Opinion
2019 Polls: ‘Atikulating’ the Atiku Option
Published
8 years agoon
By
Eric
By Nkannebe Raymond
When it became clear that Alhaji Atiku Abubakar would emerge the candidate of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at the just concluded National Convention of the party, as I watched from the comfort of my apartment yesterday (Sunday) morning, I was overtaken by emotions. Late Saturday night, as I followed the exercise on screen, I had told a group of friends whom I had a conversation with (on the chances of each of the twelve aspirants), that this was Atiku’s last shot at the presidency considering the odds his declining age would pose to any further aspirations come 2023 in the event he loses the ticket this time. And more so, as it would be hard to think that the cracks that occurred both in the APC and the PDP in the race to 2019, would repeat itself in a manner such as would come with a basket of opportunity for the man.
And so when it was eventually announced that he has emerged the candidate of the PDP after an electoral process that would make a Yakubu Mohammed rethink his appropriateness for the office he occupies, after garnering a whopping 1532 votes with his closest rival scratching a distant 693 votes, I took pity on a man whose political road in the words of that great Educationist, Tai Solarin, has been rough.
At the same time, I was happy for him for having stepped up to the threshold of history this time, as in all his five attempts at clinching the number 1 political office in the Country which began in 1991, never has he stood in a position that saw him more close to its actualization as now. All previous attempts have not quite seen him become a candidate under a platform with the structure to give life to what critics might call vaulting ambitions. When he emerged the candidate of the defunct Action Congress (AC) in 2007 after a bare knuckled political warfare with his erstwhile boss, he came a distant third at the general election, garnering supposedly only 7% of the votes in an election that stands out today as the worst in the nation’s chequered history. 2011 was ‘a no-go-area’ of sorts given the peculiar nature of the political environment at the time, while 2014 saw him lose out at the primaries to the incumbent president.
And so when he took that historical walk from where he sat at the VIP section of the Adokiye Amiesimaka Stadium in Port Harcourt ─venue of the convention, up to the podium to deliver his acceptance speech for what he acknowledges as a privilege to serve, I was literally overtaken by goose bumps brought about by a solemn retrospection into the tortuous political journey of a man whose success story is the prototypical tale of unflinching determination and doggedness towards the actualisation of a noble cause. And I like to think that the emotional weight of all these, must have operated in no small measure to force the tears down his plum cheeks while he picked the party’s presidential ticket months ago─ tears which must have been informed by his innermost acknowledgment of the fact that this was his last chance at the presidency that so fits his carriage and body frame after repeated trials that must have come with huge financial, emotional and psychological costs at each occasion. In many ways, his journey to the current position he occupies, mirrors the circumstances that also dogged incumbent president Muhammadu Buhari’s aspirations to the presidency, which eventually found manifestation three years ago.
Atiku’s ambitions all along must have suffered from the damage wrought on his person by former President Olusegun Obasanjo who for reasons best known to him, has sworn not to forgive his former deputy for “sins” that have not been effectively communicated to Nigerians. While the Ota farmer’s influence across the Nigerian political firmament remained intact, they operated to frustrate the emergence of an Atiku Presidency. And on many occasions, the former president had come out to say that “while he lives, Atiku would not be President”. This ‘damage’ as it appeared, soon became a sing-song and many Nigerians in their typical uncritical manner bought whatever was said of him by the ‘Chief Watcher of the Federation’ of the presidential library infamy.
Across Nigeria, people who knew little or nothing of the antecedents of the man─particularly as relates to the foundations of his wealth which dates back to many years before his becoming a vice-president, were given to react dismissively of him, on grounds amongst others that he “is corrupt”. On several occasions I have been buffeted by critics who are never tired of describing the man as a Robin hood of sorts. You’d think that they would be generous enough to give flesh to these very outlandish allegations, but all you’ll get are recitations of conspiracy theories that would make a script for a blockbuster motion picture.
For many of these traducers visibly suffering from acute “pull-him-down-syndrome”, they were only relaying or repeating what they heard that was said of the man. Indeed, the story of Atiku’s ugly perception amongst many Nigerians as aided by the media, lends credence to the gobbelian propagandist philosophy that when you consistently repeat falsehood it somehow graduates into truth. But the fact remains that these allegations are mere hogwash, and calculated attempt to tarnish the man’s hard earned reputation.
With his emergence yesterday as the PDP’s candidate, there seem to have been a resurgent of this well lubricated propaganda that tars the waziri Adamawa with the brush of corruption. A ‘corruptness’, if I might use that word, that has not been substantiated by any court of competent jurisdiction many years after he left public service. The rave of the moment however, is the petty insinuation making the rounds that Atiku cannot be issued with an American Visa, having been banned from entry into that country on allegations bordering on corruption as though a visit to the United States were a condition precedent to qualify to the exalted office of the Nigerian president─a campaign launched and funded by a section of the political Mafioso that rue the emergence of an Atiku Presidency.
But the tables are looking set to be turned with the popular mandate he received yesterday. For all the outright falsehood that have been peddled against the person of Atiku Abubakar, the good news as far as one could gather, is that many Nigerians are beginning to see through the ruse having witnessed the oversized ‘integrity’ of president Muhammadu Buhari and his ‘lifeless’ superintendence. Many persons are beginning to ask critical questions of these blatant allegations that resemble those of a Christine Blassey Ford against, a very fine Judge in the United States, which cries to the heavens for substantiation. More enlightened Nigerians are no longer willing to lend themselves to be used as a fodder to propagate sheer falsehood against a man who have built businesses across the length and breadth of this country, and have created wealth more than any other politician of his ranking. Nigerians are now more disposed to pointing naysayers to the numerous accomplishments of the man in the business world that speak eloquently of his often scrutinised wealth.
But even more importantly, all through social media, commentators have not ceased calling attention to the fact that the 2019 election is not a referendum on the integrity or otherwise of Atiku Abubakar. They have reiterated that it remains a referendum on Buhari’s performance in the core areas of Economy, Corruption and Security, in the last three and a half years he has been in the saddle. The sentiment out there is that Nigeria must not be led by a saint for it to make progress. On the contrary, Nigerians seem to be asking for a competent hand and a quality-head who understands the Nigerian problem and most importantly can engineer solutions out of them. And the consensus out there is that incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari, cannot deliver on that score, lacking in the main, the intellectual capacity and innovation of mind to rejig the extant comatose ship of state.
Having acknowledged that at the core of the progress of modern nation states is the function of how they revolutionize their economy to position it for profits in an international market that has become too competitive, the public sentiment seem to be that having built from the scratch very successful businesses that today provide thousands of direct and indirect jobs to many Nigerians, an Atiku Presidency, can only draw from these sterling credentials to turn around the deplorable state of the Nigerian economy that saw the country ignominiously become the world’s poverty capital as per the Brookings Institution reports released some four months ago. This, more than anything else remains the selling point of the Atiku option.
With what has been described as a one sided war against corruption; increasing insecurity in the North East, Northwest and middle belt regions of the country, that the current administration has failed to deliver on the minimum standards it set for itself at inception is no longer open to debate. While it cannot be seriously canvassed that Nigerians are now safer than they used to be, the overbanked crusade against corruption remain for the most part a sensational warfare targeted at opposition party members─this much, finds context in the testimonies of international economic institutions, ala HSBC and The Economist Report. Little wonder why the atmosphere from the North to the East and down to the South today, is: “give us anything but Buhari”─ a similar situation that played out in 2015 to the political milage of the current administration.
As though committed to making true his declaration in the early days of his government that constituencies that gave him 97 per cent votes in the 2015 elections would be more accommodated as against those which gave a paltry 5 per cent votes, the instant administration has unwittingly ran a government that makes nonsense of inclusivity and the constitutionally sanctioned Federal Character principle; thus overruling himself on his famous “I belong to everybody, I belong to nobody” declaration. If there is one area where Nigerians have achieved consensus on the Buhari presidency, it is indeed in his tribalist, nay nepotistic tendencies that have operated to qualify only northern Muslims for choice positions in his government. The ugly consequence of this, is the division today in the polity across ethnic and religious lines; a division exacerbated by a president’s proclivity to see the Country only through the prism of the grasslands of the savannah.
But the point in all this is that an Atiku presidency would contrast this condemnable political behaviour in many ways. Whereas a devout Muslim from the Fulani stock, Atiku Abubakar without any intent to be hyperbolic, could pass for the most detribalised of Nigerians. A veritable instance of this came to full throttle 25 years ago when he shelved his presidential ambitions by stepping down for M.K.O Abiola, a Southerner, against a fellow Northerner, Babagana Kingibe in the June 12, 1993 election. His extensive public service years that saw him crisscross different parts of the Country, with a large chunk of that in the oil rich Rivers State; and his successful business background must have operated to bring about his libertarian persona that looks for the best in people without ethnic or sectarian prejudice. Indeed to be able to bring about a transformative leadership with the ability to unite Nigerians around a pan-Nigerian vision for global competitiveness among the committee of well managed states, the Nigerian leader must not only be detribalised, but seen to be detribalised so as to be able to galvanize the peoples of Nigeria around a common cause with vistas of improvement in their overall wellbeing. With a close circle of associates, family ties and extensive business dealings, Atiku indeed typifies a united Nigeria that is at home with all, and all is at home with. And this can be seen in his consistently demonstrated commitment to the unity and cohesion of Nigeria at important times in its history.
With an unapologetic belief in restructuring as a key panacea to our arrested development, Nigerians are assured of a president
who will be ready to take the bulls by the horn in order to set the nation on the path of sustainable growth and development. To be sure, restructuring, as far as the present realities of Nigeria goes, is a project that can no longer be dismissed with a wave of the hand or made obscure by the writ of governmental quangos, a vice president, inclusive. If indeed Nigerians desire a fiscal restructuring of the Country, then an Atiku presidency, would surely give life to those desires as he has not wavered from reiterating the need for a restructured Nigeria. And his proposals around this, is not in the least vague. Restructuring would simply be achieved by tinkering with the Constitution in some respect to depopulate the exclusive legislative list, and return some items on the concurrent list to the states, he argues. And this, he has said, is achievable in six months.
At a function at the University of Nigeria Nsukka few months ago, he threw more light on this campaign thus: Restructuring would mean devolving more powers to the federating units with the accompanying resources. It means greater control by the federating units of the resources in their areas. It would mean, by implication, the reduction of the powers and roles of the federal government so that it would concentrate only on those matters that could best be handled by the centre and fiscal policies, immigration, customs and excise, aviation as well as setting and enforcing national standards on such matters as education, health and safety….I believe that the benefits accruing from these first steps will help us move towards changes that require amendments to our constitution”. One cannot agree more.
Beyond all these, Atiku comes across as a quintessential manager of men and resources. As a successful business man whose enterprise run more on capacity than contact, he is unarguably equipped with the requisite skills and knowledge of practical economic management to lead Nigeria’s economic renaissance. As a business owner with operations in sensitive areas of the economy, he obviously understands the need of creating an enabling economic environment that would attract investors, and catalyse economic growth. As a major player in critical sectors of the economy with a distinction for massive job creation, it is without a doubt that Atiku is better positioned to be entrusted with a nation in economic doldrums as against a professional politician whose only claim to economic success is in animal husbandry in the remote corners of Daura, Katsina state that couldn’t buy a presidential nomination form. With his vast economic experiences and contacts both within and without, Atiku can leverage on all of these positives in developing economic blueprints that would create jobs, expand the economy and pull out millions of Nigerians from a biting and excruciating poverty. And finally, as the success of his numerous businesses cannot be divorced from the quality of heads and hands managing them, it is beyond debate that Atiku has an eye for the best of professionals. And by the same token, Nigerians can rest assured that his presidency would bring together the finest of brains who would help in driving the Getting Nigeria Working Again, policy thrust of his campaign.
The Choice before Nigerians as 2019 approaches therefore is not much: it is one between a president that has shown repeatedly not to be armed with the basic tools and intellectual component of leading a nation in the 21st century, and a man who has consistently proven to be innovative, technologically inclined and consistently elevating the discourse around the Nigerian question on occasions as against calling for dogs and baboons to be enmeshed in war. It is a choice between a leap away from the current state of economic quagmire, to one with vistas of economic prosperity for all and sundry; for it could be argued that if Atiku could do it with his numerous businesses, he is more likely to do so with Nigeria; in the same way a Donald Trump who rode to power in the United States on the wings of his successful business background in 2016, is today turning around the economic fortunes of the country. Nigerians therefore, must resist the temptation to obfuscate the real issues in the days to come by hired hands of the incumbent administration with the dissipation of energy over a phantom trip to the United States or an unsubstantiated criminal indictment.
For all the hoopla that would be made of these in the days to come, Nigerians must not forget that the fact remains that “Atiku’s incontestable nationalist credentials and business acumen stands him in good stead to unite Nigerians of all ethnic nationalities around a purposeful pan-Nigerian economic agenda that will transform the Country from its current status of a political wasteland to that of economic opportunities and successful competitive modern economy which can grow its wealth base by securing an increased share of global resources through improved external trade and overseas investment” as one fine commentator put it.
If our choices by 2019 are calibrated along these lines, then the Atiku option would be an easy one.
Raymond Nkannebe ─ a legal practitioner and public affairs analyst writes from Lagos and can be reached through raymondnkannebe@gmail.com
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Opinion
A Vindicating Truth: A Factual Presentation on the Supreme Court’s Intervention in the ADC Leadership Matter
Published
1 day agoon
May 4, 2026By
Eric
By Comrade IG Wala
To All Nigerians, Party Stakeholders, and Lovers of Democracy,
In the life of every great political movement, there comes a moment where the noise of confusion meets the silence of the Law. For the African Democratic Congress (ADC), that moment arrived on April 30, 2026.
For months, the ADC was held in a state of judicial paralysis caused by a lower court order that froze the party’s activities. This order did not just affect a few leaders, it threatened to delete the ADC from the Nigerian political map and disenfranchise millions of supporters ahead of the 2027 General Elections.
Today, we present the facts of the Supreme Court’s intervention to ensure that every Nigerian, from the city centers to the grassroots, understands that Justice has spoken, and the ADC is alive.
The Three Pillars of the Supreme Court’s Ruling:
1. The End of Paralysis (The Status Quo Order)!
The Supreme Court, led by Justice Mohammed Garba, was clear and firm: the Court of Appeal’s order to maintain a “status quo” was improper and unwarranted. The apex court recognized that you cannot freeze a political party indefinitely without a trial. By setting this aside, the Supreme Court rescued the ADC from a leadership vacuum that was being used to justify de-recognition by INEC.
2. The Restoration of Administrative Legitimacy.
By nullifying the appellate court’s freeze, the Supreme Court effectively restored the David Mark-led National Working Committee to its rightful place. This means that for all official, administrative, and electoral purposes, the ADC now has a recognized head. The party is no longer a ship without a captain; the doors of the headquarters are open, and the party’s name remains firmly on the ballot.
3. The Order for a Fresh Trial on Merits.
True to the principles of fair hearing, the Supreme Court did not simply gift the party to one side. Instead, it ordered the case back to the Federal High Court for an accelerated hearing. This is a victory for the Truth. It means the court is not interested in technicalities or stopping the clock, it wants to see the evidence, read the Party Constitution, and deliver a final judgment based on the Right vs. Wrong.
Note: I will drop the 7 prayers made to Supreme Court by ADC in the comment section.
A Message to Our Members and Supporters.
To our members who have felt a sense of fear, apprehension, or a lack of confidence in the Nigerian courts, let your hearts be at peace.
It is a delusion to believe that gross injustice can simply walk through the doors of our highest courts unnoticed. This matter is currently one of the most publicized and people-centric cases in Nigeria. In such a bright spotlight, the Judiciary acts not just as a judge, but as a shield for the common man.
The Law is not a tool for the crafty, it is a searchlight for the Truth.
Inasmuch as they say the Law is blind, it sees with perfect clarity the difference between a lie and the truth, between right and wrong. The Supreme Court’s refusal to let the ADC be strangled by procedural delays is proof that the system works for those who stand on the side of justice.
Our confidence is not in personalities, but in the Process. We are returning to the Federal High Court not with fear, but with the armor of Truth.
The Handshake remains strong, the vision is clear, and our participation in the 2027 elections is now legally anchored.
Stand tall. The ADC has been tested by the fire of the courts, and we have emerged not just intact, but vindicated.
Signed,
Comrade, IG Wala.
02/04/26. — with Shareef Kamba and 14 others.
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Opinion
The Police is Your Friend and Other Lies We No Longer Believe
Published
1 day agoon
May 4, 2026By
Eric
By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)
There was a time in Nigeria when the phrase The Police is Your Friend was not a national joke. It was a civic assurance, a symbolic handshake between the state and its citizens. It represented the ideal of a civil security architecture built on trust, service, and protection. Today, that once reassuring slogan has decayed into a bitter irony. It no longer evokes safety; it provokes fear. It no longer signals partnership; it signals danger. What should have been the soul of Nigerian civil state relations has become a cruel parody of our lived experience at checkpoints, stations, and on the streets.
The Nigerian security apparatus has undergone a transformation so profound that it now resembles a predatory machine rather than a protective institution. The sight of a police patrol vehicle, which should ordinarily bring comfort, now triggers anxiety. Citizens instinctively brace themselves, not for assistance, but for extortion, harassment, or violence. We are not merely witnessing isolated incidents of misconduct. We are watching a pattern of state enabled brutality unfold in real time, a pattern so consistent that it feels like a televised execution of the social contract. In this grim theatre, the Nigerian state often appears not as the protector but as the principal aggressor.
On Sunday, April 26th 2026, the quiet air of Effurun in Delta State was shattered by the crack of a service pistol. What should have been an ordinary Sunday afternoon became the final chapter in the life of twenty-eight year old Mene Ogidi. A viral video, barely two minutes long, captured the horrifying scene. Ogidi sat on the dusty ground, his hands tied behind him with a rope. He was unarmed, exhausted, and pleading in his mother tongue for a chance to explain himself. Standing over him was a man in plain clothes, a man sworn to protect the very life he was about to extinguish. Assistant Superintendent of Police Nuhu Usman raised his pistol and fired two shots at close range into the body of a restrained, helpless citizen.
This was not a confrontation. It was not a crossfire. It was not a struggle for a weapon. It was an execution. A daylight assassination carried out by a state paid officer who felt so insulated by impunity that he performed his violence in front of a digital audience. The collective outrage that followed was not simply about one death. It was the eruption of a nation that has watched this script repeat itself far too many times.
Barely days later, in Dei-Dei Abuja, another life was cut short. A National Youth Service Corps member was shot inside his father’s compound. Authorities described it as a mistake during a crossfire, but the silence that followed spoke louder than any official explanation. These tragedies are not anomalies. They are symptoms of a deep institutional rot, a rot that has turned the badge into a license for violence rather than a symbol of service.
Extrajudicial killings in Nigeria represent a direct assault on the fundamental right to life and the presumption of innocence. When a law enforcement officer assumes the roles of accuser, judge, and executioner, the very foundation of the state begins to crumble. In the case of Mene Ogidi, the Delta State Police Command admitted that the officer acted in gross violation of Force Order 237, the regulation governing the use of firearms. This admission is significant because it reveals that the problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the collapse of discipline, the erosion of accountability, and the entrenchment of a culture of impunity.
Between 2020 and 2025, Nigerian security agencies were implicated in nearly six hundred violent incidents against civilians, resulting in more than eight hundred deaths. The Nigeria Police Force accounted for over half of these fatalities. These numbers paint a disturbing picture. The institutions funded by taxpayers to provide security have become one of the greatest threats to their safety.
The psychology behind this brutality is rooted in the absence of consequences. When officers believe that nothing will happen after they pull the trigger, the threshold for using lethal force drops to zero. In the Effurun case, reports suggest that the suspect was even transported to a station after the initial shooting, only to be shot again. This level of cruelty reflects a complete dehumanization of the citizenry. The victim is no longer seen as a person with rights. He becomes a disposable suspect. This mindset is a legacy of the defunct SARS unit, whose methods and mentality continue to shape policing culture. Rebranding SARS into SWAT or the Rapid Response Squad means nothing if the same men, trained in the same violent ethos, continue to operate with the same predatory instincts.
The Nigerian police system has evolved from a flawed institution into what many citizens now describe as a state sponsored cartel. The Zero Tolerance mantra often repeated by the Inspector General of Police, Olatunji Disu, has become a public relations slogan that evaporates at every checkpoint. The immediate dismissal and recommended prosecution of ASP Usman and his team may satisfy the public’s immediate hunger for justice, but it does not address the deeper institutional vacuum that allowed an officer to believe he could execute a restrained suspect without consequence. If accountability only occurs when a video goes viral, then we are not being policed. We are being hunted by a uniformed gang that is occasionally caught on camera.
This raises critical questions. Where were the superior officers? Where was the Area Commander while this culture of execution was taking root? Command responsibility in Nigeria remains a myth. Until a Commissioner of Police is removed for the actions of their subordinates, there will be no internal incentive to reform. The decay is structural. We are recruiting frustrated individuals, training them in aggression rather than professionalism, and unleashing them on a population they are conditioned to view with suspicion and contempt.
The mistake narrative used in the Abuja NYSC shooting reflects this tactical incompetence. A professional force does not mistake a youth corper in his bedroom for a combatant. Nigerians are effectively subsidising their own endangerment, paying for the bullets that cut down their brightest young citizens. A nation cannot survive this level of uniformed recklessness. The state has lost its monopoly on violence to its own agents. When police officers fear the citizen’s camera more than they respect the citizen’s life, the system has failed.
Five years after the historic 2020 End SARS protests, the systemic reforms promised by government remain largely unfulfilled. Only a handful of states have implemented the recommendations of the judicial panels or compensated victims. The National Human Rights Commission reported in July 2025 that it had received over three hundred thousand complaints of abuses. This staggering figure reflects the scale of the crisis. While the current Inspector General has introduced new regulations to align the Police Act of 2020 with operational realities, the gap between a gazetted document in Abuja and a patrol team in Delta remains vast.
The solution to this bloodletting must be radical and structural. First, police oversight must be decentralised. Relying on Force Headquarters in Abuja to discipline an officer in a remote community is inefficient and ineffective. Each state should have an independent, citizen led oversight board with the authority to recommend immediate suspension and prosecution without interference from the police hierarchy.
Second, Force Order 237 must be overhauled to strictly limit the use of firearms to situations where there is an immediate and verifiable threat to life. Under no circumstances should a restrained or surrendering suspect be shot.
Third, Nigeria must address the mental health and welfare of police officers. Men who live in dilapidated barracks, earn inadequate wages, and operate under constant stress are more likely to lash out at the public. However, poverty cannot be an excuse for murder. Welfare reform must go hand in hand with strict accountability.
Finally, justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. The trial of ASP Usman and others like him should be public, transparent, and swift. It must serve as a deterrent that resonates in every police station across the country. The era of secret disciplinary rooms must end. Nigeria must invest in technology driven policing, not only in weapons but in body cameras and digital accountability systems. When officers know they are being recorded, hesitation replaces recklessness.
A NATIONAL CALL TO ACTION
The era of Orderly Room secrecy must end. Nigeria must decentralise police disciplinary trials, moving them from closed sessions in Abuja to open, civilian led inquiries in the states where the abuses occur. A National Firearms Audit is urgently needed. Every officer must account for every round issued, and any missing ammunition should trigger automatic suspension for the entire chain of command.
The National Assembly must fast track the Victims of Police Brutality Trust Fund, ensuring that compensation becomes a legal right funded directly from the budgets of offending commands. Nigeria must stop being a nation of post script outrage. Command responsibility must become law. If an officer under a Commissioner’s watch executes a handcuffed suspect, that Commissioner must lose their job alongside the shooter.
The blood of Mene Ogidi and the NYSC member in Dei Dei is a stain on our national conscience. It is a reminder that as long as one Nigerian can be tied up and shot without trial, no Nigerian is truly safe. Silence is no longer an option. Waiting for the next viral video is no longer acceptable. The time to demand change is now.
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Opinion
Kwankwaso-Obi Anti-Coalition Alliance and the Perception of the North
Published
2 days agoon
May 3, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
Let’s not sugarcoat it, what is unfolding is not just political maneuvering for 2027, but a carefully calculated roadmap to 2031. Anyone who believes Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is acting out of patriotism or prioritizing Nigeria above his personal ambition is simply ignoring the pattern before us. His willingness to deputise Peter Obi is not born out of ideological alignment or national interest, it appears to be a strategic move aimed at one target weakening Atiku Abubakar and ensuring he does not emerge as president in 2027.
Kwankwaso’s real calculation seems anchored in 2031. He understands that as long as Atiku remains active and contesting, his own presidential ambition struggles to gain traction, especially in the North where Atiku’s influence remains deeply rooted. By positioning himself in a way that could undermine Atiku now, he potentially clears the path for himself later, when he can conveniently lean on the “it is the turn of the North” narrative with stronger moral leverage. This is not about helping Obi win, it is about ensuring Atiku is completely removed from the equation.
It is also important to state plainly that Kwankwaso is fully aware of his electoral limitations in this arrangement. He knows he cannot significantly attract Northern votes for Obi beyond a few pockets, even within Kano State. And even there, the good people of Kano are far more politically aware and discerning than to be swayed purely by sentiment. This makes the entire proposition even more questionable, if the electoral value is limited, then the intention behind the alliance becomes even clearer. It suggests that even if he joins an Obi ticket, it is not driven by a genuine commitment to Obi, the Igbo, the South-East or Nigeria but by a broader personal calculation.
Northerners must understand that this is a long game, and every move appears deliberately designed. Kwankwaso seems cautious not to overtly confirm growing suspicions that he is working, directly or indirectly, to the advantage of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Yet, many are beginning to connect the dots. The belief that there is an underlying alignment is gaining ground, especially when actions repeatedly result in one outcome, a divided North that weakens its collective electoral strength, a repeatation of 2023 in a different style. The alignment of Kwankwaso’s political godson and the governor of Kano Abba Kabir Yusuf with Tinubu only fuels this perception, suggesting a dual-front approach: one operating directly and visibly, the other indirectly and subtly.
This is not the first time such a pattern is being observed. Many Northerners still recall similar dynamics from 2023, and recent developments have only intensified the conversation. In fact, within just the last 24 hours, the level of criticism and open dissatisfaction directed at Kwankwaso across Northern Nigeria has been unprecedented. What was once dismissed as mere suspicion of a quiet alliance is now, in the eyes of many, being confirmed by actions seen as disruptive to any meaningful coalition.
For Kwankwaso, this moment carries significant weight. The long-circulating “sellout” label, which many had hesitated to firmly attach, now appears to be finding a resting place in public discourse. Should he once again position himself outside a collective Northern arrangement, that perception may become permanently entrenched.
The implications for the North are serious. Voting Obi because of Kwankwaso, which is unlikely, could fracture an already consolidated political base, reduce its bargaining power, and ultimately produce outcomes that do not reflect its true strength. The North has never historically rejected a dominant figure like Atiku in favor of a subordinate position, nor has it embraced a configuration where its most established candidate is sidelined. The idea that the region would choose Kwankwaso as a deputy while overlooking Atiku as a president is not just improbable, it runs contrary to established Northern political behavior.
What is at stake goes beyond individual ambition. The North is fully conscious of the stakes and increasingly resolute in its direction. There is a growing determination to stand firmly behind its own Atiku Abubakar, to protect its collective political strength, and to resist any arrangement that appears designed to divide it. The signals are clear, the North has decided, and it will not fall into what many perceive as calculated traps, whether from Kwankwaso or from forces seen as working against its cohesion and democratic leverage….
Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com
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