Headline

Pendulum: Back to the Vice President and the Aso Rock Cabal

Published

6 years ago

November 9, 2019

Eric

By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, as much as one is tempted to gloss over the hullabaloo inside the seat of power in Abuja, it is virtually impossible because there is always one drama or the other emanating from the place too frequently these days. Indeed, the melodrama has since become one day, new scene. Despite endless denials on both sides of the divide by spokespersons for the principal dramatis personae, it seems obvious that things are no longer at ease between the offices of the President, Muhammadu Buhari and his Vice President, Yemi Osinbajo, no matter how much they or their mouthpieces try to sweep the unfortunate mess under the carpet.

The latest farce surrounds the removal or otherwise of some of the aides of the Vice President. Approbation, confirmation and denials are rife. It is being touted that the Vice President had too many aides and so it was necessary for him to be shorn of some of them in keeping with the President’s new resolve to prudently manage resources and save government a lot of money. Nobody has said anything about how many of the President’s aides have got the sack. More importantly, I fail to see how this purported removal has anything to do with managing government resources when most if not all of these aides of the Vice President are funded by international donor agencies and not the Nigerian Government. The situation descends to the level of theater of the absurd if, as it is being suggested, they were redeployed to different Ministries, meaning that rather than plugging a drain on government they have become an added burden.

My beloved, all we have to do is apply some logic, and commonsense which is seemingly not too common nowadays. Some audacious people make bold to fool us when they tell us there is only one Presidency. Yes, there is, but that oneness has become more of a mirage in recent times! The day the President came out in the open to direct his cabinet to report practically to his Chief of Staff was the day he smashed the oneness into smithereens. There was no need or basis for such an open and public declaration of protocol. That it was openly voiced out, and etched and scripted in text which was handed to journalists and published and circulated freely, was ample evidence of how things have gone awry between the offices of the Number One and Number Two citizens of Nigeria. If this was the normal order of events before now, why was it necessary to put it in the public domain at this stage. If it was a new idea, why was a change necessary and, also, why was it essential to tell the whole world, two days in succession, particularly when this directive was for the consumption of only a few people!

Please, don’t get me wrong. I know that the office of the Vice President is totally at the mercy and prerogative of the President who appointed him. Even in America where we have borrowed our latest democratic experiment, the Vice President has no constitutional role apart from presiding over the Senate and having a casting tie-break vote or whatever assignment given by his boss. As John Adams, the first American Vice President and the Country’s second President, said of his position as Vice President to President George Washington, “My country has in its wisdom contrived for me the most insignificant office that ever the invention of man … or his imagination contrived or his imagination conceived.” Nevertheless, Adams stuck to his task and as the brilliant and astute man that he was, he transformed the position into one that has become indispensable to the democracy. Indeed, it is more than usual in America for Vice Presidents to succeed their Presidents, but this has not yet happened in Nigeria except on account of death of the incumbent. There is always a first time, and perhaps it is the intuitiveness and the knowledge that it is a foregone conclusion that this negative trend is about to be bucked that the babble and cacophony of strident opposition voices has risen to the biggest decibels. This is more so because of the personality and attributes of the incumbent, Osinbajo. For me, a Vice President is almost like a Company Secretary whose duty once upon a time was to act as a mere servant. But like Lord Denning said in 1971, about the role and function of the Company Secretary, “he is no longer a mere servant.” If the Vice President of Nigeria was once treated as an errand boy, by now, in 2019, such attitudes should have changed for many obvious reasons.

Professor Yemi Osinbajo is neither your run-of-the-mill Vice President nor a typical career politician. Before he was considered and chosen to run with President Muhammadu Buhari in 2015, he came with intimidating credentials in both his private and public life. In all areas, he had just about reached the pinnacle of what there was to offer. He was also a stabilizing factor between the ever fighting and perennially suspicious Christians and Muslims of Nigeria. Why they are at loggerheads continues to beat me even till today. Religion should simply have no place in the politics or economic development of a country. Everyone agreed Buhari could not have made a better choice. He and Buhari appeared like a perfect couple and one could say the same of their wives. Theirs was like a match made in celestial places.

I won’t bore you with details of how trouble started brewing when President Buhari took ill and Vice President Osinbajo became Acting President. All that I know is some of the decisions he took did not go down well with the ultra conservative members in the Presidential Wing of the Villa, who not only had their own agenda but have the close ears of the President. They grumbled and groaned and lamented to whoever cared to listen that Osinbajo was plotting and planning to upstage his boss. One of the conspiracy theories was that some forces in the South West actually wished evil on the President. Despite the fact that no one had the proof or evidence of such dastardly plot, some people went about spreading the satanic stories. Thankfully, it does not appear that the President with his taciturn sagacity paid heed to such drivel, hopefully.

My take is that some elements are deliberately driving a wedge between the President and his Vice President whose relationship is apparently chummy. What is not known is how far the President has bought into the plot. The body language of the President now suggests that something has gone terribly amiss. The camaraderie that was always so patently obvious is palpably receding. The President has taken to relying on technicalities and monosyllables in his dealings with his Vice President. This was not the case before. If, as may be the case, some nebulous, insidious group of people are using the President’s name to pummel the Vice President and he is unaware that his dutiful and loyal Vice President is being humiliated before the whole world, that is even worse.

I don’t really blame those who abuse power. That is the pattern and tradition of those who wield enormous power by proxy. I hasten to add that the position of Chief of Staff is obviously a powerful position and sometimes people tend to forget this when they cast aspersions on the occupants. In Nigeria’s case, Mr Abba Kyari is a very sound and cerebral man. The President obviously recognizes that he needs him like oxygen. But I expect him and the Vice President to be able to manage their affair more guardedly with both of them coming from solidly, enviable intellectual backgrounds. Seems the allure of power is irresistible and causes the powerful to wear a new toga of eternal invincibility when indeed, it is very transient. It may be that this is the case because the occupants themselves forget the onerous nature of their job and the grave responsibilities that attaches to the position. Power is best asserted and utilised if treated with humility, deference and decorum.

Let me go back for as long as I can remember. Surrogates of power have tended to be overbearing and inordinately ambitious. They have not imbibed the core lessons that those who know the nature and effect of power teach. It will come and go, but how you have handled it will determine how you are treated in its aftermath – Hero or villain. In Nigeria it has been a lot more of the latter and the lessons have still not been learnt.

In the days of President Shehu Aliyu Shagari, one name was very prominent, Dr Umaru Dikko, who was the defacto President. When the government was overthrown by Muhammadu Buhari and company, Dikko became the main target. He fled to London. The government arranged for a living Dikko to be packed and crated in a coffin like a cadaver and he was nearly smuggled back to face the music in Nigeria. Under the government of General Murtala Muhammed, Chief Moshood Abiola was known to have been his close friend. This drew the ire of many military leaders who waited for many years before pouncing on him.

Major-General Tunde Idiagbon was the second-in-command and the dreaded face of the Buhari regime. His scowling mean face remains indelibly printed in the brain of not just the Second Republic politicians but the generality of the populace. Once flushed out power he reverted to relative obscurity and died unheralded! When President Ibrahim Babangida assumed power, Colonel Sambo Dasuki was reported to have treated Major General Muhammadu Buhari shabbily. No one would have expected Buhari to ever come back to power. But God’s ways are not that of man. Today, Buhari is President, Dasuki has been in detention and incarcerated for many years despite a plethora of Courts ordering that he should be freed.

When General Olusegun Obasanjo was in power as a military ruler from 1976-79, Major General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua was very influential. He wielded that power and attained great affluence even after they left power. He wanted to come back as civilian President, but his dream never materialised. He and his former business partner, Chief Abiola had similar interests and ambitions. Abiola contested and won, but the top military echelons kicked against him. His victory was aborted, his ambition truncated and he was deprived and robbed of his mandate. Abacha who became President after the whole debacle dealt ruthlessly with Obasanjo, Yar’Adua and Abiola by keeping them in prison. Only Obasanjo returned alive. Not just that, he came back to be President. A true cat with nine lives! Ebora Owu indeed!

When General Sani Abacha was President, the commonest name on everyone’s lips was Major Hamza Al-Mustapha. When Abacha died, Al-Mustapha was kept in prison for so many years in the days Obasanjo was in power. Mohammed Abacha, the General’s son, who had also lived larger than life and was himself an unofficial Deputy Head of State was also kept away.

When Umaru Musa Yar’Adua became President, the name of Tanimu Yakubu reigned supreme despite being only the Deputy Chief of Staff and Chief Economic Adviser to the President. The name of Hajia Turai Yar’Adua, the First Lady, would later feature on the list of those labeled as the ‘cabal’ who controlled shots when Yar’Adua laid mortally stricken. Perhaps it was the First Lady’s involvement that saved Tanimu’s bacon.

Step forward President Goodluck Jonathan. Two names featured prominently under his government, Mrs Diezani Alison-Madueke and that of First Lady, Dame Patience Jonathan. Since Buhari returned in 2015 as President, the duo have known no peace.

I have gone through the stories of these different era to show how transient and ephemeral power is. The three things driving these wars of attrition in the name of a power struggle are money, ethnicity and religion. They are the reasons our country is retrogressing. There is no justification for the struggle based on national interest or patriotism. The protagonists are interested only in their primordial, parochial and base instincts. While the world is thinking outside the box, we have chosen to bury ourselves inside the cocoon of backwardness. The most educated people in Nigeria will throw sanity, reason and decorum to the winds once those three selfish interests are involved. Friends become enemies and enemies become friends. Principle, honour and integrity are thrown to the dogs. Woe betide anyone who stands in the way. That is the crux of the fiasco that we face today. The Vice President and his team are merely victims of the interplay of those forces.

However, what nobody should forget is that what will be will be and students of history may do well to look again into the story of John Adams who was the first American President to see his son, John Quincy Adams succeed to the American Presidency as the sixth President of America. When we decide to recognise and embrace excellence and not fight against it, then we shall become better as a nation.

It seems, we are not yet ready to do the needful …

Headline

LP: Nenadi Usman Floors Julius Abure at Appeal Court

Published

20 hours ago

April 21, 2026

Eric

The Court of Appeal in Abuja has dismissed the appeal filed by Julius Abure challenging the legitimacy of the Nenadi Usman-led leadership of the Labour Party (LP).

A three-member panel of the appellate court, in a Tuesday judgment, unanimously affirmed the January 21 judgment by Justice Peter Lifu of the Federal High Court in Abuja, which upheld the legitimacy of the 29-member caretaker committee of the LP, led by Senator Usman.

In the lead judgment delivered by Justice Oyejoju Oyewumi, which Justices Abba Mohammed and Eberechi Nyesom-Wike agreed with, the appellate court held that the earlier Supreme Court judgment conclusively settled the leadership dispute within the LP by nullifying the convention that purportedly returned Abure as National Chairman.

Justice Lifu had, in the January 21 judgment, relied on an April 4, 2025, decision of the Supreme Court, which held that Abure’s tenure as the party’s National Chairman had expired. The judgment directed the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to recognize Senator Usman and other members of her committee as the legitimate leaders of the party, to the exclusion of all others.

The court further held that the lower court had the power under Section 251 of the Constitution to compel a statutory Federal government agency to perform its functions when it ordered INEC to recognize Senator Nenadi Usman as the National Chairman of the Labour Party.

It was equally agreed with the trial court that constituting the LP’s caretaker committee, headed by Usman, was a doctrine of necessity required to provide leadership in the party when a vacuum appeared to exist.

The court faulted Abure’s claim that the trial court denied him a fair hearing and accused him of abusing the court process.

The court also accused Abure of forum shopping by appearing before the Nasarawa State High Court in a case already decided by the Supreme Court, and of persisting in the claim the party’s leadership despite the apex court’s clear and unambiguous pronouncement.

It held that the appeal, marked: CA/ABJ/CV/255/2026, was devoid of merit and constituted an abuse of court process.

“On the whole, I agree with the decision and conclusion of the trial court as the same, being in accordance with the Constitution,” Justice Oyewumi held, adding that the lower court reached a reasonable conclusion that the Court of Appeal cannot fault.

While dismissing the appeal, the court awarded him costs of N10 million for wasting the court’s time on an issue that had already been conclusively determined.

Earlier, the court held that Nenadi Usman, as a juristic person, had the right to file the case before the trial court, and that the trial court had jurisdiction to hear and determine the case.

The court also rejected Abure’s allegation that the lower court denied him a fair hearing, noting that the claim lacked any basis.

Headline

Tinubu Sacks Edun, Appoints Oyedele As Finance Minister

Published

21 hours ago

April 21, 2026

Eric

President Bola Tinubu has approved a minor cabinet reshuffle in the membership of the Federal Executive Council (FEC).

According to a memo signed by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, two cabinet members, Mr. Wale Edun and Arc. Ahmed Musa Dangiwa are to leave the cabinet while their replacements have been named.

A statement signed by the Special Adviser, Media and Publicity to the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Yomi Odunuga, on Tuesday evening, said Edun, until the latest development, was the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy.

“He has been directed to hand over to Mr. Taiwo Oyedele, who is now to take over as Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy. Oyedele was formerly a Minister of State in the ministry.

“Also Mr. Muttaqha Rabe Darma (PhD.) has been named as the ministerial nominee and minister-designate for the Housing and Urban Development Ministry,” Odunuga stated.

The memo also directed Dangiwa to hand over to the Minister of State in the ministry pending Darma’s confirmation.

The memo stated that “all handing over and taking over processes should be completed on or before close of business on Thursday 23rd April, 2026.”

Explaining the President’s decision, Odunuga quoted Akume as saying: “These changes are aimed at strengthening cohesion, synergy in governance as well as achieving more impactful delivery on the economy to Nigerians, through the Renewed Hope Agenda.”

He said the President, in approving the cabinet reshuffle, has fully exercised his powers as conferred on him by Sections 147 and 148 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999, as amended).

The President thanked the outgoing ministers for their services to the nation while wishing them the best in all their future endeavours.

The President, Akume noted, equally assured all cabinet members that “the process of reinvigoration shall be continuous.”

Headline

Tinubu, Victim of Historical Amnesia – Atiku

Published

3 days ago

April 19, 2026

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

True to political permutations, the National Convention of the opposition African Democratic Congress (ADC) amid Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) derecognition and leadership litigation, set a chain reaction in the political space, including a former Vice President and one of the leaders of the ADC, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, berating President Bola Tinubu as lacking a good knowledge of history.

Against all odds, the party went ahead on April 14, to host a Convention, where over 3000 delegates attended, and where the leadership of Senator David Mark and Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola as National Chairman and National Secretary respectively were ratified.

Since the April 14 event, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has reacted in a manner political stakeholders and analysts categorized as panicky with statements from the presidency, and President Bola Tinubu himself. Though these responses were tagged correctional of ill-made utterances by ADC chieftains, observers have however said they portray comments by a team faced with an ultimately new challenge.

At the convention, the secretary of the ADC, Aregbesola, had dismissed Tinubu’s administration and his renewed hope policy as a scam. He lambasted the administration as a government of “scammers”, urging Nigerians to block it from retaining power in 2027.

“If allowed, this regime will continue to chant renewed hope till eternity. We have a duty to stop these scammers from retaining power,” Aregbesola said.

The former vice president followed up the convention statements, accusing Tinubu’s presidency of attempting to subvert democratic principles and silence opposition voices ahead of the 2027 elections, a position that further set the ruling party on edge, eliciting tons of reactions.

Beyond Presidential spokesman, Bayo Onanuga’s criticism of Aregbesola for failing to reflect on his own record before attacking his “former boss and benefactor”, Tinubu himself made remarks against the person’s of the leaders of the ADC and their convention, calling it ‘street convention’.

“Unfortunately, Aregbesola did not undertake any honest self-reflection on his own record in public office — as governor or as Minister of Interior,” Onanuga stated in his statement.

He alleged that Aregbesola’s tenure as governor of Osun State was marked by hardship and poor economic management.

“His eight years as governor of Osun State were characterised by unmitigated hardship for the people. Under his half-baked socialist policies, civil servants went unpaid for months, and those who were paid received only a fraction of their salaries,” Onanuga said.

Tinubu, on his part, while hosting the Hope Renewal Ambassadors, took a swipe at some opposition figures, especially Atiku, ridiculing and questioning their records for criticising his administration, and saying that many of them have held strategic positions in the past without delivering lasting results.

He boldly retorted that “If you look at one of them, no one without history among them – no one without history. The head was the chairman of the privatisation council of Nigeria in this country one time.

“He privatised the steel industry in Delta. Is it working today? No. Is anything they privatised working today? They want to privatise another man’s political party. That one says no.”

Responding therefore, the former Vice President launched a fierce counterattack on Tinubu, accusing him of hypocrisy, historical distortion, and political desperation.

In a statement issued by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, Atiku described the President’s remarks as a “reckless tirade” that reflects “a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia.”

The statement began with “Atiku Abubakar’s attention has been drawn to the latest reckless tirade by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu—a performance that exposes not just desperation, but a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia.”

Atiku expressed surprise that a leader facing persistent scrutiny over his own credentials would attempt to discredit others with what he described as well-documented records of public service.

On the issue of privatisation, Atiku’s camp argued that Tinubu’s criticism does not stand up to scrutiny, noting that the President had previously opposed reforms he now appears to be implementing.

The statement maintained that Atiku had long advocated the privatisation of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and the sale of refineries to credible private investors—a position it claimed Tinubu resisted at the time.

It, however, alleged that the current administration is now overseeing a system that has effectively commercialised the national oil company “without transparency, clear valuation, or accountability.”

“This is not reform; it is privatisation without accountability,” the statement said.

Defending Atiku’s economic legacy, the statement cited several companies as examples of the success of the privatisation programme he supervised, including Oando Plc (formerly Unipetrol), Conoil Plc, African Petroleum (now Ardova Plc), Indorama Eleme Petrochemicals, Benue Cement Company, and Transcorp Hilton Abuja.

The statement also took a swipe at the President’s intellectual posture, suggesting that his comments reflect a failure to engage with documented history on Nigeria’s economic reforms.

“It is not our fault that the President does not and cannot read,” the statement said, while also referencing past controversies surrounding Tinubu’s academic records.

It added that Tinubu’s remarks could only have been made in disregard of publicly available records and credible accounts of the privatisation process.

“You cannot oppose reform when it demands courage and then execute a shadow version of it in power,” the statement added.

Atiku’s camp further criticised the tone of the President’s remarks, arguing that resorting to mockery reflects a deeper leadership concern.

“The President’s attempt to reduce a serious economic legacy to ridicule underscores a leadership more comfortable with insults than with facts,” it stated.

The statement also highlighted the current economic situation in the country, pointing to rising cost of living, inflation, and insecurity as evidence of policy failure.

“Across the country, families are skipping meals, businesses are shutting down, and citizens are struggling under the weight of inflation and declining purchasing power. What has been presented as reform has translated into hardship without relief,” it said.

The statement concluded by asserting that Atiku’s record remains “clear, documented, and defensible,” while noting that unresolved public concerns about the President’s background persist.

“A leader who has not fully addressed questions about his own background should exercise restraint before casting aspersions on others,” it added.

The statement ended with a cautionary note: “Nigerians are watching.”

While the ADC is fighting for their life, and an opportunity to feature on the ballot during the 2027 general elections, and APC solidifying their grip on the political space, the atmosphere still exudes evidence of palpable tension. The APC maintains that they are on homerun to victory, ADC counters that nothing will save the ruling party from being defeated in the coming elections.

But as it stands today, both parties are locked in battle of wits recreating the tension and bad blood that was the hallmark of the 2015, and to a large extent, the 2023 elections.

But on April 22, the Supreme Court will rule on the leadership of the ADC; this will set the motion to the credibility of the ADC to participate in the 2027 election.

But fears pervade the political terrain as Tinubu made veiled reference to the judiciary while mocking Atiku and other leaders of the ADC.

“We cannot submit to the disobedience of unlawful orders in court. We must embrace the judiciary, whether it favours us or it doesn’t, we submit to this principle of democracy, separation of powers and understanding of the dynamics of it and the nation that Nigeria is,” Tinubu had said, insinuating that the ADC had gone against the judiciary.

The coming week will determine in totality the direction the 2027 situation will take.