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The Apalara Murder Mystery: Alfa Bisiriyu Apalara (1918 -1953)

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By Hon Femi Kehinde

Murder is as old as mankind. Cain, because of a jealous rage, killed his brother Abel, according to the book of Genesis in the Bible. In exact similitude, Qabil and Habil, believed by Moslems, to have been the first two sons of Adam and Eve, just like Cain and Abel in the Bible, also suffered the same fate.

Adam asked both of them to present a sacrifice to Allah. Allah accepted Habil’s sacrifice and rejected Qabil’s, so he envied Habil and in a jealous rage too, killed him.

In criminal jurisprudence, it was almost a hard nut to crack, to sustain a murder conviction, without the discovery of the murdered person’s corpse- “Corpus delicti”.

In Apalara’s murder case, eleven accused persons were convicted and sentenced to death, for the murder of Alfa Bisiriyu Apalara, on the 3rd of January, 1953 at the Oko Baba area of Ebute-Metta, Lagos.
Alfa Bisiriyu Apalara, was born in Itoko, a town in the outskirts of Abeokuta. He had Quaranic studies and elementary education, before he went to Lagos to work as a carpenter.

In Lagos, Bisiriyu lived in Mushin – a settlement that was then known, as the home of street urchins and miscreants. In Mushin, Apalara lived a rough life and was involved in several negative aspects of a street life. In 1945, Apalara was imprisoned on the charges of theft. By 1950, like the conversation or the transformation of Saul to Paul, on the way to Damascus, in the Bible, Apalara had gone through a transformation.
He started praying regularly and fasting. He bade farewell to his past and also divorced his wife, so as to remove anything relating to the negative aspects of his past in Mushin.

In 1950, Apalara launched an Islamic crusade. The crusade was usually held in Ebute Metta or Mushin, usually at a street, or an intersection of two or three streets. Apalara became an articulate preacher and had a large followerships, majority of which were women. His preaching focused on condemning idolatry worships, lukewarm practice of Islamic Religion and vehemence against traditional cults, most especially, Agemo, Awo Opa, Egungun and Oro cults.

He became very noticeable and popular, and earned respect from the Muslim community, and was turbaned as the foremost preacher of a mosque in the Lagos Mainland. He was vicious in his preaching. In 1951, Apalara started having conflicts with the local cults and masquerades in Mushin.

During one of Apalara’s open air sermons, a cult and its masquerades, on its way to perform traditional rites, attempted to pass through one of its crusades, but they were blocked by Apalara’s congregation, at the insistence of Apalara. The standoff lasted a few minutes, and the cults and the Masquerades’ re-treated.

In 1952, a similar situation occurred which led to the exchange of blows and fisticcups, between a masquerade group and Apalara’s supporters.

Henceforth, he received constant threats to his life. Bisiriyu knew the secrets of the secret cults and according to him, “the emptiness of its faith”. Converts are usually hardened people.

On the evening of January 3rd, 1953, Alfa Bisiriyu Apalara, preached for the last time in his life, against the secret cults that he had hated, so passionately and later that night, he was murdered with an axe and died at the age of 35 years, at the peak of his life.

For that murder, 11 men were hanged on May 26, 1954. In the past, Apalara had frequently been warned. The Oro adherents believed that Apalara had exposed them and ridiculed their beliefs.
He had been frequently warned of the perils of denouncing and mocking their secret organization, so he had to pay the price for his determination, to speak his mind.

Shortly after his preaching on January 3rd 1953, some men, ambushed the Islamic preacher at Tapa Street in Ebute-Metta and attacked him with cutlasses. They left him to die and thereafter, dumped his body into the Lagoon.
During the trial, a prosecution witness said the murderers, put his body in a canoe and took his body to an unknown destination across the Lagoon. It was also generally believed that his body was put in a canoe, that evening and was thrown overboard with a stone tied to his neck, some few kilometers away from Tapa Street, Ebute-Metta, Lagos.

Detective Sergeant John Aboderin, who was investigating the case, came up with some interesting facts.

One night, while he was sleeping, he heard a tapping on the window. Then came a secret society password: whoever it was, the man outside was one of the brotherhood. The unknown midnight police informant, still remained a mystery. It was West Africa’s most sensational murder trial of it’s time.
“I know something you want- something you’re looking for” came from the other side of the window. The Detective Sergeant threw aside the blankets, swung his legs off the bed. “Don’t come to the window or put on the light. If you do, I shall disappear.”

From his bedside, the detective took his note book and pencil. “All right, talk on” he whispered back- “I know that who killed Apalara” said the voice and made the detective swear by heaven and earth, he would in no way disclose how he had received his information.

The man mentioned fifteen names and disclosed the name and address of one important person, who was not connected to the murder, but knew everyone in it.

He then related how Apalara had been killed with a machete at Number 8, Tapa Ebutte Metta, carried to the Lagoon, foreshore and dumped in a canoe.

The Detective Sergeant said: “one secret password spoken by the night visitor, not only revealed to me that this man was a member of the secret Awo-Opa Cult- to which I also belong- but convinced me that he knew what he was talking about.”
“To this day, I do not know who he was or why he risked his life to tell me these things- He has never returned for thanks or reward,” according to the Detective Sergeant.

From there, Detective Sergeant Aboderin went to Number 8, Tapa street and made a thorough examination of the area. His conviction of the night callers, honestly was confirmed when he discovered blood stains.

“I followed the trail of blood which led me to the foreshore. There I found quite a pool of blood and what last bit of doubt I had, that I was on the right trail disappeared; but it was the fact that the gruesome incident had arisen from an open conflict with a secret society- the ancient Oro cult- which raised a storm, which was to make this the most sensational crime in the annals of Nigerian criminology – and which posed a problem for Detective Sergeant Aboderin for he was an unabashed member of the cult.

“As a police officer, would I betray the police to the cult? I have no such dilemma. There never has been any conflicts between the true ideals of the cults and the mission of the police and that is why I was able to maintain my membership of both.”

As the court later found, Apalara’s murder, resulted from a conflict with the Oro cult. But it was only a wing of it. The Muslim preacher was treading dangerously on the toes of a section of the members of the ancient cult. He threatened their exposure, for they were prostituting the powers of the cult, frightening people from the streets, whenever they wanted to carry out their smuggling or burglary expeditions. And the late Alfa Apalara knew it. He was a dangerous firebrand and had to be expiated at all costs. The Awo Opa cults of the Yorubas, is a very ancient society, known amongst devotees, as Ijinla Olokun and to the outside world as Awo Opa.

“what is not generally known to the public is that even within the Oro society itself, there are cabinets and inner cabinets of oaths. The innermost cabinets operates in complete secrecy from the inner one and so on” Aboderin said.

“It is often quite easy for new rotten branches to stem from the main trunk. And it can be appreciated that even within that section there are many members who are not party to, if cognizant of, the corrupt and often criminal practices of the inner circle. I was able to convince the cults that I was out to help them break the crime ring and to clear the good name of the cults.

“This is how the notorious wing of the Okobaba men operated that night. Apalara had no chance of escape as all routes – four of them – had been securely barred by the gangsters. They wore loin clothes and were otherwise stark naked, to make escape easy and leave no blood stains.

“At the given Oro signal, they threw off their covering clothes and approached the scene of the murder stark naked. Even juveniles were employed in collecting the cover clothes, and in minor roles near the scene of the crime. Thus the gangsters were able to make a clean getaway, leaving as they believed, no clues behind them. The canoe-men who had been hired for the operation then refuses to carry the dead body- it would leave stains on the bottom of their canoe. In the delay, the blood from the hideous cuts left me one of my most valuable clues on the foreshore.

“Another factor that aroused so much interest during the trial, was speculation as to why the body of Apalara was never found. The jury themselves attached great significance to a well-known maxim specifically attached to the Oro cult from time immemorial. That is- “a ki ri ajeku Oro”, literally meaning, “no one is ever expected to see the leftover of the Oro,” the detective sergeant went on.

“This tradition arose a long time ago, when a certain rich man, not a member, desired to be taken to the meeting place of the Oro men- usually deep in the forest and secluded from prying eyes. He sought to know their secret.

“He was escorted there, but has never been seen since. And it has been the tradition of the Oro people never to leave any traces of food or anything behind at their meeting spot.

“In keeping with this tradition, the body of the late Apalara was cut up into little pieces and thrown piece by piece into the lagoon from a moving canoe.

“But remember, it was to true, honest members of the various cults that I owed almost all the clues, which ultimately brought eleven men to a just death.”
The incidence that occurred on the evening of January 3rd, 1953 on Tapa Street, Ebute-Metta Lagos, led to the arrest of several persons linked to the crime and they were charged with Apalara’s murder.

The first accused person, was Joseph Ogundipe. There were also other accused persons, including two Oteka brothers, who were tried by Justice De Comarmond and a Jury at the Lagos High Court, who found them guilty of killing the deceased. It was a case rooted in circumstantial evidence. The trial judge in his summing up, with the evidence of the victim’s death said:

“His belongings were found in his house and he has never been seen again and we have got the evidence of the blood (which was human) which was found leading from that place, Tapa Street to the foreshore. The hearing of the case took approximately five weeks at the end of which the jury delivered their unanimous verdict of guilty against each of the accused persons. They were thus condemned to death, for the murder of a person whose body was not found.

The convict, dissatisfied with the judgment of the court, lodged a Notice of Appeal at the West African Court of Appeal (WACA). The Appellants urged WACA to quash their convictions. At the hearing of the Appeal, Mr. Ali Balogun appeared for the first Appellant, Mr. A. Tejuoso, whom the popular Tejuoso market, Yaba was named after, appeared for the 3rd, 7th, 8th and 11th Appellants.
Mr. G.B.A Coker for the second, fourth and ninth Appellants and Mr. Tejuoso led Mr. Coker for fifth and sixth Appellants; the tenth Appellant argued his own case and the Crown was represented by Mr. Madarikan- who later became a Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria.

The case of the appellants who relied heavily on the ground of appeal was that the verdict of the lower court was unreasonable and against the weight of evidence. The appellants also complained that the Judge did not direct the jury properly, on the possibility of returning a verdict of manslaughter.
Delivering judgment, the WACA said “we have examined the evidence against each appellant, with anxious care and are satisfied that there are evidence against each one of them, upon which the jury could properly, come to the conclusion they did.”

The court said the evidence in each case was carefully and fairly dealt with, by the trial Judge in his summing up to the jury, who had the advantage of seeing and hearing the witnesses, and there is in our view, nothing which would justify our interfering with the verdict of the jury, in any one of the cases, on the ground of appeal in question.

The WACA held that it was unable to agree with the appellants, that the trial Judge failed to direct the jury properly as to the nature of evidence required in the absence of corpus delicti.

According to the court – “It appears to us that there was ample evidence, if accepted by the jury as it clearly was, that Apalara died on the night of the 3rd of January, 1953, as a result of injuries inflicted upon him, and we are of the opinion, that this aspect of the matter was clearly and adequately put to the jury, by the trial Judge, when he summed up the case to them.

The WACA noted that the appellants’ lawyers, also argued that the trial Judge erred in leaving the question whether the seventh witness called by the prosecution, Yesufu Aka, was an accomplice, to the jury, and in the absence of corroboration of his evidence, the jury ought not to have convicted some of the appellants.

But the court declared that there was no substance in this complaint, even as it held that the prosecution had proved in the court below that the 10th Appellant, accused No. 19, was at the scene of the crime on January 3, 1953.

It said “the accused denied that the statement he was alleged to have given to the police, exhibit C1 was a voluntary one. He denied attending the meeting held at the Bale’s house on the 2nd of January, 1953 or being at the scene of the crime on the night of the 3rd of January, 1953 and there was ample evidence, obviously accepted by the jury, showing his complicity in the crime.
”for these reasons we are .of the opinions, that there is no substance in any of the appeals and they, therefore, dismissed.”

In effect, the WACA affirmed the conviction of the appellants and the death sentence passed on them. The men were actually executed on May 27, 1954.

Alfa Bisiriyu Apalara, a notable Nigerian Muslim Cleric of his time, in the early 1950s and who held a series of crusades and Dawha in Ebute-Metta and Mushin area of Lagos, with a common theme of speaking out against traditional Yoruba cults, such as Oro, Awo Opa and Egungun and drawing more adherents of Traditional African Religion to Islam, may your soul and undiscovered corpse, continually find peaceful repose with the Almighty Allah.

HON. (BARR.) FEMI KEHINDE IS A
FORMER MEMBER, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, ABUJA,
REPRESENTING AYEDIRE/IWO/OLAOLUWA FEDERAL CONSTITUENCY OF OSUN STATE (1999-2003)
&
PRINCIPAL PARTNER, FEMI KEHINDE & CO (SOLICITORS)
IBADAN OFFICE- NO 84, IWO ROAD, IBADAN.
LAGOS OFFICE – PLOT A, OLUWALOGBON MOTORS BUILDING, OBAFEMI AWOLOWO WAY, IKEJA,
LAGOS.
ABUJA OFFICE – NO 8, SUEZ CRESCENT, IBRAHIM ABACHA ESTATE,WUSE ZONE 4, ABUJA, FCT.

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Threat Against Nigeria’s Multi-Party Democracy: Atiku, Obi, George, Others Accuse Tinubu of Plot to Annihilate Opposition

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By Eric Elezuo

Major opposition leaders in the country have raise the alarm over threat against Nigeria’s Multi-Party Democracy, accusing President Bola Tinubu of plot to annihilate opposition.

In a letter signed a group of major opposition and opinion leaders including Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Mr. Peter Obi, Chief Bode George, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, Alhaji Lawal Batagarawa and Senator David Mark, the group demanded an independent review body to examine public accounts of federal, state, LGs from 2015 to 2025, the embedding of anti-graft operatives directly into government payment, expenditure processes at all levels among others

Titled “Anti-Corruption, Not Anti-Opposition: A Joint Statement by Opposition Leaders on the Growing Politicisation of State Institutions for Persecution of the Opposition”, the statement frowned at the state of the nation, lamenting the “unfortunate and gradual slide of our country into a state where key national institutions – particularly the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC); The Nigeria Police; The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) are increasingly perceived as tools of political intimidation, selective justice and systematic persecution of opposition leaders.”

The statement in full:

We are compelled by duty to nation and conscience to issue this statement to alert our compatriots and the international community to the unfortunate and gradual slide of our country into a state where key national institutions – particularly the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC); The Nigeria Police; The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) are increasingly perceived as tools of political intimidation, selective justice and systematic persecution of opposition leaders.

Across our nation, there are mounting concerns that state power is being deployed not for prevention of economic crimes, but for persecution of perceived political adversaries, with the ultimate aim of weakening opposition voices and dismantling Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

A Dangerous Agenda Unfolding

More than ever before in our democratic experience, Nigerians have witnessed what many now describe as a covert, undemocratic agenda: to ensure that all state governments fall under the control of the President’s party – not through transparent electoral contests, but by secretly intimidating opposition governors via the anti-corruption apparatus until they succumb and defect. Recent defections of opposition governors into the ruling party have reinforced public suspicion that political pressure, not ideological or personal persuasion, is driving this realignment. This pattern forms part of a broader project that targets not only elected leaders but also key opposition figures perceived as architects of emerging coalitions ahead of the 2027 general election. We must warn that this project, if allowed to continue unchecked, poses a grave danger to Nigeria’s democratic future.

Weaponisation of the EFCC

There is a discernible pattern of persecution of the opposition by the EFCC with the sole objective of weakening same for the benefit of the ruling APC. This disturbing pattern mirrors a long-standing sentiment openly expressed years ago by a former National Chairman of the ruling APC, Adams Oshiomhole, who declared when receiving defectors from the PDP: “Once you have joined APC, all your sins are forgiven.” Whether intended as political rhetoric or not, this statement has come to symbolise a troubling reality: allegations against members of the ruling party are routinely perceived to be overlooked, while even unsubstantiated accusations against opposition figures are vigorously pursued and subjected to media trial.

A few recent examples reinforce this perception. Months ago, a minister was implicated in a financial scandal so blatant that only sustained public outrage forced her resignation. Yet, long after stepping down, she has neither been charged nor arraigned by the EFCC and is now actively involved in the President’s re-election campaign. Similarly, another minister remained in office despite the university he claimed to have attended publicly denying his academic certificate. He, too, resigned only after intense public pressure, Months later, no charges have been filed.

Such selective enforcement undermines the legitimacy of anticorruption efforts and erodes public trust. Furthermore, Nigerians are not blind to the sudden empowerment of certain political actors, including individuals appointed to federal executive positions after crossing from the opposition but still claim to be members of opposition party – whose unstated mandate, in the public’s eyes, appears to include the systematic destabilisation of opposition parties through the creation of factions, inducement and the exploitation of judicial processes, allegedly funded by state resources.

Erosion of EFCC’s Independence

The EFCC is a critical national institution, created to safeguard Nigeria’s economic integrity.

Yet today, many Nigerians fear that its independence is steadily being eroded. An agency designed for prevention and accountability risks becoming an instrument of political persecution, undermining both justice and democracy. The President must recognise that evident social and political injustice could snowball into mayhem as the nation approaches another election cycle. This trend must be halted immediately if the nation must be spared a major catastrophe.

OUR DEMANDS
• Depoliticise EFCC: The operations of the EFCC must be urgently shielded from political interference and must not serve the whims and caprices of any President, party or political faction.

• Return EFCC to Its Statutory Mandate: The Commission must refocus on genuine detection and prevention of economic crimes across board, not selective prosecution, media trials or intimidation of opposition figures. For the avoidance of doubt, the Functions and Powers of the Commission are expressly provided for under Sections 6 & 7 respectively.

• Defend Multiparty Democracy: Nigerians must remain eternally vigilant to ensure that the President does not transform the country into a de facto one-party state – as witnessed in Lagos over the last 25 years, where opposition leaders were silenced, coerced or induced into irrelevance.

• Embed Preventive Anti-Corruption Mechanisms: Relying on the Supreme Court ruling on the powers of the EFCC over all public accounts, for true prevention of financial crimes, anti-graft operatives should be embedded in all the payment processes of governments at all levels to ensure compliance with rules of transparency, accountability and probity in public financial transactions. Put differently, the EFCC must recognise and exercise their function as covering both pre and post expenditure. operatives must also be held accountable for any unreported but later detected economic and financial infractions in their respective areas of oversight. To further strengthen the EFCC, we propose that the EFCC Act should be amended for this purpose.

• Establish an Independent Review Body: We call on the Attorney General, in consultation with the National Assembly, to set up an independent review body which should be granted full access to the public accounts of the federal, all states and all local governments covering from 2015 to 2025, with a mandate to conduct a transparent, comprehensive review of financial transactions and publish its findings. Such a review will expose the EFCC’s pattern of selective prosecution of opposition figures and reveal that many current officials of the federal government—and those of ruling-party-controlled states—should have long been prosecuted for economic and financial crimes, but were shielded due to their political affiliation. Based on its findings, the independent body should also propose amendments to EFCC’s enabling law to strengthen the agency for more effective and efficient prevention of financial crimes.
This proposed body is to be chaired by an eminent judge, and composed of the following:
– Representatives from civil society organisations
– Representatives of the Nigerian Bar Association
– Representatives of Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria
– Representatives of Institute of Chartered Bankers
– The Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit
– Representatives of anti-graft agencies
– Representatives of the Police
– Representatives of the DSS
– Representatives of the Armed Forces
– Representatives of all political parties with a seat in the National Assembly.

A Call to Defend Nigeria’s Democracy

We call on all patriotic Nigerians across party lines, professions, regions and faiths to stand firm. Our democracy is under threat through the deliberate and systematic weakening of opposition forces, with the EFCC as the central instrument in this troubling strategy.

In the coming weeks, we will provide more details, and also engage foreign partners of Nigeria’s anti-graft agencies and diplomatic missions, including United States, UK, Canada, EU, World Bank Office, United Nations, to express our deep concern about the EFCC increasingly becoming a willing tool in a broader scheme to weaken opposition in Nigeria, and also demand a reform of the anti graft agency.

Nigeria’s democracy demands our vigilance, courage and unity, as Edmund Burke, an Anglo-Irish statesman and philosopher, warned: “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing”.

We are equally guided by the enduring words of Martin Luther King Jnr: “Silence in the face of evil is itself evil ……In the end we shall remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.” Now is the time for all of us to rise in defence of our cherished multiparty democracy, and indeed, in defence of the very soul of our nation.

We must make a deliberate choice not to be remembered by posterity for our Silence.
Nigeria belongs to all of us – not to a single party or a single leader.

Signed,
Sen. David Mark, GCON
Alh. Atiku Abubakar, GCON
Mallam Lawal Batagarawa
Chief Bode George
Mr. Peter Obi, CON
Chief John Odigie-Oyegun

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Corruption! Tinubu Tackles ‘Buhari Boys’

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By Eric Elezuo

With the recent clamping in prison custody of a former governor of Anambra State and former Minister of Labour and Productivity, Dr. Chris Ngige, it appears that these are not the best of times for most political office holders during the eights tenure of former President Muhammadu Buhari, who unfortunately died on July 11 at the age of 83.

Two and half years since he left office, and five months after his death, Buhari’s loyalists have faced untold clampdown by the government of President Bola Tinubu as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has consistently spread its dragnet, capturing as many that it deems have served under alleged questionable circumstances. While many are facing trials, many others are under investigation, in what many analysts and observers claim is a clampdown on the ‘boys’ of former President Buhari. These group, observers believe, may not have exhibited genuine support for the emergence of Tinubu prior to the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential primaries up to the 2023 Presidential Election. They believe it’s payback time for the government of Tinubu against the Buhari loyalists, who thinks little or nothing of Tinubu, and recently of his presidency.

Among the ‘Buhari Boys’ either under trial or under investigation are former Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami; former Minister of Labour and Productivity, Chris Ngige; former Minister of Aviation, Hadi Sirika; Minister of Communication, Isa Patami; Minister of State for Petroleum, Timipre Sylva; former Minister of Power, Saleh Mamman and former Central Bank of Nigeria governor, Godwin Emefiele, who was not a minister.

DR. CHRIS NGIGE

The arrest of Ngige is one clampdown that took many by surprise, prompting not a few persons to relive the 2020 incident between the former Labour Minister and one of Tinubu’s croonies, Hon Faleke.

During a House Hearing, Ngige and Faleke had fallen out, and Ngige was quoted as making reference to Tinubu. He told Faleke that it was actually his boss (referring to Tinubu) who could stand up to him cause, according to him, both of them were contemporaries, having occupied same positions in their political careers including being governors and senators. Ngige also hinted that he has been a minister while Tinubu hasn’t.

Some believe that the Tinubu camp has kept this altercation in mind till this day.

As a result, the EFCC has arraigned Ngige, before Justice Mariam Hassan of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court, Gwarinpa, on eight count charge of corruption allegations totalling N2.2 billion.

In the eight-count charge, marked: FCT/HC/CR/726/2025, the former minister was the sole defendant.

According to the charge dated October 31 and filed on December 9 by a team of lawyers, led by Mr Sylvanus Tahir (SAN), Mr Ngige was alleged to have committed the offences while serving as Minister of Labour under the ex-President Muhammadu Buhari.

In one of the counts, Ngige was alleged to have, between September 2015 and May 2023, while being the supervising Minister of the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF), used his position to confer an unfair advantage upon Cezimo Nigeria Limited, a company whose MD/CEO and alter ego, Ezebinwa Amarachukwu Charles, is his associate.

Mr Ngige, who was committed to prison till resumption of trial, or pending when bail conditions are met, was said to have awarded seven contracts for consultancy, training, and supply by the NSITF to the said company to the tune of ₦366,470,920.68 (Three Hundred and Sixty Six Million, Four Hundred and Seventy Thousand, Nine Hundred and Twenty Naira and Sixty Eight Kobo).

ABUBAKAR MALAMI

Last week, the EFCC invited Malami over transactions linked to the recovery of part of the Abacha loot but released him after several hours, though was later reinvited, and still in custody.

The Commission revealed that Malami is to be arraigned in court for alleged misappropriation of funds.

The former minister has denied any wrongdoing in the matter and said he was innocent.

A source in the commission said that “first, he has been granted an administrative bail but he’s with us because he’s yet to perfect his bail conditions. The documents he submitted for bail are still being scrutinised. Once that is done, he will go.

“Secondly, he would be arraigned in court as soon as we conclude our investigation. Charges are already being compiled against him. We’re not bittered. This is not persecution, we’re just doing our job,” the source said.

TIMIPRE SYLVA

The former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, beyond having questions to answer, was also declared wanted over an alleged case of conspiracy and dishonest conversion of US$14,859,257.

In a public notice, the EFCC said the funds were provided by the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board for Atlantic International Refinery and Petrochemical.

The notice read in part, “The public is hereby notified that Timipre Sylva, a former Minister of State, Petroleum Resources, and former Governor of Bayelsa State, whose photograph appears above is wanted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in an alleged case of conspiracy and dishonest conversion of $14,859,257-part of funds injected by the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB) into Atlantic International Refinery and Petrochemical Limited for the construction of a refinery.

HADI SIRIKA

In April, 2024, the EFCC took the former Minister of Aviation, Hadi Sirika, into custody in connection with an ongoing investigation related to money laundering amounting to N8,069,176,864.00.

GODWIN EMEFIELE

The former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Godwin is another right-hand man of former President Buhari, who apart from his alleged corruption, has a typical bone to grind with the current president.

Emefiele was instrumental to the withdrawal of cash during the 2023 election; a move the Tinubu camp believed it was solely targeted at their campaign train and endeavors.

Emefiele was first arrested in 2023 shortly after the end of the Buhari administration. He was charged for alleged abuse of office and large-scale financial impropriety during his tenure.

In 2024, a Federal High Court in Lagos ordered the interim forfeiture of over $4.7m, ₦830m, and several properties allegedly linked to him, while another court later granted the final forfeiture of assets valued at more than ₦12bn.

In 2025, EFCC announced that the Lagos State Special Offences Court in Ikeja has admitted additional evidence in the ongoing trial over an alleged $4.5bn fraud.

Emefiele, who appears to be the landlord of all offences allegedly committed under the Buhari administration, is facing a 19-count charge filed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, accusing him of soliciting and receiving illegal gratifications.

He has been in custody since 2023.

So far, and in as much as Nigerians are divided as regards the reasons behind the clampdown, none of them has been found guilty. While a cross section of Nigerians believe the former officers have a case to answer, some others are of the opinion that a sort of vendetta exercise is in the works. This is because no visible Buhari official except Festus Keyamo, made it to the Tinubu era in ad much as both leaders were in the same political party.

More on these cases will come to light in the coming days as trials resume.

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Senate Approves Tinubu’s Request to Deploy Troops to Benin Republic

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The Senate has approved President Bola Tinubu’s request to deploy troops to Benin Republic over botched coup in the West African nation, about 72 hours after Nigeria Airforce took control of Benin airspace, following the sitting president’s request for assistance.

Tinubu’s request was conveyed in a letter read by the Senate President Godswill Akpabio during plenary on Tuesday, December 9.

The president said the action was based on Section 5(5) of the 1999 Constitution, which requires presidential consultation with the Senate before sending the armed forces on combat missions outside the country.

“Pursuant to Section 5 (5) Part 2 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended, I seek, further to consultation with the National Defence Council, the consent of the Senate for the deployment of Nigerian troops to the Republic of Benin,” he wrote.

He noted that the request followed an urgent appeal from President Patrice Talon, who sought immediate air support to repel an attempted unconstitutional seizure of power.

Tinubu further urged the lawmakers to act swiftly, citing the close relationship between Nigeria and Benin and the collective security obligations under ECOWAS.

“This request is made further to a request received from the Government of Benin Republic for the exceptional and immediate provision of air support by the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

“The distinguished Senate may wish to note that the Government of the Republic of Benin is currently faced with an attempted unconstitutional seizure of power and disruption and destabilisation of democratic institutions,” he stated.

He stressed that the situation in Benin required urgent external support to stabilise democratic institutions.

“The situation, as reported by the Government of Benin, requires urgent external intervention. The distinguished Senate considers the close ties of brotherhood and friendship which exist between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin, as well as the principles of collective security upheld within ECOWAS.

“It is our duty to provide the support as requested by the Government of the Republic of Benin. While it is my hope that the Senate will consider and approve this request expeditiously, please accept, distinguished Senate President, distinguished senators, the assurances of my highest consideration and personal regards,” he added.

The Senate consequently approved the request.

On Sunday, December 7, a group of soldiers appeared on Benin’s state television. They seized power and declared that they had dissolved the government in what appeared to be another coup in West Africa.

Identifying themselves as the Military Committee for Refoundation, they announced the ousting of the president and the dissolution of all state institutions, adding that Pascal Tigri, a lieutenant colonel, had been named as the head of the committee.

The mutiny triggered hours of tension across the country as loyal security forces worked to restore order and secure key state institutions. Authorities say several of the coup plotters were arrested, while others were being hunted.

Reacting to the development, Tinubu praised the Nigerian Armed Forces for their rapid intervention, which aided loyalist forces to dislodge the soldiers who had taken over the national television station and declared Talon’s ouster.

According to a statement signed by Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, the Beninese government formally sought Nigeria’s military support through two separate communications after the coup plotters announced the suspension of democratic institutions.

Tinubu, said while acting on the request, he ordered Nigerian Air Force fighter jets to take control of Benin’s airspace and assist in flushing out the mutineers from strategic locations, including the national broadcaster and a military camp.

Talon, who has been in office since 2016, had been expected to leave office next April – 2026, at the end of his second term in 2026 – the maximum allowed by the constitution, after the upcoming presidential election.

The attempted coup adds to a troubling pattern of political instability in West Africa, where Niger, Burkina Faso, and Guinea-Bissau have all recently experienced military takeovers or attempted uprisings.

Following the increasing coups in the West African sub-region, the Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS) declared a state of emergency on political situations in the region on Tuesday.

The President of the ECOWAS Commission, Omar Touray, made the declaration during the 55th session of the Mediation and Security Council, at the ministerial level in Abuja.

Source: ICIR

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