Opinion

Opinion: As Nigerians Head to the Polls

Published

6 years ago

February 16, 2019

Eric

By Nkannebe Raymond

Once again, Nigeria is at a critical juncture in her democratic history while the rest of the world looks on with bated breath to see whether Africa’s largest democracy will sink or swim. As millions of Nigerians troop out to go and vote on Saturday, February 16th, it would be the sixth time they’ll be doing that in succession since democracy returned to the country in 1999. As with every general election, Nigerians will be voting in a new president as it’s constitution allows for only a four-year renewable tenure. The last time Nigerians went to the polls in 2015, they ended up with a new president, in the person of Muhammadu Buhari. He defeated his closest rival, the then incumbent president Goodluck Jonathan in a historical election that saw the first transition of power from an incumbent President to an opposition candidate. It was a golden moment for Nigerian democracy for too many reasons. Here and now again, the incumbent president is also on the ballot seeking re-election for what he says will allow him “consolidate on some of the achievements of his administration”. In clearly unmistakable terms, the president and his political party say a re-election for them will fossilize in their taking Nigeria to the “Next Level”.

Whereas numerous other candidates have indicated interest in the nation’s top political office namely Kingsley Moghalu of the Young Progressive Party (YPP); Fela Durotoye of the Alliance for New Nigeria (ANN); and Omoyele Sowore of the African Action Congress (AAC) to keep the list short, political realists are of the view that Saturday’s presidential contest is a two-horse race between incumbent president Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar─ the Waziri of Adamawa, of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Strikingly, both men share a lot in common: they belong to the old political class; they are septuagenarians and are also moslems of the Fulani stock. For a country with one of the largest youth population in the world, estimated at a staggering 60%, it rather leaves a sad taste in the mouth that the two leading contenders for her topmost political office are way above the average life expectancy of 52 years, and in a sense closer to their graves. “That is the contradiction of Nigeria, nay African politics”, a politically exposed friend tells me.

While a deluge of younger candidates averaging 40 years of age have also squared up to occupy the seat of the president, their campaigns have gained little or no traction among Nigerians in the corners of the country who constitute the highest voting bloc. Beyond their effective use of the social media to push their message, their campaigns have been less terrestrial. It appears these younger generation of Nigerian leaders will need a little more than a local legislation that pegs down the constitutional age to seek various elective office, to unseat the old leadership class. Jude Feranmi, a rising youth leader, tells me it will take a robust coalition of ‘mushroom’ political parties over time, to upset the current political apple cart in the country. But he’s pessimistic they’ll be able to do this.

For the candidate of the PDP Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, this is arguably his last opportunity to lead the country; a lifelong ambition which first came to national consciousness in 1992. At 72, it is inconceivable that he’ll be indicating any further interest in the sinecure by the next election cycle in 2023 when he’d have been 76, should he lose out on Saturday. With several attempts that came to nought in 2006; 2011 and 2015, he has never been in a good position to achieve this life long ambition as he is now, from what one can gather from the permutations here and there. He says he wants to get Nigeria Working Again. And will do that with the aid of a policy document he calls the “Atiku Plan”.

As a successful businessman and industrialist, the economy means a lot to him. He believes that with a performing economy, Nigerians can well again be on the path of prosperity. He wants to create jobs, and have cited the successes in his numerous business as the smoking gun of his capacity to do so for Nigeria’s teeming youth population as well as lift as many persons as possible out of poverty; of which Nigeria has since become it’s global capital as far as the findings of the Brooks Institution can be relied upon. But more importantly, he wants to restructure the country.

His campaigns have gained a lot of momentum with the outing in Kano, a perceived stronghold of candidate Muhammadu Buhari, last Sunday, sending shockwaves into the opposition camps. He’s however dogged by allegations of corruption around his person. His critics believe the source of his stupendous wealth are suspect and cannot be unconnected to appropriation of national assets in his capacity as the head of the National Economic Council while he served as vice president to former president Olusegun Obasanjo between 1999 and 2007. However, for all the allegations, no court of law has found him guilty neither has he been charged for any corrupt practices.

On the other side of the coin is incumbent president Muhammadu Buhari. In the period leading to the 2015 elections, he and his new party at the time had campaigned on a mantra of “Change”. It was a magical word that resonated with many Nigerians and which ended up in a victory for the party. Three and a half years down the line however, the fine details of the change has remained elusive to most Nigerians. Change was supposed to be felt in the fight against Corruption, a total turn around of the economy and improved national security. But his government has not quite delivered optimally on any of these fronts.

The much vaunted fight against Corruption has been dubbed by critics as one sided and without any coherence. Many believe the government deploys media trials and propaganda to push it’s avowed fight against corruption hence why it has not achieved any meaningful gain in that respect. It will appear that Nigeria’s performance in the recently released Global Corruption Perception Index corroborates these sentiments of the critics of the administration. While he has been able to guide the economy through recession, the economic numbers show that all is not well with the economy. With unemployment rate at its all time high as well as a ballooned debt profile rising to a whopping 22 Trillion Naira, the Nigerian economy it could be said is on autopilot. While the administration has tried to explain away these disturbing statistics and countering them with what they believe to be bold efforts at rejigging the Nigerian economy in a number of areas, the word on the street is that many Nigerians are not faring better than they did pre-2015.

The administration has also been caught flat footed in the security corridor. Shorn of the “technical defeat” of Boko Haram, little or nothing has been done to contain the war in the North East. Not long ago, a large number of school girls were ferried from their school in Dapchi, Borno State by the insurgents in a repeat of what happened in 2014 in Chibok. While most of the girls were released, one of the girls, Leah Sharibu remains in captivity. Late last year two relief workers of an international relief agency were beheaded by the splinter cell of the fundamentalists and in all, the administration has only issued statements reassuring decimation of the militants. Few days ago, the convoy of the Borno state governor, Kashim Shettima was attacked by the insurgents leading to the death of at least three persons.

Analysts are also of the view that quite apart from the fight against Boko Haram, the administration have also failed in the handling of security breaches elsewhere in the middle belt and North West where armed banditry has reached alarming proportions. Through and through, the security score card of the administration has been anything but impressive.
Outside the security front, critics of the administration believe that it has not been able to foster national unity and cohesion citing the administration’s somewhat strategic alienation of a section of the country in a skewed manner of political appointments that favour only the president’s kinsmen. The hierarchy of the legal community are of the view that this attitude of the president is far in excess of the Country’s Federal Character Principle sanctioned by the Constitution. Buhari counters this narrative however and says his appointment of persons to key governmental positions is informed by the appointee’s character and competence. A columnist of a leading newspaper tells me that no administration has polarized and divided the country along ethnic lines more than the Buhari administration.

A former military dictator, it has been difficult for the president to shed his military toga. His administration is characterised with a record of flouting court orders and disrespect for the rule of law. Last September, he told a conclave of lawyers in Abuja that the “rule of law must be subject to national security” and has blamed the rule of law for the slow pace of his anticorruption fight at different fora. Only recently, he sent the head of the judicial arm of government packing, through subterranean means against the grain of constitutionalism and rule of law.

His administration has however made some appreciable impact in improving the infrastructure deficit of the country and providing social welfare for the poorest of the poor through policies such as the School Feeding Programme, the N-power Scheme, the Growth Enterprise and Empowerment Programme (GEEP), and recently, the Trader-Money Scheme.

Critics however say these policies will achieve little or nothing in lifting people out of poverty, and have described the Trader-money scheme as a disguised way of voters’ inducement. These criticisms notwithstanding, the administration believes it is still popular and will win a landslide victory on Saturday.

Electoral violence and disruption of voting unfortunately has been a standard feature of Nigerian elections. The Electoral umpire, INEC has however reiterated that it will deliver a world class election this time. With about 84 million registered voters with the largest chunk of them in Lagos and Kano states, the commission says it is prepared to ensure a free, fair and transparent election in so far as other stakeholders in the process such as the political parties and the security agencies, play in accordance with the rules laid down by the law. Despite suffering some set backs in the last two weeks with fire outbreaks in three of its local offices in Abia, Anambra and Plateau states which destroyed election materials such as uncollected Permanent Voter Cards, the commission has remained unfazed and as at the time of this writing, already reprinted the burnt PVCs and inviting their owners to come get them. The chairman of the commission, Prof Mahmood Yakubu has never left anyone in doubt of the commission’s determination to midwife a rancour free election, and at a press conference last week in Abuja reiterated the commission’s resolve to be neutral and aloof throughout the process of the election and beyond. It remains however to be seen whether these words will be matched with actions.

Another sore feature of Nigerian elections is the extent of neutrality displayed by the security agencies at the various polling units. Nigeria is a unitary federal state where all federal government agencies including the security institutions have a tendency of subservience to the head of the federal arm who doubles as the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. Pundits believe that members of these security agencies have at various times been used by the ruling party to intimidate voters and supporters of opposition parties to enhance their chances at the ballot. At the recently held Ekiti and Osun gubernatorial elections, this ugly situation reared its ugly head. Both elections are today subjects of litigation at various courts.

Under the former Police Chief, Idris Kpotum; believed by many to be one of the most compromised officer to ever occupy the office, the conduct of the police, was anything but complimentary. However, there is a new sheriff in town, namely Mohammed Abubakar Adamu, who has told Nigerians that men and officers of the force will display the highest sense of professionalism and discharge their duties within the ambits set by the electoral law under his watch. Some 300,000 police men have been detailed to cover the exercise across the 119, 973 polling units comprised in the Country with support from the military, air force and other civil security outfit. There are concerns in some quaters however that this number is insufficient and might not be able to provide enough cover especially in the event of outbreak of violence. Already, flashpoint states such as Adamawa, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Plateau, Kano, Kaduna and other parts of the North East have been isolated. These are states notorious for pre and post-election violence and thus would be needing more security cover to contain any outbreak of violence. One expects that the capacity of the security agencies won’t be stretched as they go into this important exercise.

Nigeria is an interesting country in many respects. 49 years after her civil war, she has always found a way to emerge from every political storm without bruises. In the lead up to the last 2015 polls, western interests had predicted that the country will engulf in a political crisis that might lead to its disintegration. Somehow, the country emerged from the elections even more united thanks to the statesmanship shown by the former president, Goodluck Jonathan. Nearly four years after that episode, she is once again at that critical juncture. Few days ago, a National Peace Committee headed by a former military Head of State and top cleric brought the two leading contenders as well as other presidential aspirants together to sign a peace accord where they made commitments to accept the result of the elections. In 2015, the committee played a very instrumental role in ensuring the presidential election was largely peaceful. Yet, whether this round of elections will derail or consolidate Nigeria’s gains on her democratic journey must bide the outcome of the polls.

For many Nigerians, what they want are the basic things of life: good drinking water; affordable healthcare and housing; good roads; improved security and a stable and productive economy. Saturday polls to a large extent will be a referendum on how the incumbent administration has performed in some, if not all of these critical indices.

Raymond Nkannebe is a Legal Practitioner

Opinion

The Unsung Patriots: When Integrity Stands Above National Honours

Published

4 days ago

June 14, 2025

Eric

By Sani Sa’idu Baba

Nigeria’s Democracy Day ought to be a solemn reminder of the sacrifices, resilience, and commitment of individuals who have stood tall in the face of tyranny and injustice. It is a day that should celebrate not only democracy itself, but also the patriots who have preserved its fragile flame. Yet, in what many see as a deliberate and politically motivated omission, several Nigerians of high calibre, unimpeachable character, and unassailable contributions to nationhood were left out of the national honours list announced by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

This omission is not a matter of oversight. It is a calculated decision that speaks volumes about the political insecurities within the corridors of power. One name that resonates profoundly in this discourse is Chief Dele Momodu, adopted son of the late MKO Abiola, a journalist, publisher, presidential aspirant, and fearless voice of the people for over four decades. Chief Momodu is a man who has not only chronicled Nigeria’s history but has lived and shaped it through his unwavering commitment to truth, justice, and democratic ideals.

Let us be honest, this is not about merit. If it were, Chief Dele Momodu’s name would have featured prominently on that list. This is about fear, fear of principled rejection. It is about avoiding the kind of national embarrassment that befell the Buhari administration when internationally acclaimed writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie openly declined a national honour because she believed it lacked genuine integrity. Her rejection was not out of arrogance, but from a place of conviction, a deep sense of responsibility not to allow her name to be used as an endorsement of a government she could not, in good conscience, support.

President Tinubu’s government, undoubtedly aware of Dele Momodu’s outspokenness and principled stance, likely feared a repeat of such rejection. Because men like Chief Momodu would not want to accept such honours from those who have allegedly turned our hard earned democracy into a civilian dictatorship. For him, a national honour must be more than a political gesture, but a reflection of national values, a reward from a government that truly serves its people.

Chief Momodu has never been one to seek validation from the powerful. His life’s work has been about amplifying the voices of the voiceless, challenging injustice, and standing firm even in the face of exile and persecution. That is who he truly is. I believe that he will happily accept a national honour from a government that embodies the ideals of democracy not one that plays lip service to it. It’s only a matter of time!

This June 12, as we mark another chapter in Nigeria’s democratic journey, we must also reflect on the kind of leadership we celebrate. It is not enough to decorate the loyal and the silent. True honour lies in recognising the bold, the honest, and the principled even when their truths are uncomfortable.

To Chief Dele Momodu, and others like him who continue to walk the path of integrity, your absence from the national honours list is not a dishonour. In fact, it is a badge of honour in itself. For in a time where sycophancy is rewarded, your principled silence, your steadfast commitment to truth, and your refusal to compromise, speak louder than any medal ever could. Nigeria sees you. History will remember you.
Your recent 65th birthday celebrations which was meant to be simple and low-key but turned into a well organised global celebration all in your honour speaks volumes.

May your integrity continue to inspire a generation that refuses to trade truth for personal gains.

Happy democracy day…

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano

Opinion

Nigeria’s Reforms Have Put the Country on the Global Economic Map

Published

1 week ago

June 8, 2025

Eric

By Abdul Samad Rabiu

As my country steadies itself, Britain, its Western allies and their companies should deepen this partnership

As ghosts of the 1930s haunt the global outlook, the scramble for trade deals has seized control of government agendas. The United States has leveraged its “tariff war” to secure better terms, driving both friend and foe to the negotiating table. British deals with the US and India have provided some refuge from the prevailing gloom.

Less reported – but with similar potential – was last year’s signing of the Enhanced and Trade and Investment Partnership (ETIP) between the UK and Nigeria , the former’s first such agreement with an African nation. Quiet in its arrival, the pact may yet echo louder.

As someone who has built multinational businesses across Africa, I know the vast opportunity the continent offers, and Nigeria in particular, which alone accounts for a fifth of sub-Saharan Africa’s 1.2 billion people. But I also understand the limitations we have often placed on ourselves when it comes to securing investment.

Lowering barriers to trade is crucial, and for that Britain’s ETIP looks prescient. However, investment and business potential will remain discounted as long as African nations cling to state intervention – from subsidies and price controls to exchange rate distortions – all of which have consistently bred dysfunction and economic instability. Fortunately, Nigeria has now decisively turned a corner, embracing market economics under a liberalising government.

In Morocco this week, Foreign Secretary David Lammy indicated Britain’s position is shifting too. Setting out his strategy for Africa, he said British policy must transition from aid to investment. “Trade-not-aid” is no new idea – but it is the first time a British government has so clearly echoed the demand the African continent has voiced for years.

In making that shift, Nigeria is taking the lead for a continent to follow. So many Nigerian administrations I have known have been hostage to economic events, doubling down time and again on state intervention rather than having the conviction to reform. This administration is proving different. After two years of difficult reforms, Nigeria – under President Bola Tinubu – is now poised to fulfil the promise of its vast natural resources, rapidly growing population of over 200 million people, and strategic coastal location along the Gulf of Guinea.

First, the Tinubu administration removed a crippling fuel subsidy – the most significant policy reform in years. At 25 to 30 cents per litre, petrol in Nigeria was among the cheapest in the world. But the subsidy was bankrupting the government: by 2023, it consumed over 15 per cent of the federal budget – roughly equivalent to the proportion the UK spends annually on the NHS.

When President Tinubu ditched the fuel subsidy on his first day in office, criticism quickly followed. Prices, at least for the time being, have risen. However, statistics must be understood in light of the wide-ranging distortions the subsidy created.

Officially, fuel consumption in Nigeria has dropped by 40 to 50 per cent. But that is not because Nigerians’ petrol use reduced by this amount. In reality the country was subsidising the region, with cross border fuel smugglers profiting from arbitrage. The illegal trade was so blatant that on a visit to neighbouring Niger a few years ago, then-President Mohamed Bazoum even joked about it, thanking Nigeria for the cheap fuel. Though the move was politically unpopular, the subsidy had become unsustainable. Now, spending is being redirected toward development and infrastructure – laying the foundations for long-term growth.

Second, the country has moved from a fixed to a market-determined exchange rate. Previously, only select groups could access the official rate – especially those with political connections; the rest had to rely on a more expensive parallel informal market determined by supply and demand. But selling dollars at an artificially low rate only entrenched scarcity, a problem compounded by an opaque exchange mechanism that deterred foreign investment.

Every two weeks, we used to make the 12-hour drive to Abuja to seek dollar allocations for imports – camping out at the Central Bank for three or four days. Now, I no longer need to go. I’ve met the new Governor only once in two years – because I haven’t had to. Monetary orthodoxy has finally arrived, bringing with it the liquidity that both domestic and foreign businesses depend on to smooth trade and de-risk investment.

Third, the shackles of politics are being prised from business, bringing greater certainty, fairness and stability to the landscape. Five years ago, I woke up one morning to find that the port concession for a new venture of mine had been revoked. It turned out my company was outcompeting a friend of an official of the Nigerian Ports Authority. In the end, it took then-President Buhari’s personal intervention to save the enterprise.

Had I not been politically connected, the business would have folded – along with the 4,000 jobs it provided – at a time when job creation was, and remains, Nigeria’s most urgent challenge. Today, such connections are no longer necessary. The playing field is being levelled, flattening the political ridges and dips that once skewed the game.

Many of these reforms required political courage to withstand the force of criticism. Prices rose as distortions were removed, yet the administration held firm, even as vested interests co-opted public discontent for their own ends.

Indeed, many of the benefits of reform are still to be felt by the wider public. But economic fundamentals must be fixed before that becomes possible. That lead-time often tempts market reformers to reverse course, or avoid reform altogether. Now that Nigeria has made it through the toughest phase, its direction should be clear to investors.

For Britain, the Enhanced Trade and Investment Partnership with Nigeria was a strategic bet on reform, resilience and long-term reward. Nigeria is now delivering its part of the bargain. As my country steadies itself, the UK, its Western allies – and their companies – should deepen this partnership.

Abdul Samad Rabiu is a Nigerian businessman and philanthropist

Culled from Daily Telegraph (UK)

Opinion

Democracy and Good Governance: How Have Niger-Delta Governors Fared?

Published

2 weeks ago

June 4, 2025

Eric

By Magnus Onyibe

The Niger Delta is often seen as a reflection of Nigeria in miniature—especially Delta State, where a rich tapestry of ethnic groups, each with its own dialect and cultural identity, mirrors the nation’s diversity.

The region comprises nine states: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Rivers, and Ondo. Among the current governors, only Alex Otti of Abia State, representing the Labour Party (LP), came into office without any prior experience in government. A seasoned banker, Otti entered the political arena as a newcomer to public administration.

In contrast, the other eight governors had already held significant public offices before their current roles. For example, Douye Diri (Bayelsa), Hope Uzodinma (Imo), Monday Okpebholo (Edo), and Bassey Otu (Cross River) all previously served as senators before transitioning to executive leadership in their respective states. Similarly, Lucky Aiyedatiwa rose from deputy governor to governor in Ondo, while Sheriff Oborevwori, former Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly, moved from a legislative role to become the state’s chief executive.

Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, who served as the state’s Accountant General under the previous administration, also brought with him deep familiarity with the government machinery. However, his tenure is currently on hold, following a six-month state of emergency declared by the federal government. Meanwhile, Umo Eno, the governor of Akwa Ibom, previously held the position of Commissioner for Works before ascending to the governorship.

With this wealth of prior experience, it was widely expected that these governors would not need much time to adjust to their roles. The prevailing assumption was that they would be ready to deliver from day one—mobilizing both human and financial resources to fulfill the lofty promises made during their campaigns.

As we move further into this analysis, we will evaluate how effectively these nine governors have lived up to expectations and whether they’ve delivered the much-anticipated dividends of democracy to the resilient people of the Niger Delta.

To borrow a phrase often attributed to former New York Governor Mario Cuomo, “You campaign in poetry but govern in prose.” In other words, while election campaigns are filled with passion, inspiration, and grand ideals—governance demands pragmatism, clarity, and results.

Which Niger Delta Governors Are Truly Governing in Prose?

Building on the earlier analysis, a crucial question arises: Which of the nine Niger Delta governors have transitioned from campaign poetry to the prose of governance, as famously framed by former New York Governor Mario Cuomo?

This article seeks to answer that by evaluating the performance of the region’s governors over the last two years—marking the halfway point in their four-year constitutional terms.

An exception must be made for Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, who only took office in November due to the state’s off-cycle election. With just six months in office, it would be too early—and unfair—to judge the effectiveness of his administration at this stage.

To conduct a fair assessment of the governors’ performance, it’s important first to define what “good governance” means within the Nigerian context.

What Defines Good Governance in Nigeria?

In Nigeria, good governance is evaluated through several key areas of impact:
1. Business Climate Improvement
Creating a more competitive, transparent, and investor-friendly environment is essential. This includes strengthening corporate governance and promoting economic sustainability to attract both local and international investment.
2. Reforming the Oil, Power, and Extractive Industries
Given the Niger Delta’s role as Nigeria’s energy hub, reforms in these sectors are crucial. Priorities include promoting transparency, accountability, and shifting from a “gas-for-export” model to a “gas-to-power” strategy that improves electricity access.
3. Innovation and Sustainable Development
Supporting governance innovations—especially those that emerge from local communities—is vital. These may include homegrown accountability mechanisms that ensure inclusive and transparent public administration.
4. Youth, Gender, and Social Inclusion
Effective governance must actively empower youth and women through education, entrepreneurship, and social protection programs.
5. Climate Resilience and Environmental Innovation
States are expected to implement climate-smart policies that promote environmental sustainability and protect communities from the growing threats of climate change.
6. Agricultural Transformation
With food security under pressure, improving agricultural governance through innovation, investment, and infrastructure is another vital benchmark of effective leadership.

Core Pillars Supporting Good Governance

In addition to sectoral initiatives, good governance in Nigeria rests on several foundational elements:
• Policy Engagement: Working with stakeholders and lawmakers to craft impactful, evidence-based reforms.
• Data-Driven Decision-Making: Utilizing research and analytics to inform policies and measure results.
• Institutional Capacity Building: Strengthening the ability of government bodies and personnel to deliver services effectively.
• Transparency and Accountability: Upholding openness and ethical stewardship of public resources.

As we continue this midterm review of Niger Delta leadership, these criteria will serve as the lens through which we measure whether the governors are living up to their campaign promises—and delivering real progress in the daily lives of their constituents.

Core Principles of Good Governance

Globally, good governance is rooted in universal principles that cut across borders and systems. These include:
• Responsibility: Diligent and consistent oversight of financial systems, legal compliance, and risk management.
• Transparency and Communication: Clear, inclusive dialogue between governments and their citizens, encouraging participation and trust.
• Equity and Justice: Ensuring fair treatment and equal opportunities for all members of society.

Integral to these principles is the protection of human rights, which is reinforced through:
• Democratic Institutions: Structures that facilitate active citizen involvement in policy decisions.
• Efficient Service Delivery: Governments must effectively provide essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.
• Rule of Law: Legal systems must be reformed to guarantee fairness, security, and equal enforcement of the law.
• Anti-Corruption Practices: Strong mechanisms must be in place to deter corruption and promote accountability at all levels.

At the heart of these elements is strategic vision—a long-term, actionable plan that guides decision-making and ensures consistent development across governance levels.

The Niger Delta: Unique Challenges and Governance Imperatives

While the Niger Delta shares commonalities as Nigeria’s oil-producing heartland, its states vary in environmental and socio-economic conditions. Many areas, especially in Delta, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, and parts of Bayelsa, are characterized by wetlands, creeks, and swampy terrain. These difficult geographies complicate infrastructure development, especially road construction, which is vital for connectivity and economic growth.

In contrast, states like Abia, Imo, Edo, Ondo, and Cross River are situated on firmer ground, making them relatively better positioned for infrastructure expansion.

Despite these differences, the entire region grapples with a similar set of environmental, economic, and social hurdles. To effectively address these challenges, governors in the Niger Delta must embrace holistic, strategic, and citizen-centric approaches. Priority areas include:
• Environmental Remediation: Governments must lead aggressive clean-up campaigns in oil-impacted areas, while also putting in place measures to prevent future ecological damage.
• Infrastructure Expansion: Robust investment in roads, bridges, hospitals, and public utilities is critical to improving quality of life and boosting commerce.
• Diversified Economic Growth: Moving beyond oil dependency, leaders must invest in agriculture, aquaculture, small businesses, and innovation-driven sectors to build resilient local economies.
• Community Participation: Engaging local populations in governance through consultation and inclusion helps foster trust and ensure policies align with grassroots realities.
• Security and Peacebuilding: Addressing insecurity requires a blend of conflict resolution strategies, dialogue, and inclusive peacebuilding initiatives tailored to local dynamics.
• Enforcing Accountability: Governors must ensure both public agencies and private corporations adhere to environmental and human rights standards, with strong regulatory systems in place to uphold these obligations.

Pathways to Sustainable Development in the Niger Delta

For governance to be truly transformative, it must also focus on long-term, sustainable outcomes. This includes:
• Community-Led Development Projects: Emphasizing initiatives that support local needs while preserving the environment.
• Youth Empowerment: Equipping young people with education, vocational skills, and employment opportunities to reduce restiveness and foster economic inclusion.
• Improved Service Delivery: Strengthening access to quality education, healthcare, and basic services will significantly raise living standards.

Ultimately, the path to real transformation in the Niger Delta lies in confronting entrenched structural issues and deploying practical, people-oriented solutions. If these priorities are pursued with vision, commitment, and transparency, the region can unlock sustainable development and lasting prosperity.

Midterm Governance Review: Are Niger Delta Governors Delivering?

At the halfway mark of their four-year tenure—reached on May 29—the performance of governors in the nine Niger Delta states is now under the spotlight. This review examines whether they have delivered on their promises using key benchmarks for democratic dividends and good governance.

When President Bola Tinubu assumed office in 2023, he implemented sweeping economic reforms, including removing the long-standing petrol subsidy and unifying the naira’s exchange rate. These policies freed up considerable funds, resulting in significantly increased federal allocations to state governments.

Many states are now estimated to receive up to 60% more from the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC). For the oil-rich Niger Delta, this financial windfall raised expectations for accelerated development, improved infrastructure, and better living conditions.

One of the most immediate and tangible outcomes of this revenue boost is the clearing of civil servant salary backlogs. Many states that previously owed up to two years’ worth of wages are now current on salary payments—offering much-needed relief to workers and their families.

Assessing Progress Without Standardized Tools

Nigeria currently lacks a uniform, institutionalized system for evaluating subnational governance performance—unlike the way inflation or poverty is tracked by the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, or GDP by global rating agencies. In this gap, the media has stepped in to measure progress.

Platforms like ThisDay and Arise News have focused on the Niger Delta, assessing governors’ achievements based on public perception and editorial judgment, though not always using data-driven metrics.

These reviews, while informal, have highlighted standout governors and shed light on leadership trends across the region.

Delta State Leads the Pack

Delta State has emerged as a top performer under Governor Sheriff Oborevwori. His administration has made clear strides in various sectors, earning him the title of Governor of the Year in some media assessments.

Key accomplishments include:
• Sports: Hosting major events like the National Youth Games and National Sports Festival.
• Judiciary: Upgrading court infrastructure and enhancing support for judicial personnel.
• Human Capital Development: Offering grants and support for artisans, small business owners, and traders.
• Security and Peace: Establishing the Delta State Advisory and Peace-Building Council to mediate conflicts.
• Education: Improving school facilities, awarding scholarships, and strengthening higher institutions.

Beyond these, Oborevwori’s administration has made major investments in roads, bridges, healthcare, and agriculture. His infrastructure drive—facilitated through contractors like Julius Berger—has positioned Delta not just as a regional leader, but arguably one of Nigeria’s best-performing states.

Akwa Ibom Close Behind

Akwa Ibom, led by Governor Umo Eno, ranks next in terms of development. Through a weekly television program featuring the governance activities in the state, and other structured media reports, public opinion acknowledges his steady progress across multiple sectors.

A more thorough, data-backed evaluation from transparency-focused organizations like BudgIT, Statista, or Nairametrics would give a clearer picture of the impact of how the 36 governors and the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT) minister nationwide have fared in their administration at the subnational level.

Currently, Delta and Akwa Ibom are viewed as the most progressive states in the Niger Delta based on visible governance efforts and citizen engagement.

The Power of Media Visibility

One thing both Delta and Akwa Ibom have in common is their effective communication strategies. Through sponsored programs on platforms like Arise News and collaborations with media influencers (tv anchor persons ,columnists and journalists), these states have maintained strong public visibility.

This strategic communication has helped them control the narrative, highlight successes, and stay connected to their citizens. As a result, media coverage has favored their administrations.

Conversely, the remaining seven Niger Delta states—Abia, Bayelsa, Imo, Ondo, Cross River, Rivers, and Edo—have suffered from poor communication, making their governance efforts largely invisible to the public. As the saying goes, “Governing without communicating is like winking at a pretty lady in a dark room. The man knows what he’s doing, but the lady doesn’t.”

Special Focus: Rivers and Edo States

In Rivers State, Governor Siminalayi Fubara began with high visibility but soon found his administration overshadowed by political conflict.

In Edo State, Governor Monday Okpebholo only assumed office six months ago due to the state’s off-cycle election. Despite the short time in office, he has made bold moves to tackle the state’s current biggest challenge in terms of insecurity—cracking down on cultism, removing traditional rulers involved in crime, and demolishing properties tied to illegal activities.

He has also initiated the construction of a major flyover at Ikpoba Hill to alleviate severe traffic congestion. Once completed, this project will improve traffic flow between eastern and western Nigeria, easing movement from Delta and Edo to Lagos.

Agriculture: A Neglected Sector

One major area where all Niger Delta governors need to improve is agriculture. With food prices rising due to subsidy removal and currency devaluation, food security is now a pressing concern.

While civil servants’ national minimum wages have risen—from ₦30,000 to about ₦70,000,commendably in all Niger Delta states it is higher than the national level —there has not been a commensurate increase in investment in farming. This is troubling, as agriculture remains the largest employer in Nigeria. So, without creating an enabling environment for agricultural activities to thrive in the rural areas, significant poverty alleviation may not be recorded in the hinterland as food insecurity will continue to be a source of hardship for the masses.

Despite ongoing challenges like farmer-herder clashes, flooding, and coastal erosion, Niger Delta state governments must prioritize agriculture to reduce hunger and boost rural livelihoods.

Conclusion: Unlocking the Region’s Potential

The takeaway is clear: with at least 60% higher inflow of funds to states from FAAC account,money is no longer the biggest or primary constraint to development in the Niger Delta and states nationwide.
That is because the state governors now have the resources to uplift their people—if managed wisely.

The real test is in vision, planning, and prioritizing projects that directly benefit the population. Governor Oborevwori has set a strong example by combining smart resource use with visible public engagement.

Advice to Other Governors

To governors whose performance remains under the radar, now is the time to act. Learn from Delta and Akwa Ibom—meet the real needs of your people and use the media as a governance tool.

If not, you risk being the proverbial man “winking in the dark”—your good efforts may go completely unnoticed.

With the 2027 election season approaching for all but Edo, this midterm point is an opportunity to turn things around, show leadership, and earn the people’s trust for a possible second term.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, an alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, a Commonwealth lnstitute scholar and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, wrote from Lagos