Headline

Pendulum: Between Buhari and Atiku, My Candid Forecast

Published

6 years ago

February 2, 2019

Eric

By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, let me say how excited I am that the Nigerian Presidential election is barely two weeks away. Naturally, nothing dominates the news here than the topic of who is likely to win. I have no power of clairvoyance, but I have some modest and sufficient experience about Nigeria’s political history as well as world politics. This is the reason I often attempt to analyse and dissect the chances of the main candidates. Every candidate counts in an election of this nature. I’m forever proud of my decision to participate in 2011. Contrary to what many have said or written about me, I actually expected a miracle to happen and my extraordinary confidence must have been bolstered by the sheer audacity of Barack Obama who took on the humongous American establishment, and stubborn status quo, and tore them to shreds. The same spirit must be the one propelling some of our friends and compatriots, Fela Durotoye, Oby Ezekwezili, Tanko Yunusa, Omoyele Sowore, Donald Duke, Eunice Atuejide, Alistair Soyode, Kingsley Moghalu, Tope Fasua, and others (not in any particular order).

The lesson I learnt from that 2011 experiment will live with me forever. The first is that Nigeria must find a way to return to a two-party system. Our young candidates would have better chances if they emerged from mainstream parties. It would have been a straight fight between, perhaps, an older candidate and a youthful one. I believe, this must be the reason Alhaji Atiku Abubakar promptly cashed in on that punchline when he described himself as the bridge between the old and the young. And if you watched the interview conducted by the strong lady, Kadaira Ahmed, with Atiku and Peter Obi, the difference was clear. Atiku looked more energetic, mentally alert, eloquent, knowledgeable, presentable, exposed, cosmopolitan and business-like notwithstanding the fact that he s only a few years younger than the President. I told some of my friends that night that if you give Buhari four terms, nothing would move because he would sit down in one position bemoaning the past and seeing future enemies. The stultification of Nigeria in the last four years is not as a result of PDP’s prodigality of the previous 16 years, but because of the sluggishness, taciturnity, clannishness, vindictiveness, obstinacy, and crass ignorance of many members of the Buhari cabal and cult.

There is nothing APC has not done to rewrite history. Their present supporters are the rudest humans I have ever encountered. They are incapable of any logical or superior argument. They are rigidly programmed to see anyone not in their camp as a thief and looter, as if that is all there is to governance. Atiku was able to point this out during the Kadaria encounter, when he boldly declared that rather than waste resources and precious time on chasing a few rats, he would consider granting amnesty to some of the looters as a quicker resolution and foreclosure to the unfortunate saga. Nearly 21 years after the death of General Sani Abacha, Nigeria is yet to fully recover all the alleged fortune in foreign lands. The money is not useful to Nigeria in foreign coffers. Some people disagreed with Atiku’s strategy for fighting corruption, but they forgot that it is foolhardy to grant amnesty to terrorists and murderers and refuse to consider same for pen robbers. The tragedy of Buhari’s entrenched position is that he and his disciples are not business-like. Everything must be fought as a jihad when some of the problems require tact and common sense.

I’m confident to say Buhari has not won new fans in the last four years, or better put, he has lost far more than he has gained, if any at all.

This election would be fought on several fronts. The first is funding. Atiku will never be able to compete on this account. Buhari is certainly not like former President Jonathan who was more democratically relaxed and thus allowed Buhari to campaign and roam freely. But for Atiku’s courage and extensive contact and global network, his campaign would have collapsed ages ago. Buhari and his people must be worried about how Atiku has managed to run such an efficient campaign filled with substance, entertainment and excitement. While the APC Chairman, Adams Oshiomhole, and others continue to abuse PDP and even members of their own party, Atiku and company cannot be seen attacking people. The melodious and mellifluous campaign song of Atikulation is catching on sporadically on social media. The infighting in APC should be cause for alarm. Things are falling apart in so many states and Buhari has not demonstrated enough capacity to reconcile his party. Except a miracle happens, APC is not likely to field candidates in several states of the Federation.

Next is ethnicity. This will play a major role in the imminent General elections. It appears that Buhari has walked into a major trap this time around. Unlike his pan-Nigerian outlook in 2015, he has atrociously become the most clannish leader in Nigeria’s contemporary history. For a man nursing a second term ambition, it is strange and inconceivable that he would throw caution to the winds the way he did when he carried his Fulanisation of Nigeria to bizarre levels. He should have known that when tomorrow comes, his perceived actions would come back to haunt and torment him. Except for his die-hard supporters, it would be difficult, if not impossible, for Buhari to say he is the true father of the nation when he has blatantly refused to embrace everyone. The interesting thing is that an in-depth analysis might show that there is a balancing exercise over time, but the nature and manner of the appointments Buhari has made is what leaves much to be desired and is particularly galling.

Once upon a time, Buhari enjoyed a cult-like followership in several parts of Nigeria, especially, in the North West and North East. I believe he still does, but not on the scale he did in the past. I predict a substantial reduction in his votes in key States that he could afford to take for granted in the past. I will start with the massive State of Kano. Say what you will, former Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso, will chip off a minimum 40 percent of Buhari’s previous votes in Kano, that is if not up to 50 percent. Those who claim Buhari is invincible may be right to some extent, but he lost some precious diamond the day APC allowed the iroko tree called Rabiu Kwankwaso to quit APC. This development will plague Buhari in this election.

I will say President Buhari reached the peak of his glory and popularity in 2015. For the first time, he was able to secure the support of so many who had written him off in the past as being too old and archaic. The hatred for PDP and its leadership blinded many of us from seeing all the warts we had complained about and Buhari became our new bride. Despite the blistering campaign for Buhari nationwide and the alliances formed between the powerful forces that combined to form APC, and some noticeable, but studiously ignored infractions during the election, the difference in votes between Buhari and Jonathan was under three million. Buhari’s popularity has since dwindled dramatically since then. APC chieftains know within them that they are currently on a very difficult mission to bring Buhari back to power. They are aware that he has become too old and tired and sickly, but they are goading him on for their personal survival. This explains all the moves to urgently take over other arms of government that are likely to make things difficult if they need to perform some magic like they did in Osun State recently.

My first forecast is that Buhari will win many States in the North West, but not with the kind of margin that he had in 2015. Atiku will challenge him big time in Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, Kano, Kaduna and even Katsina. It was easier for Buhari in 2015 because he contested against a Southerner, but this time around, Atiku is as Fulani as they come. Not just that, Atiku has structures and he’s been in the race for over 25 years and thus built many bridges and made strong connections with a veritably formidable network of friends and associates. Buhari used to do very well in the North East, especially in Bauchi, but it should be noted that, this time around, Atiku is from the North East and he would put up a major fight in his territory. Buhari may still have a slight edge, here and there, but nothing monumental enough to shake Atiku.

Atiku will perform better than Buhari in the North Central. This may help him cancel some deficit he may have acquired in the North West and North East. Atiku is likely to obliterate Buhari in the South East and South South, the traditional enclave of PDP. South East offers a unique advantage because Atiku’s Vice President candidate comes from here as well as Atiku’s adorable wife, Jennifer. But since every vote for Atiku is badly needed, he would have to find a way to galvanise people of his catchment area to come out to vote and defend their votes. The South West is a bit dicey for both Buhari and Atiku. Buhari’s Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo comes from this zone and he is well loved by his people though many have complained that Buhari has handed too much power to his cabal instead of empowering this cerebral, refined, hardworking and meticulous gentleman who has shown a capacity and ability to galvanise and unify Nigeria. However, Atiku’s matronly wife, Titi, also comes from this zone which further complicates the equation because she is also well loved by women who feel she performed well as wife of the Vice President, from 1999-2007. I still expect APC to defeat PDP in this zone even though the margin of victory may be slender.

As the Economist has predicted once again, I see a tight race but a slim victory that would make Atiku Abubakar the next President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

We wait with bated breath!

OXFORD UNIVERSITY, HERE I COME

At the end of January, I received wonderful news regarding my application for admission to the African Studies Centre of the University of Oxford. As everyone who follows me knows, academia is my first love. My dream was always to be a teacher and once I stepped into the hallowed precincts of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, then known as University of Ife, it was love at first sight with academics. The love fest was complete as I walked into the sanctuary of books at the University Library where I worked from 1977-78 and my passion for reading simply exploded. I knew that this was what I had been made for, and my career in journalism has merely been a rite of passage towards the achievement and fulfilment of my quest for the knowledge that comes from reading and academics.

And so, it was with great joy, elation and excitement that I received the letter from the Director of The African Studies Centre, and The Rhodes Professor of Race Relations at the Oxford School of Global and Area Studies, Professor Wale Adebanwi, informing me that at the instance of the University of Oxford, United Kingdom, I had been approved as an Academic Visitor at the African Studies Centre of Oxford University. Professor Adebanwi wrote:

“I am happy to inform you that the Management Committee of the African Studies Centre, University of Oxford, UK, has approved your request for an Academic Visitor status at the Centre in the Hillary and Trinity Terms, 2019 – that is, between February and July 2019.

Oxford University’s African Studies Centre (see: http://www.africanstudies.ox.ac.uk/) is one of the world’s leading centres of African Studies. The Centre is the focal point for graduate level work and faculty research on Africa. Alongside a vibrant doctoral (DPhil) programme, the MSc in African Studies, inaugurated in 2006, is already recognised as one of Europe’s most prestigious and most successful training programmes in its field. We have trained graduate students who are now holding important positions in different spheres of social, economic and political life in Africa and the rest of the world.

We note that during your fellowship at the Centre, you plan to work on a book manuscript based on your experiences as a journalist, writer, publisher and social media activist entitled, “Celebrity Journalism and the Social Media in Contemporary Africa.”

We will expect you to present aspects of your work at a seminar before the end of your fellowship.

We look forward to hosting you. And we hope your time at Oxford will be mutually rewarding.”

It is my aim to utilise my rare combined degrees – a first degree in Yoruba from the University of Ife (now known as Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife) and a Master’s degree in Literature-in-English – to craft a biography of my journey through the world of journalism, politics and social activism.

Since I announced that I was going to be working on this book manuscript at Oxford University, my teeming readers and supporters have been asking about the fate of this Column. I wish to assure everybody including all my regular readers and fans that this Column will continue to appear regularly and will not be prejudiced, but rather enhanced, by my new adventure.

I hope you will all join me as I start another phase of my life and pray for the success of this new endeavour.

Headline

Rivers Crisis: The Taming of Sim Fubara

Published

2 days ago

May 13, 2025

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

Listening to the suspended Governor of Rivers State, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, on matters arising over his suspension and possible reinstatement, one is bound to conclude that the embattled governor, who fell under the hammer of executive emergency declaration, either buckled to pressure from high places, or have compromised his hard stand as a no-nonsense people-oriented governor. In all, it is believed that Fubara has been categorically tamed; a situation profoundly compared to William Shakespeare’s ‘The Taming of the Shrew’.

The Rivers State scenario typically adapted the characterisation of the Shakespeare’s classic, where the character, Christopher Sly, was roundly pranked by a mischievous nobleman to mistakenly believe that he too was of nobility. Alas, it was a ploy to tame his ego, distract him from what he cherished most.

Fubara, at the service of songs held in Port Harcourt, Rivers state capital, in honour of late Edwin Clark, elder statesman and the leader of the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), not only disclosed that his heart is no longer in the governorship job from which he was suspended almost two months ago, but lambasted his supporters and followers for adopting the ‘oshogbe’ approach in fighting for his cause.

Fubara, in a tone, that betrayed his earlier tough stand, said he is not desperate to return to office nearly two months after President Bola Tinubu declared emergency rule in the state.

“Have you asked yourself, do you think I’m interested in going back there? I want to ask you—don’t you see how much better I’m doing?” Fubara asked the audience at the service of songs.

“Do you think I’m interested in going back there? If I had my way, I would say this is it. This is the will of God. I don’t wish to go back there. My spirit has left that place,” he added, much to the surprise of a divided in opinion audience.

Fubara was not only basking in the euphoria of a deceived commoner, but also wore the garb of Katherina, the unwilling participant, who was tamed by his would-be groom with various psychological torments, including refusing food and drink until she becomes an obedient, desirable and compliant bride.

This typifies the beginning of the relationship between Fubara and his erstwhile benefactor, Wike, who went the whole yard, proving the not available nobility of the then chief accountant, denying him the appurtenaces of the office of Governor till he can become what they want of him. And like Katherina to Petruchio in Shakespeare’s classic, the Rivers governor has completely turned around, jettisoned his supposed shrewness to become a loyalist, who is now at the beck and call of the master. If his masters say a man is a woman, or the sun is the moon, the tamed subject will willingly agree, and without rancour. His actions and utterances have to a great extent proved his tamed status.

Fubara’s remark was in response to several tributes by members of the Rivers Elders Forum, who referred to him as “governor” and condemned his suspension.

Unlike the Fubara before the March 18 suspension by President Bola Tinubu, the governor dissociated himself from those statements, describing them as personal views not aligned with his approach.

He said such comments were unlikely to support peace in the state.

The governor also expressed concerns that actions taken by some of his backers had, in fact, worsened the crisis.

He asked the audience to focus their reflections on Clark’s life and legacy, rather than turning the event into a political protest.

It would be recalled that Fubara’s alleged change of heart in the heated crises that have seen him become estranged with his political godfather and immediate past governor of Rivers State, who is presently the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, became visible after his supposed meeting with Tinubu in London. Though the outcome of the meeting is yet unknown, recent actions and utterances of the governor tends to prove that a sort of compromise, which may seem detrimental to his political future, was arrived at. He was quoted shortly after arriving Nigeria from London, as saying that Tinubu should be supported.

Wike, with whom he has been at loggerheads over leadership of party structure in the state for over 18 months, confirmed during a media chat on Monday, that the embattled governor visited his Abuja residence, with two other governors, to plea for peace and understanding.

Recall also that Fubara and Wike have been locked in a bitter political standoff since late 2023. This created a dichotomy in the leadership loyalty with Wike controlling the members of the House of Assembly, except for four of them, while Fubara controlled the executive. Both arms of government have not been able to see eye to eye until the eventual emergency rule declaration. While the Assembly sought to impeach the governor, the governor and his team were bent on kicking the Assembly members out, leaning on their well celebrated decamping to the All Progressives Congress (APC). The members later denied defecting.

On Friday, February 28, 2025, the Supreme Court made landmark pronouncements that placed Governor Fubara on the receiving end, and giving Wike and his supporters victory in what seem to be a foreclosure in the game of throne that paralysed the political and administrative existence of the state since inauguration in 2023.

Not only did the court nullified all the structures that sustained Fubara’s administration, it lambasted the governor, thoroughly reducing him to a laughing stock among Wike and his followers, berating him for breaking down the Rivers State House of Assembly building as a way to stop the defected 27 lawmakers from sitting, thereby forcing them to sit outside to carry out their lawful activities.

The justices said it is a regular occurrence for those in executive power who feel threatened that their seat is being taken or is about to be impeached to resort to actions like demolishing buildings and other acts of bigamy.

THE ROAD TO PEACE

Fubara, seeming to have lost following the Supreme Court judgment, started exploring every option to ensure peace so that his impeachment is never put on the table. As a result, putting aside the disgrace of being locked out of the assembly quarters, the governor promised to re-present the budget in fulfillment of the Supreme Court order, choosing Wednesday March 19, 2025, or any other date in March, the lawmakers might choose. But the President preempted the move with an emergency rule.

Rivers State has been at the centre of a deepening political feud between Fubara and his predecessor and political godfather, Nyesom Wike.

Following the political situation in the state, President Bola Tinubu intervened in December 2023, brokering a peace deal between both sides.

However, on March 18, Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers and suspended Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and all the state lawmakers, temporarily bringing the tension in the state to an end

The President also appointed a retired naval chief, Ibok-Ete Ibas, as the sole administrator of the oil-rich state.

The move effectively dissolved the existing government structure, placing the state under federal control.

The 11 Peoples Democratic Party governors had filed a suit at the Supreme Court in protest, to challenge the President’s action; a move the National Assembly challenged, urging the court to dismiss the suit filed by the PDP governors.

The National Assembly also contended that the suit was procedurally flawed and lacked merit, while further arguing that the court lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the suit and should award N1 billion in costs against the plaintiffs for filing what it termed a frivolous and speculative suit.

The suit is yet to be determined.

Fubara remains in limbo, but seems to have chosen the path that would give him a soft political landing. Every finger points to the fact that he may have compromised his mandate, pushing his fighting supporters to stop the criticisms against Tinubu and Wike as well as insinuating that he was fed with the governorship mandate.

It has also been alleged that even if Fubara is restored to complete his term, he may not be allowed to seek another term. This could be the premise on which the suspended governor is speaking from the other side of the mouth.

When Shakespeare wrote The Taming of the Shrew many centuries ago, exactly between 1590 – 1592, the Wike/Fubara was not in the equation, but today, the plot typifies the present day Rivers State where the incumbent governor has been tamed to speak everything good of his tormentors.

It is still not known, however, if Fubara will make good his threat not to return to office, but it has become obvious that he is now willing to dance to the tune of he that pays the piper.

Headline

Behold the First Ever American Pope, Robert Francis Prevost

Published

6 days ago

May 9, 2025

Eric

Robert Francis Prevost, the first pope from the United States, has a history of missionary work in Peru but also a keen grasp of the inner workings of the Church.

The new Leo XIV, a Chicago native, was entrusted by his predecessor Francis, to head the powerful Dicastery for Bishops, charged with advising the pontiff on new bishop appointments.

The sign of confidence from Francis speaks to Prevost’s commitment as a missionary in Peru to the “peripheries” – overlooked areas far from Rome prioritised by Francis – and his reputation as a bridge-builder and moderate within the Curia.

The 69-year-old Archbishop-Bishop emeritus of Chiclayo, Peru, was made a cardinal by Francis in 2023 after being named Prefect of the Dicastery, one of the Vatican’s most important departments — and a post that introduced him to all key players in the Church.

Vatican watchers had given Prevost the highest chances among the group of US cardinals of being pope, given his pastoral bent, global view and ability to navigate the central bureaucracy.

Italian newspaper, La Repubblica, called him “the least American of the Americans” for his soft-spoken touch.

His strong grounding in canon law has also been seen as reassuring to more conservative cardinals seeking a greater focus on Theology.

Following Francis’s death, Prevost said there was “still so much to do” in the work of the Church.

“We can’t stop, we can’t turn back. We have to see how the Holy Spirit wants the Church to be today and tomorrow, because today’s world, in which the Church lives, is not the same as the world of ten or 20 years ago,” he told Vatican News last month.

“The message is always the same: proclaim Jesus Christ, proclaim the Gospel, but the way to reach today’s people, young people, the poor, politicians, is different,” he said.

Born on September 14, 1955, in Chicago, Prevost attended a Minor Seminary of the Order of St Augustine in St Louis as a novice before graduating from Philadelphia’s Villanova University, an Augustinian institution, with a degree in Mathematics.

After receiving a masters degree in divinity from Chicago’s Catholic Theological Union in 1982, and a doctorate decree in canon law in Rome, the polyglot joined the Augustinians in Peru in 1985 for the first of his decade-long missions in that country.

Returning to Chicago in 1999, he was made provincial prior of the Augustinians in the US Midwest and later the prior general of the order throughout the world.

But he returned to Peru in 2014 when Francis appointed him as apostolic administrator of the Diocese of Chiclayo in the country’s north.

Nearly a decade later, Prevost’s appointment in 2023 as head of the Dicastery came after Canadian Cardinal Marc Ouellet was accused of sexually assaulting a woman and resigned for age reasons.

The Vatican later dropped the case against Ouellet for insufficient evidence.

Prevost also serves as president of the Pontifical Commission for Latin America.

Headline

Remembering Ife’s 50th Ooni, Oba Sijuwade Okunade

Published

1 week ago

May 6, 2025

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

10 years after the death of one of the most cosmopolitan monarchs Nigeria has produced, His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II CFR, family, friends and the traditional institutions are gearing up for a mother of all remembrance and memorial ceremony. Oba Okunade Sijuwade is the 50th Oni of Ife.

On Tuesday, at the elaborate Civic Centre, in the heart of Victoria Island, stakeholders and people of interest, gathered to inform the public through the media, veritable steps being taken to honour the progeny of Oduduwa and until his death in 2015, the prime custodian of the Yoruba tradition.

According to the invitation to the media briefing, organizers noted that the events are being held in conjunction with the National Council of Traditional Rulers under the Chairmanship of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, Ojaja II, Ooni of Ife CFR and His Eminence Sultan Sa’ad Abubakar, the Sultan of Sokoto CFR.

In his address, the Curator and Consultant for the 10th year Memorial Celebration of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, Dr. Oludamola Adebowale, described the event as a decade of legacy, while noting as follows:

“A Decade of Legacy: 10th Year Memorial Celebration of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II.

“At a press briefing held at the Civic Centre in Victoria Island, Lagos, the family of the late Ooni of ile-Ife, His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, unveiled a series of cultural, intellectual, and commemorative events marking the 10th anniversary of the revered monarch’s passing. The Programme is a tribute to his enduring legacy as a custodian of culture, a bridge-builder across Nigeria, and a global advocate for African heritage.

“Organized in partnership with the National Council of Traditional Rulers of Nigeria, the memorial activities are spearheaded by the Co-chairmen of the Council, Ooni of Ife, His Imperial Majesty Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, CFR, Ojaja II, alongside His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar, CFR, the Sultan of Sokoto.

“A key highlight is a Three-State Inter-School Debate Tour featuring students from King’s College, Lagos; Abeokuta Grammar School; Oba Sijuwade’s alma mater; and Oduduwa College, Ile-Ife. The theme, “Traditional Governance vs. Modern Democracy: Which Best Preserves Cultural Heritage?’ invites students to explore the relevance of indigenous leadership in today’s world. The final debate presentation will be held on July 25, 2025.

“Another major feature is the Grand Memorial Exhibition, showcasing rare photographs, personal items, and archival materials from Oba Sijuwade’s life and reign—many being displayed publicly for the first time. The exhibition features collections from the National Archives of Nigeria, the UK National Archives, Horniman Museum & Gardens (UK), and the African American Research Library and Cultural Center (Florida), home of the Dr. Niara Sudarkasa Collection and also the Sijuwade Personal Collection.

“The exhibition is curated by renowned cultural historian and archivist Dr. Oludamola ADEBOWALE.

“A national symposium titled “Unifying and Securing Nigeria’s Future Through Traditional Institutions” will gather traditional rulers, scholars, and policymakers to examine the evolving role of indigenous leadership in peacebuilding, national identity, and governance.

“The grand finale of the memorial will take place in Ile-Ife, the cradle of Yoruba civilization. It includes a church thanksgiving service and solemn prayers at the late Ooni’s mausoleum—concluding the memorial in dignity and grandeur.

“Looking ahead, the Sijuwade family announced a series of legacy projects, including:

– A Nubian Jak Blue Plaque at his former London residence, recognizing his global impact in cultural diplomacy.

– The launch of a commemorative book detailing his life, leadership, and international engagements.

– The development of the Oba Okunade Sijuwade Memorial Hall and Museum in Ile-Ife to preserve his legacy and Yoruba heritage.

“This far-reaching initiative reflects the far-sighted vision of Oba Okunade Sijuwade—an imperial figure whose reign was defined by grace, wisdom, and an unwavering commitment to cultural excellence. These legacy projects are not only tributes to his memory but enduring pillars that will continue to inspire future generations in Nigeria, across Africa, and throughout the global diaspora. Through them, the timeless values he embodied—dignity, unity, heritage, and leadership—will live on, shaping a future deeply rooted in the strength of tradition and the promise of progress.

OBA OKUNADE SIJUWADE (1930 – 2015)

According to accounts obtained from Wikipedia, the life and times of Oba Sijuwade is captured as follows:

Born January 1, 1930, Alayeluwa Oba Okunade Sijuwade CFR, was the 50th traditional ruler (or Ooni) of Ife from December 6, 1980 to his death on July 28, 2015. He reigned for 35 influential years, taking the regnal name Olubuse II. His installation ceremony was attended by the Emir of Kano, Oba of Benin, Amayanabo of Opobo and Olu of Warri, as well as by representatives of the Queen of the United Kingdom.

Sijuwade was born to the ruling House of Sijuwade which is a fraction of the Ogboru ruling house, Ilare, Ile-Ife. His paternal grandfather was Ooni Adelekan Sijuwade – Olubuse I the 46th Ooni of Ife who ruled from 1884 – 1910. While his father was Omo-Oba Adereti Sijuade (1895 – 11 May 1949) and his mother was, Yeyeolori Emilia Ifasesin Sijuwade (nee Osukoti Adugbolu), from the town of Akure. He was a Christian and in November 2009 he attended the annual general meeting of the Foursquare Gospel Church in Nigeria accompanied by 17 other traditional rulers. He declared that he was a full member of the church and said all the monarchs who accompanied him would now become members. At his birthday celebration two months later, the Primate of the Anglican Communion described Sijuwade as “a humble monarch, who has the fear of God at heart”.

Oba Okunade Sijuwade or Prince Okunade Sijuwade as he was then called started his elementary education at Igbedin School, Abeokuta from where he proceeded to Abeokuta Grammar School under the governance of the well-known educationalist Reverend I O Ransome-Kuti, who was the principal of the school. Upon leaving Abeokuta Grammar School, Oba Okunade Sijuwade transferred to Oduduwa College in Ile-Ife before attending Northampton Technical College in the United Kingdom to study business management.

He worked for three years in his father’s business, then for two years with the Nigerian Tribune, first as a reporter then a sales executive before going to university.

By the age of 30, he was a manager in A.G Leventis, a Greek-Nigerian conglomerate. In 1963 he became Sales Director of the state-owned National Motors in Lagos. After spotting a business opportunity during a 1964 visit to the Soviet Union, he formed WAATECO a company to distribute Soviet-built vehicles and equipment in Nigeria, which became the nucleus of a widespread business empire. He also invested in real estate in his hometown of Ile Ife. By the time Sijuwade was crowned Ooni in 1980 he was already a wealthy man.

Shortly after becoming the 50th Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade founded Sijuwade Group, which he was the chairman of. The conglomerate operates in several sectors including oil and gas, infrastructure, real estate, industrials, and hospitality. The company holds partnerships with several multinational companies such as Centrica, Equinor (formerly Statoil), CCC, Eser and RCC (Reynolds Construction Company) and has executed over $2 billion worth of contracts and projects in Nigeria.

When Sijuwade became Ooni of Ife in December 1980, he inherited an ongoing dispute over supremacy between the obas of Yorubaland. In 1967 a crisis had been resolved when Chief Obafemi Awolowo was chosen as the leader of the Yoruba. In 1976 the Governor of Oyo State, General David Jemibewon, had decreed that the Ooni of Ife would be the permanent chairman of the State Council of Obas and Chiefs. Other Obas led by the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi said the position should rotate. The dispute calmed down when Osun State was carved out of Oyo State in August 1991, but ill will persisted.

Towards the end of 2009 a more local dispute between the Ooni, the Awujale of Ijebuland and the Alake of Egbaland was finally resolved. Sijuwade traced the dispute back to a falling out between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola during the Nigerian First Republic, which had led to a division between the traditional rulers.

In February 2009, Sijuwade helped mediate in a dispute over land ownership between the communities of Ife and Modakeke, resolved in part through the elevation of the Ogunsua of Modakeke as an Oba. The new Oba, Francis Adedoyin, would be under the headship of Oba Okunade Sijuwade.

Oba Okunade Sijuwade had 4 wives and 20 children in total. His wives were:

Yeyeluwa Oyetunde Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s first wife and the first Yeyeluwa of Ife. She was the mother to Prince Adetokunbo Sijuwade.
Olori Morisola Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s second wife and the second Yeyeluwa of Ife from 1986 after Yeyeluwa Oyetunde Sijuwade’s death.
Olori Oladunni Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s third wife and the daughter of the very popular politician Chief Adedamola Harold-Sodipo.
Olori Odunola Sijuwade, a princess of Ila-Orangun and the daughter of the revered Ila-Orangun, Oba William Ayeni.

According to Forbes Oba Okunade Sijuwade was the third Richest King in Africa. He also owned several residentials properties in Nigeria and the United Kingdom including Chester Terrace, Grosvenor Square, and a country home in Burnham, Buckinghamshire. In the 80’s, shortly after Oba Okunade Sijuwade became the Ooni of Ife, he visited President Rajiv Gandhi of India and King Fahd Al Saud of Saudi Arabia at the invitation of both countries to foster friendly relations between them and Nigeria. Few years later as Ooni, he visited Japan to meet Emperor Akihito along with Emir Ado Bayero of Kano.

Activities are expected to kick off in mid June 2025, and terminate late July, 2025.