sweden, Denmark, Norway and Finland, I can attest that political peace is intrinsically connected with the question of good government and transparency.
One of the bane of underdevelopment in Africa is the unmitigated reign of corruption. It continues to ravage the continent leaving behind a trail of despair, frustration and underdevelopment. According to globally leading sector ombudsman, Transparency International, Africa is the world’s second fastest growing region, yet a majority of its population live in extreme poverty, due mainly to corruption and bad management.
Studies have shown, that annually, African countries loose about 50 billion dollars to illicit financial flows of which Nigeria is at the vortex. As a matter of fact, a study by Price, Water, and Cooper (Pwc) shows that corruption could become as much as 37% of African GDP in 2030.
It is woeful that at present, Nigeria is 146 out of 180 most corrupt countries in the world. Indeed Nigeria is considered by sector experts as the most corrupt country in Africa with a major impact on its youthful population which is the 3rd largest in the worth after India and China. More than half of the population is still below the age of 18 years of age.
The high incidence of corruption, despite current policy pronouncements to tackle it affect the country in several ways including increasing the cost of doing business, and also depreciate sustainable growth, social well-being. Corruption has continued to create a cycle of frustration, anger and tension in the country as ordinary citizens are directly impacted.
Arising from the above, is the need for a genuine national consensus in Nigeria devoid of politics, devoid of partisanship and devoid of ethinicism or religion to fight corruption. We must, from our hearts and actions say “never again” to corruption as a key panacea to avoid what has happened 51years since after the civil war.
h) THE QUESTION OF BUILDING INSTITUTIONS
We were all witnesses to the recent events in the United States where it was once thought was the bastion of unshakeable democracy . The recent assault on the American Capitol on 6th January 2021 was therefore, a major dent on 245 years of relative political stability, founded on the existence of institutions of the states. These include Political Parties, the Legislature, the Presidency, the Judiciary, the Bureaucracy, the Military, Academia, media civil society and so on.
These institutions are the building blocks for the purpose of political and social order. They also create the standards, values and norms for government departments, other actors and individuals. In other words there institutions are the bedrock for proper administration and are the enabler’s of social harmony and protection of the rule of law and the common good of the society.
As we have seen since after those events, the secret of peace and order in the more developed democracies is the fact that such institutions have been allowed to evolve and develop over time. They have become the foundation to regulate various systems and form the basis for normative, cultural, psychological and other critical behavioral attitudes of the individuals and in by aggregation, the society.
So, despite the terrorist like assault on the American political set up, we noticed that various institutions were able to rise up to bring order within the shortest time.
If we are to build a Nigerian nation that will not take us back to the period of the civil war, institutions of governance in the country must be allowed to grow and stand. They may make mistakes and flounder at these initial stages of state building, but we must allow them to grow. The Nigerian elite must be willing and see the good to allow the various institutions to develop on their own and become the foundational structures towards a stable society. So even where situations occur like the civil war and its after-math, these institutions will, timeously, combine to ensure that peace and harmony are restored.
CONCLUSION
Fifty-one years is well into adulthood in the life of any individual, political or social institution. However for a nation, this may appear, rather, at a stage in infancy. This not-with-standing, it is enough time for Nigerian leaders to learn from the mistakes of other countries and from our experiences so far. Nations great and small are not normally built by angels or supernatural beings. Nations are built by individuals with the commitments to live together. Nigeria’s founding fathers, despite what many call Lord Luggard’s “forced union”, showed that instinct, appetite and determination to live together and build a new nation. As they negotiated for independence through the various constitutional processes, they could have insisted on going their separate ways. Rather, they did not do so, but decided to stay as one. As may recall, at the eve of independence in 1948, that is 22 years before 1960, India and Pakistan decided to part ways and the British facilitated that process for them. This has happened in several other cases.
However, Nigeria’s founding fathers father saw good reason to remain as one. Accordingly, from the 1914 Luggard Constitution to the 1922 Hugh Clifford Constitution, onto the 1946 Arthur Richards’s Constitution, to Ibadan Conference of 1951, which led to the John Macpherson Constitution 1951 and eventually the Lyttleton Constitution 1954, those who birthed the nation, remained resolute on staying together. They tolerated each other and they made spirited effort to understand each other and the differences between them. They decided to adopt the spirit of give and take and it was that character that finally led to the adoption of the 1960 Constitution and also the 1963 Constitution.
Sadly, the present constitutional order, a product of several years of military rule, with participa bytion of picked civilians, has deviated fundamentally from what the founding fathers negotiated studiously and agreed. Even more grievous and particularly perturbing is the fact that dispassionate efforts to bring back that warmness and mutual tolerance which prevailed at the time of our fathers are not only been resisted but censured by some with vehemence.
If we must avoid what happened in 1966 and between 1967 and 1970, the spirit of give and take must return to our body politics. The feelings of other parts of the country must be understood respected and taken into consideration and not regarded as irrelevant.
Agreed, that a strict return to 1960/63 Constitutions would be rather difficult. However, the calls for rigorous constitutional amendment or restructuring must be given needed attention and not dismissed as undeserving of consideration. After all, even the more advanced countries have gone through major constitutional reviews which include the United States – 27 amendments since 1787, France -24 amendments since 1958, India -104 amendments since 1950 and so on. This could happen in those countries due to the fact that their political elite have realized over the years, that State Building is not an end by itself but is a continuously refining process to accommodate all interest. The truth is that understanding the fears, pains and peculiarities of one another is a fundamental panacea for living together.
Once more, I thank you for inviting me to be part of this process and I hope, that we will learn from history and the pessimism, negativism and naysaying around us would be put behind us.
Thank you.
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Opinion
A Vindicating Truth: A Factual Presentation on the Supreme Court’s Intervention in the ADC Leadership Matter
Published
5 days agoon
May 4, 2026By
Eric
By Comrade IG Wala
To All Nigerians, Party Stakeholders, and Lovers of Democracy,
In the life of every great political movement, there comes a moment where the noise of confusion meets the silence of the Law. For the African Democratic Congress (ADC), that moment arrived on April 30, 2026.
For months, the ADC was held in a state of judicial paralysis caused by a lower court order that froze the party’s activities. This order did not just affect a few leaders, it threatened to delete the ADC from the Nigerian political map and disenfranchise millions of supporters ahead of the 2027 General Elections.
Today, we present the facts of the Supreme Court’s intervention to ensure that every Nigerian, from the city centers to the grassroots, understands that Justice has spoken, and the ADC is alive.
The Three Pillars of the Supreme Court’s Ruling:
1. The End of Paralysis (The Status Quo Order)!
The Supreme Court, led by Justice Mohammed Garba, was clear and firm: the Court of Appeal’s order to maintain a “status quo” was improper and unwarranted. The apex court recognized that you cannot freeze a political party indefinitely without a trial. By setting this aside, the Supreme Court rescued the ADC from a leadership vacuum that was being used to justify de-recognition by INEC.
2. The Restoration of Administrative Legitimacy.
By nullifying the appellate court’s freeze, the Supreme Court effectively restored the David Mark-led National Working Committee to its rightful place. This means that for all official, administrative, and electoral purposes, the ADC now has a recognized head. The party is no longer a ship without a captain; the doors of the headquarters are open, and the party’s name remains firmly on the ballot.
3. The Order for a Fresh Trial on Merits.
True to the principles of fair hearing, the Supreme Court did not simply gift the party to one side. Instead, it ordered the case back to the Federal High Court for an accelerated hearing. This is a victory for the Truth. It means the court is not interested in technicalities or stopping the clock, it wants to see the evidence, read the Party Constitution, and deliver a final judgment based on the Right vs. Wrong.
Note: I will drop the 7 prayers made to Supreme Court by ADC in the comment section.
A Message to Our Members and Supporters.
To our members who have felt a sense of fear, apprehension, or a lack of confidence in the Nigerian courts, let your hearts be at peace.
It is a delusion to believe that gross injustice can simply walk through the doors of our highest courts unnoticed. This matter is currently one of the most publicized and people-centric cases in Nigeria. In such a bright spotlight, the Judiciary acts not just as a judge, but as a shield for the common man.
The Law is not a tool for the crafty, it is a searchlight for the Truth.
Inasmuch as they say the Law is blind, it sees with perfect clarity the difference between a lie and the truth, between right and wrong. The Supreme Court’s refusal to let the ADC be strangled by procedural delays is proof that the system works for those who stand on the side of justice.
Our confidence is not in personalities, but in the Process. We are returning to the Federal High Court not with fear, but with the armor of Truth.
The Handshake remains strong, the vision is clear, and our participation in the 2027 elections is now legally anchored.
Stand tall. The ADC has been tested by the fire of the courts, and we have emerged not just intact, but vindicated.
Signed,
Comrade, IG Wala.
02/04/26. — with Shareef Kamba and 14 others.
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Opinion
The Police is Your Friend and Other Lies We No Longer Believe
Published
5 days agoon
May 4, 2026By
Eric
By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)
There was a time in Nigeria when the phrase The Police is Your Friend was not a national joke. It was a civic assurance, a symbolic handshake between the state and its citizens. It represented the ideal of a civil security architecture built on trust, service, and protection. Today, that once reassuring slogan has decayed into a bitter irony. It no longer evokes safety; it provokes fear. It no longer signals partnership; it signals danger. What should have been the soul of Nigerian civil state relations has become a cruel parody of our lived experience at checkpoints, stations, and on the streets.
The Nigerian security apparatus has undergone a transformation so profound that it now resembles a predatory machine rather than a protective institution. The sight of a police patrol vehicle, which should ordinarily bring comfort, now triggers anxiety. Citizens instinctively brace themselves, not for assistance, but for extortion, harassment, or violence. We are not merely witnessing isolated incidents of misconduct. We are watching a pattern of state enabled brutality unfold in real time, a pattern so consistent that it feels like a televised execution of the social contract. In this grim theatre, the Nigerian state often appears not as the protector but as the principal aggressor.
On Sunday, April 26th 2026, the quiet air of Effurun in Delta State was shattered by the crack of a service pistol. What should have been an ordinary Sunday afternoon became the final chapter in the life of twenty-eight year old Mene Ogidi. A viral video, barely two minutes long, captured the horrifying scene. Ogidi sat on the dusty ground, his hands tied behind him with a rope. He was unarmed, exhausted, and pleading in his mother tongue for a chance to explain himself. Standing over him was a man in plain clothes, a man sworn to protect the very life he was about to extinguish. Assistant Superintendent of Police Nuhu Usman raised his pistol and fired two shots at close range into the body of a restrained, helpless citizen.
This was not a confrontation. It was not a crossfire. It was not a struggle for a weapon. It was an execution. A daylight assassination carried out by a state paid officer who felt so insulated by impunity that he performed his violence in front of a digital audience. The collective outrage that followed was not simply about one death. It was the eruption of a nation that has watched this script repeat itself far too many times.
Barely days later, in Dei-Dei Abuja, another life was cut short. A National Youth Service Corps member was shot inside his father’s compound. Authorities described it as a mistake during a crossfire, but the silence that followed spoke louder than any official explanation. These tragedies are not anomalies. They are symptoms of a deep institutional rot, a rot that has turned the badge into a license for violence rather than a symbol of service.
Extrajudicial killings in Nigeria represent a direct assault on the fundamental right to life and the presumption of innocence. When a law enforcement officer assumes the roles of accuser, judge, and executioner, the very foundation of the state begins to crumble. In the case of Mene Ogidi, the Delta State Police Command admitted that the officer acted in gross violation of Force Order 237, the regulation governing the use of firearms. This admission is significant because it reveals that the problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the collapse of discipline, the erosion of accountability, and the entrenchment of a culture of impunity.
Between 2020 and 2025, Nigerian security agencies were implicated in nearly six hundred violent incidents against civilians, resulting in more than eight hundred deaths. The Nigeria Police Force accounted for over half of these fatalities. These numbers paint a disturbing picture. The institutions funded by taxpayers to provide security have become one of the greatest threats to their safety.
The psychology behind this brutality is rooted in the absence of consequences. When officers believe that nothing will happen after they pull the trigger, the threshold for using lethal force drops to zero. In the Effurun case, reports suggest that the suspect was even transported to a station after the initial shooting, only to be shot again. This level of cruelty reflects a complete dehumanization of the citizenry. The victim is no longer seen as a person with rights. He becomes a disposable suspect. This mindset is a legacy of the defunct SARS unit, whose methods and mentality continue to shape policing culture. Rebranding SARS into SWAT or the Rapid Response Squad means nothing if the same men, trained in the same violent ethos, continue to operate with the same predatory instincts.
The Nigerian police system has evolved from a flawed institution into what many citizens now describe as a state sponsored cartel. The Zero Tolerance mantra often repeated by the Inspector General of Police, Olatunji Disu, has become a public relations slogan that evaporates at every checkpoint. The immediate dismissal and recommended prosecution of ASP Usman and his team may satisfy the public’s immediate hunger for justice, but it does not address the deeper institutional vacuum that allowed an officer to believe he could execute a restrained suspect without consequence. If accountability only occurs when a video goes viral, then we are not being policed. We are being hunted by a uniformed gang that is occasionally caught on camera.
This raises critical questions. Where were the superior officers? Where was the Area Commander while this culture of execution was taking root? Command responsibility in Nigeria remains a myth. Until a Commissioner of Police is removed for the actions of their subordinates, there will be no internal incentive to reform. The decay is structural. We are recruiting frustrated individuals, training them in aggression rather than professionalism, and unleashing them on a population they are conditioned to view with suspicion and contempt.
The mistake narrative used in the Abuja NYSC shooting reflects this tactical incompetence. A professional force does not mistake a youth corper in his bedroom for a combatant. Nigerians are effectively subsidising their own endangerment, paying for the bullets that cut down their brightest young citizens. A nation cannot survive this level of uniformed recklessness. The state has lost its monopoly on violence to its own agents. When police officers fear the citizen’s camera more than they respect the citizen’s life, the system has failed.
Five years after the historic 2020 End SARS protests, the systemic reforms promised by government remain largely unfulfilled. Only a handful of states have implemented the recommendations of the judicial panels or compensated victims. The National Human Rights Commission reported in July 2025 that it had received over three hundred thousand complaints of abuses. This staggering figure reflects the scale of the crisis. While the current Inspector General has introduced new regulations to align the Police Act of 2020 with operational realities, the gap between a gazetted document in Abuja and a patrol team in Delta remains vast.
The solution to this bloodletting must be radical and structural. First, police oversight must be decentralised. Relying on Force Headquarters in Abuja to discipline an officer in a remote community is inefficient and ineffective. Each state should have an independent, citizen led oversight board with the authority to recommend immediate suspension and prosecution without interference from the police hierarchy.
Second, Force Order 237 must be overhauled to strictly limit the use of firearms to situations where there is an immediate and verifiable threat to life. Under no circumstances should a restrained or surrendering suspect be shot.
Third, Nigeria must address the mental health and welfare of police officers. Men who live in dilapidated barracks, earn inadequate wages, and operate under constant stress are more likely to lash out at the public. However, poverty cannot be an excuse for murder. Welfare reform must go hand in hand with strict accountability.
Finally, justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. The trial of ASP Usman and others like him should be public, transparent, and swift. It must serve as a deterrent that resonates in every police station across the country. The era of secret disciplinary rooms must end. Nigeria must invest in technology driven policing, not only in weapons but in body cameras and digital accountability systems. When officers know they are being recorded, hesitation replaces recklessness.
A NATIONAL CALL TO ACTION
The era of Orderly Room secrecy must end. Nigeria must decentralise police disciplinary trials, moving them from closed sessions in Abuja to open, civilian led inquiries in the states where the abuses occur. A National Firearms Audit is urgently needed. Every officer must account for every round issued, and any missing ammunition should trigger automatic suspension for the entire chain of command.
The National Assembly must fast track the Victims of Police Brutality Trust Fund, ensuring that compensation becomes a legal right funded directly from the budgets of offending commands. Nigeria must stop being a nation of post script outrage. Command responsibility must become law. If an officer under a Commissioner’s watch executes a handcuffed suspect, that Commissioner must lose their job alongside the shooter.
The blood of Mene Ogidi and the NYSC member in Dei Dei is a stain on our national conscience. It is a reminder that as long as one Nigerian can be tied up and shot without trial, no Nigerian is truly safe. Silence is no longer an option. Waiting for the next viral video is no longer acceptable. The time to demand change is now.
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Opinion
Kwankwaso-Obi Anti-Coalition Alliance and the Perception of the North
Published
5 days agoon
May 3, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
Let’s not sugarcoat it, what is unfolding is not just political maneuvering for 2027, but a carefully calculated roadmap to 2031. Anyone who believes Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is acting out of patriotism or prioritizing Nigeria above his personal ambition is simply ignoring the pattern before us. His willingness to deputise Peter Obi is not born out of ideological alignment or national interest, it appears to be a strategic move aimed at one target weakening Atiku Abubakar and ensuring he does not emerge as president in 2027.
Kwankwaso’s real calculation seems anchored in 2031. He understands that as long as Atiku remains active and contesting, his own presidential ambition struggles to gain traction, especially in the North where Atiku’s influence remains deeply rooted. By positioning himself in a way that could undermine Atiku now, he potentially clears the path for himself later, when he can conveniently lean on the “it is the turn of the North” narrative with stronger moral leverage. This is not about helping Obi win, it is about ensuring Atiku is completely removed from the equation.
It is also important to state plainly that Kwankwaso is fully aware of his electoral limitations in this arrangement. He knows he cannot significantly attract Northern votes for Obi beyond a few pockets, even within Kano State. And even there, the good people of Kano are far more politically aware and discerning than to be swayed purely by sentiment. This makes the entire proposition even more questionable, if the electoral value is limited, then the intention behind the alliance becomes even clearer. It suggests that even if he joins an Obi ticket, it is not driven by a genuine commitment to Obi, the Igbo, the South-East or Nigeria but by a broader personal calculation.
Northerners must understand that this is a long game, and every move appears deliberately designed. Kwankwaso seems cautious not to overtly confirm growing suspicions that he is working, directly or indirectly, to the advantage of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Yet, many are beginning to connect the dots. The belief that there is an underlying alignment is gaining ground, especially when actions repeatedly result in one outcome, a divided North that weakens its collective electoral strength, a repeatation of 2023 in a different style. The alignment of Kwankwaso’s political godson and the governor of Kano Abba Kabir Yusuf with Tinubu only fuels this perception, suggesting a dual-front approach: one operating directly and visibly, the other indirectly and subtly.
This is not the first time such a pattern is being observed. Many Northerners still recall similar dynamics from 2023, and recent developments have only intensified the conversation. In fact, within just the last 24 hours, the level of criticism and open dissatisfaction directed at Kwankwaso across Northern Nigeria has been unprecedented. What was once dismissed as mere suspicion of a quiet alliance is now, in the eyes of many, being confirmed by actions seen as disruptive to any meaningful coalition.
For Kwankwaso, this moment carries significant weight. The long-circulating “sellout” label, which many had hesitated to firmly attach, now appears to be finding a resting place in public discourse. Should he once again position himself outside a collective Northern arrangement, that perception may become permanently entrenched.
The implications for the North are serious. Voting Obi because of Kwankwaso, which is unlikely, could fracture an already consolidated political base, reduce its bargaining power, and ultimately produce outcomes that do not reflect its true strength. The North has never historically rejected a dominant figure like Atiku in favor of a subordinate position, nor has it embraced a configuration where its most established candidate is sidelined. The idea that the region would choose Kwankwaso as a deputy while overlooking Atiku as a president is not just improbable, it runs contrary to established Northern political behavior.
What is at stake goes beyond individual ambition. The North is fully conscious of the stakes and increasingly resolute in its direction. There is a growing determination to stand firmly behind its own Atiku Abubakar, to protect its collective political strength, and to resist any arrangement that appears designed to divide it. The signals are clear, the North has decided, and it will not fall into what many perceive as calculated traps, whether from Kwankwaso or from forces seen as working against its cohesion and democratic leverage….
Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com
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