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Nigerian Youths Are Not Too Ripe to Run
Published
8 years agoon
By
Eric
By Nasir A. Daniya FCMA
“But please, can I ask you to postpone your campaigns till after the 2019 elections!”-President Muhammadu Buhari (31/05/2018)
Since Fuad II that took power in Egypt at the age of 6 months up to Matteo Ciacci, the youngest current serving state leader as Captain Regent of San Marino whom took power at the age of 28, from year 2000 to date, out of all 194 countries recognized by the United Nations, less than 5% of their leaders were under the age of 30. As at 2018, there is no head of state that is under the age of 25. In Africa, there is no current head of state that is under the age of 40. Even amongst the said ‘less than 5%’ were leaders tagged ‘dictators’ because they didn’t emerge through acceptable democratic processes. The dynamics keeps changing against the youth because even advanced democracies began to elect leaders that aged above 50; United States of America, United Kingdom and Germany are a good example.
Do not expect a ‘Pendulum’-kind of quality in this write-up. The reader may find this piece full of inconsistencies, ignore. I’m just a naïve student-writer trying to make a case, touching a ‘no go area’, as my education and background is completely non-political. I knew making public contributions on some perspectives do come with repercussions and consequences, sometimes dare, I am willing to take any retaliatory stick that may come afterwards from the political ‘godfathers’ as long as the youth of my dear country get my points, believe and act upon them. On this summarized fragment I tried to raise key points that proves to Nigerian Youth that they are not ready for 2019. Arguably, they would have to mount a monumental challenge to be able to make reasonable impact come 2023 general elections in Nigeria.
In 1953, a young 23 old British trained Lawyer from Cross River State Matthew Tawo Mbu was appointed Federal Minister in Nigeria. He is still the youngest person to occupy ministerial position in Nigeria. History was made on Thursday 31st May 2018 when President Muhammadu Buhari signed ‘Not Too Young to Run’ bill into law, thus becoming an act of National Assembly, a law of the Federal Republic Nigeria. Sections 65, 106, 131, 177 of 1999 constitution were amended, reducing ages of those contesting for President, members of national and state assemblies to 35 and 25 respectively. 35 years age requirement for Governors and senators was retained. The feat is very encouraging because it puts Nigeria into global perspective, even though the bill does not guarantee automatic leadership by youth but it opens up a huge opportunity for youth to make an immediate impact into the political process.
The bill signed into law in Nigeria got wider support across Nigeria but due to the fact that more than half of anticipated 180 million population of Nigerians are projected to be under the age of 30. History will forever be kind to Hon. Udeh Okoye, a lawmaker from Enugu State, as initial sponsor of the bill at House of Representatives. The process started on 26th May 2016 and apparently concluded on 31st May 2018.
According to UNESCO, the United Nations (UN), for statistical consistency across regions, defines ‘youth’, as those persons between the ages of 15 and 24 years, without prejudice to other definitions by Member States. All UN statistics on youth are based on this definition. It would be difficult not to acknowledge the fact that Nigerian youth exhaled in various fields of human and technological endeavor. Rufa’I Mukoshy of Gigalayer, Amina Yahaya, Dr Bilyaminu Romo, Igho Sanomi, Ladi Delano, Nasir Yammama, Wizkid, Davido, Olamide and Tiwa Savage, Audu Maikori, Uche Pedro. But significant number of youth in Nigeria a engaged in questionable characters, a bulk of them are uneducated, especially those from northern part of Nigeria. A zone that produces one of the most popular and aspiring-successful politicians. Interestingly, sponsor of the Bill, Nigeria Minister for Youth & Sports Development, Special Adviser to president on Youth are all above the United Nations age threshold for youth. For us to analyze youth impact we need to look at government policies on education and other useful data to buttress any useful point. There is no national political policy, there is no national strategy, and there is not social policy blueprint and indeed no any policy document developed by any political party in Nigeria that is consistent with government policies. It is indeed difficult to assume that passage of ‘Not Too Young To Run’ bill into law could on its own change transcends of Nigeria’s politics.
Apart from age requirement, there are two other requirements that are key for anyone aspiring for political office; educational qualification and indegeneship. Of course one could not be an indigene of any ward, local government or state without being a Nigerian. One of the major problems with Nigeria is absence of dynamic baseline data that allows accurate analysis. As at 2018, apart from Bank Verification Number (BVN) infrastructure which Nigeria Interbank Settlement System (NIBSS) PLC reported to have recorded 30.6 Million people in 2017, there is no single database that stores accurate biometric details of more that 20% of Nigerian population. Even National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), which was established over a decade ago, enrolled only 18.5 Million as at 2017, their DG said. The danger is Nigeria is heading to serious ‘e’ challenges in the near future because NIBSS is a company established after NIMC but they had more reliable data than a Government agency of the same country. It is fair to say that some individuals behave smarter than our nation because NIBSS was established 14 years before our country wakes up and established NIMC. That shows how difficult it is to conduct accurate projection in Nigeria without having to rely on outsourced data. No wonder why since 1820 when Nigeria Police Force was established, 774 Local Governments currently-legally recognized in Nigeria not a single police station is virtually connected to another in ‘real-time’ for sharing intelligence with police-police and citizens-police and vice versa, but we surely have @PoliceNG_PCRRU twitter handle.
Nevertheless, let’s do some facts check to serve as basis of some of my arguments. According to 2017 National Universities Commission Statistics, (although Executive Secretary NUC admitted that they did not have an accurate data), which was released recently, there were 1.9 million students studying in Nigerian Universities. The consequences is that even if we assume that those at age of 30 and below are considered youth in Nigeria, and assuming 1.9 million students were all Nigerians, the number constitutes less than 2.5% of total youth of Nigeria. Considering the size of Nigeria, the number is way too low. Even if the total number were to engage into full time politics only magic could enable it make an impact. This is because Nigeria has 68 registered political parties. Lets assume the 774 local governments in Nigeria were going to filed a candidate for councillorship, chairmanship all through top level offices, the number would be way too low. But, that would never be realistic because some of the graduates are ‘professional graduates’ with medical, law, accounting and other ‘sought after’ degrees that hardly go into politics after graduation.
Additionally, quality of education matters a lot in the output made by politicians across the world. But, strangely in Nigeria there is course to worry about. Sutton trust report shows that 9 in 10 MPs in UK attained University Degree, which is the highest proportion in the world. In Nigeria, Centre for Public policy alternatives report shows that over 50% of Nigerian senators have a University Degree and about 30% have either masters of a PhD degrees. Not a bad comparison but the challenge is the impact made by lawmakers of the two countries in question. The output is also very alarming compared to the income they generate, in 2012/2013 for example US senate passed 297 bills compared to 62 passed by Nigerian senate despite each of them earning salary 1000% more than that a US senator. That shows why the country’s youth must be worried because financial stipends really matters when it comes to identifying wether or not the ‘old guards’ are willing to surrender to new breed. Again, would the youth have the financial power to challenge them in Nigeria? It doesn’t cost exorbitantly to contest in most of the developed countries compared to Nigeria. UK Conservatives report shows that it costs around N17m equivalent to contest an MP election including campaign processes in UK. In comparison, about same period in Nigeria, one of the political party’s nominations for senate alone costs N4.5m.
The point I am trying to make here is that you need much more than age reduction for Nigerian youth to exhale as a politician. Although one may find few exceptions due to luck (like former President Jonathan) and mentors and parental platforms (such as Bukola Saraki and his protégé Abdulfatah Ahmed) Money, qualification, contacts ‘at the top’, experience, loyalty to old guards, perseverance, consistency, fearlessness, exposure to political mentors’ frailties are amongst the attributes required to succeed as a politician in Nigeria. The above facts and several other issues makes one to ask the following questions; is the bill signed to ensure youth participate more in politics or just to address what the used asked their National Assembley to do? How do we measure impacts made by politicians for us to be able to know if the impacts them make could be basis for challenging them in future? Also, the impacts upon what? then, what are the youth coming to do at age of 25? Any youth that could not answer those questions would have to think twice before even approaching any political party let alone think of aspiring for political office. Alternatively, one has to go solo as an independent candidate since it is currently being considered by Nigerian Senate and Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), so that candidate could chase independent voters in Nigeria. The voters themselves, whom constitute good proportion of youth weren’t making it easy for upcoming politicians, simply because they were the ones the ‘old guards’ use to achieve their political goals either ‘by hook or by crook’
Even though Nigerian politics is not built around national strategy, political parties’ manifesto, or national party’s blue print, Nigerian youth have not shown to us they have identified any gap within the political system to make a case for themselves. Majority of the youth that are currently occupying elected positions are either ‘anointed’ or by certain necessities. Therefore, only if the youth address the points made would find a breathing space within Nigerian political sphere: First pointer is the maturity level of 21st century ‘modern Nigerians’; one may say well the likes of ‘IBB’ Buhari, Gowon, Ogbeh etc came into national limelight at early age, well I doubt very much is the kind of ingredients used as recipe to their meals is equivalent to ones enjoyed by current youth. We are no more in Military dictatorship, this is democracy. One may argue that Nigeria had young breeds that got to the top recently like Rt Hon Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, Dr Nurudeen Muhammed, Dimeji Dankole, Nasir Adhama but the fact is that out of all the above, only Dr. Nurudeen hasn’t been in mainstream politics before he became Minister of Federal Republic of Nigeria.
It is therefore vital for Nigerian youth to start engaging themselves in political activities from both grassroots levels and at educational institutions. Another problem is the level of maturity of Nigerian youth at 25. Due to high number of people working in the public service, a degree qualification or its equivalent has been a benchmark for Nigerian youth before getting any ‘white collar’ job in Nigeria, in other words, a ranking job that provide monthly income that could manageably sustain one. Such jobs are normally available at financial institutions, oil companies, FIRS, military and paramilitary organizations. Consequently, youth that graduates at under the ages of 25 to 29 normally target such jobs rather than engage in mainstream politics. Additionally, politicians doesn’t normally nominate ‘amateurs’ into key political positions, thus depriving them the opportunities to start learning politics as their first fulltime job. Furthermore, an ordinary fresh graduate is normally only waiting for National Youth Service before deciding his fate, hence couldn’t bother much about politics. May be lack of adequate guidance and counseling in the education sector from bottom-top affects their choices? If the youth start challenging from councillorship upwards it would make sense, but bunch of the youth we see on social media are feeling too big to contest for councilors at their wards, they think bigger than their level. That is why I see an indirect trick being played on them. To me, it makes more sense clearing age and other barriers at local levels (councilor or chairman) so that the youth could use such platforms as the first steps to launch themselves before jumping to state and national politics. This current bill is in some way only rubbing sweet and scent smell to noses of youth, taking their thought away from them than allowing them start from grassroots. Another suggestion is to set age and experience benchmark that allows politicians to progress from local all through national politics, a sort of promotion into higher political position based of political office they hold in proceeding years. In nutshell, if the youth did not come together and address this issue in an honest and objective way politicians could use the bill as a barrier that separates the youth and the ‘old guards’.
A lot of youth within the mainstream group calling for implementation of ‘Not Too Young to Run’ have not been in active politics and research on those invited by President Buhari during signing of the bill shows that only about 3 of them are under 25. That is indeed a worry, because clear signs from May 2016 shows that the bill may likely scale through but the group did not make any strategic plan to prepare the youth of Nigeria against 2019. There is virtually nothing on ground to prove that Nigerian youth are ready to challenge the old guards in 2019. Elections are contested with aim of nothing but winning, participating may be a good platform to announce oneself, but 2019 is far too close for Nigerian youth. As 05/06/2018, INEC countdown timer on their portal shows we have 255 days to general elections.
From National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) to National Youth Council of Nigeria NYCN there is hardly a time when their leadership were not in fracas, sometimes even leading to having parallel factions. The two are one of the most important pillars for Nigerian youth, a platform for them to set the stage running in preparation for mainstream politics. More often than not, you find the ‘old guards’ mediating between them, which, most of the time not being done to favor the right faction. That alone tells one that Nigerian politicians are very much aware of status of Nigerian youth since before they join conventional politics. Nigerian youth are divided; it is their responsibility to find what divide them but you cant takeaway regional politics, personal ambitions, political lineage or even possibly religion. If you cant put your houses in order do not expect anyone out there to take you serious. Not much has been done to update both NANS and NYCN constitutions, politics is not a football game or a form of entrepreneurial venture where you dictate the pace of the game, you got to play smart, this is now the right time for youth to capitalize on ‘Not Too Young to Run’ act and make necessary adjustments to their respective constitutions to align with new trend. Getting things done is not the only problem with Nigeria but doing it in the right way and indeed at the right time. Hey youth, being young, good looking, educated with ambitions and youthful exuberances are not the only attributes that guarantee success in Nigeria’s political landscape. If I have extra worry is the fact that the movement that started ‘Not too Young to Run’ has not been replicated by Women to ensure any credible change is made in 1999 constitution to make them more relevant in Nigerian politics. Movements like ‘Not Too Poor to Run’, ‘Women should Run for Free’, ‘Too Old To Run’, ‘Fifty Percent Portion for Women’ etc should be considered in the very near future. We need to see peaceful and legitimate movements that address issues beyond politics. They say ‘politicians never quit’, which, if the saying is true there is no chance that any of them to could willingly surrender or retire for youth to take over. Even if they step aside for natural deformity such as old age or any serious physical disability, they may likely continue to play the game using other means due to their long-term relevance to the system. It is clear notion that lots of the old politicians are very important, useful and assets, at the same time liabilities. There is no clear proof to link the so called ‘political illuminati’ syndrome, but we have really seen several instances where politicians keeps recycling themselves, sometimes changing slogans, political party affiliations or chasing a different political position, but retain the same ideology; being politically relevant; having permanent interests, always. No wonder some of them came back after three decades or more to take similar positions they held before. We need a very thoughtful, smart and timely process to deactivate them or at least put them on ‘slow motion’ mode in the interest not just the youth but for Nigeria as a whole.
Nigeria’s political class took time to conquer the mindsets of Nigerians, a lot of them are well educated, well connected, rich and very well prepared in politics, they didn’t just get it on a platter of gold, they labored and sacrificed a lot to get to where they are, some are in their 70s now but they got into politics at teen ages. It takes a lot of underground and physical work to dislodge them. I wouldn’t say it is impossible but I didn’t see it coming in soon. Did they commit any crime against the youth to warrant dislodgement? The youth should decide. It is in that regard that I hereby support my President’s indirect call to Nigerian youth that 2019 is not for them, but 2023. Nevertheless, going forward, my suggestions to Nigerian youth are to do the following:
- Create Achievable National Strategy that supersedes existing one (if at all there is one) in quality.
2.Get a party that adopts it as blueprint.
3. Build a manifesto to reflect on it.
4. Source for ‘legitimate’ funding, although they say ‘legitimate’ the word doesn’t exist during political fundraising. But I firmly believe in ‘never hustle through the back (illegitimate door’ as said by one of the youth, Iceprince Zamani.
5. Get credible youth to represent them and all the interests they encompass.
6. Build more and more contacts not only within your locality but all across the globe, as we have seen several instances where financially dormant candidates were sponsored by non-political third parties and ended up victorious. President Buhari is an example of such generosity.
7. Start contesting for high political offices by 2023.
Do the needful, timely and wisely or, despite the fact that we have not too young to run act in existence, just assume that you are not too ripe to run and win any of the high political offices in Nigeria come 2019.
Nasir is a Nigerian, a Consultant from Stratford, London United Kingdom.
He could be reached on:
Twitter: @nasirdaniya
Email: nasirdaniya@gmail.com
+2348138051973 (SMS & WhatsApp only)
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Dickson Defends NDC Registration, Dismisses Irregularities Allegations
Published
1 day agoon
May 5, 2026By
Eric
National Leader of the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), Seriake Dickson, has defended the legitimacy of the party’s registration, dismissing allegations of irregularities and urging Nigerians to ignore what he described as propaganda.
Dickson, a former Bayelsa State governor, in a X post on Monday said the party’s formation was the result of a long-standing process dating back to 2017, contrary to claims that it was recently granted recognition without due procedure.
“For the record, the annexures show that we initiated the registration process for the NDC as far back as 2017 and that INEC granted approval at that time before the process was halted,” he said.
He added that the party revisited and updated its application when the Independent National Electoral Commission resumed registration of political associations.
Dickson’s comments come amid controversy triggered by allegations from Umar Ardo, convener of the League of Northern Democrats and promoter of the All Democratic Alliance, who accused the electoral body of unlawfully registering the NDC in violation of constitutional provisions and its own guidelines on DCL Hausa.
Ardo claimed that while his group and others met all requirements for registration, they were ignored, whereas the NDC was allegedly recognised under questionable circumstances.
“The reason is that NDC obtained registration without applying, without meeting the requirements set by law, without meeting the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, and without meeting INEC’s guidelines,” Ardo said during an interview.
“With my experience in politics, I am fully aware that an ambitious project of this nature will attract distractions—rumours, gossip, propaganda, and even blackmail,” he said.
He urged Nigerians to remain focused on what he described as the party’s broader vision of national renewal.
The development comes amid growing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections, following the defection of key opposition figures including Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso to the NDC.
Dickson described their entry into the party as part of a broader coalition-building effort aimed at creating a strong ideological platform.
“What we are witnessing is a powerful convergence: my role as a party organiser and builder, alongside two political heavyweights with immense grassroots support, popularity and political experience,” he said.
He added that the party aims to build a durable political institution comparable to established global parties.
“As I have consistently stated, our goal in the NDC is to build an ideological political party, one that can be compared to the ANC in its finest years in South Africa, as well as established political parties across Europe, America, India and even the Communist Party of China,” he said.
Dickson also highlighted the party’s focus on youth and women, describing the NDC as a platform designed to promote inclusion and mentorship.
“The NDC is a party with a special place for young people and women, one that prioritises mentorship and prepares citizens for service,” he said.
He called on Nigerians to join the party and participate actively in its activities, including contesting elections.
“I call on all Nigerians to join the NDC, register, participate, and contest elections. Together, let us reclaim and rebuild our country,” he added.
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Peter Obi Only Had Interest in Presidential Ticket, Not in Party’s Policies – Abdullahi
Published
1 day agoon
May 5, 2026By
Eric
The National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, Bolaji Abdullahi has accused Peter Obi of showing no interest in the party’s policy positions during his brief membership, saying he was only interested in obtaining the presidential ticket.
Abdullahi made this known on Monday during an interview on Arise News’ Prime Time programme, the same appearance in which he earlier described Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso’s departure from the ADC as a setback but not a fatal blow.
Abdullahi said the party had invested months in developing a manifesto with clear policy positions, but Obi never engaged with the process.
“You may invite His Excellency Peter Obi and ask him, what is the ADC position on fuel subsidy? What is the ADC’s framework on security? He doesn’t know, because he’s never been interested. They are just waiting for the tickets to be handed to them,” he said.
Abdullahi appeared to place Obi in the first category, contrasting his conduct with the party’s expectations.
“If you say you want to contest election, and you believe in the country, in changing the country, you should know what your party stands for,” he said.
He also pushed back against suggestions that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar had become the frontrunner for the ADC’s presidential ticket following the departures.
“This party ADC is not going to be an SPV for anybody,” he said, adding that former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi remained among the contenders.
Obi and Kwankwaso joined the ADC in March 2026 as part of a broad opposition coalition aimed at challenging the APC in the 2027 general elections.
Both men quit the party on Sunday, citing internal crises, court cases, and what they described as deliberate efforts to frustrate their participation in the electoral process.
They have since joined the Nigeria Democratic Congress, where they have called for an end to litigation-driven politics.
Obi had said his decision to leave was not driven by personal ambition but by the need to rescue Nigeria, describing the pattern of internal crises as one he had also encountered in the Labour Party.
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By Eric Elezuo
Those, who are of the impression that the Nafiu Bala Gombe factor is the only crisis bedeviling the major opposition party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), should probably begin to rethink. The reasons are obvious; the cankerworm of treachery, me, me and me factor, wings of undemocratisation, and loss of focus have continued to haunt the nascently developing party, and observers are of the agreement that the process may again go the way of 2023 if the constant bickering of who takes what continue to fester.
It is noteworthy that the Supreme Court has been judicially lenient to the ADC, in its judgment regarding leadership, where the popularly advocated David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola leadership was sustained. But the judgment, much as it brought a temporary relief, did not in any way drive away the crisis that the party has continued to ‘bring upon itself’ since its elaborated second launch in July, 2025.
While Nigerians had seen the ADC as a veritable alternative, a much better option to the existing ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) with its attendant and alleged failed policies, which have subjected the Nigerian people to untold hardship from day one when the ‘subsidy is gone’ declaration was made, it has hitherto failed to reciprocate the confidence reposed on them by putting their house in order and jettison person desires fir Nigerianism.
But from every indication it’s beginning to appear that the ADC came, not unprepared, but under-prepared, creating loopholes that have energized the infiltration of elements of destruction bent on ensuring that the party is not on the ballot paper come 2027. The Nafiu Bala Gombe angle is consistently fighting to ensure that the agenda comes to pass. The ADC has however, pointed accusing fingers at the President Tinubu-led Federal Government and the APC as the brain behind the crisis, and the general muffling and muscling of the opposition, as the window of election contest continue to open wider.
But beyond the alleged hand of Tinubu in the brouhaha, there’s the in-house dispute, not just among the superweights that joined the party, but also among their supporters.
The super politicians include former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, two-terms governor of Rivers State, and two-terms Minister of Transport, Mr. Rotimi Chibike Amaechi; two-terms governor of Kano State and former Minister of Defence, Alhaji Rabiu Kwankwaso and two-terms governor of Anambra State and business man, Mr. Peter Obi.
Till date, none of these prolific politicians has agreed to step down for another, creating a situation where the only door open to the aspirants is a transparent and all-agreeable primary election to determine who flies the party’s flag. But that is not to be again as the duo of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday ditched the party, enroute the newly formed Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC). Observers say that Obi has an unexplained phobia for primary elections.
But observers have wondered if the opposition leaders are really interested in ousting the administration of Bola Tinubu, which they unanimously agreed has not impacted positively on Nigerians. They have dismissed the coalition as a gathering of highly ambitious politicians, whose real agenda is to grab power for themselves, otherwise they could have done everything within their power to settle for and support one individual if the intention is to actually dethrone Tinubu, and give Nigerians to good they deserve.
As part of the disagreements that have threatened to pull down the very fabrics of opposition plans, and drag the nation back to the mistakes of 2023, the existence of ego; a certain type of ego that analysts have described as ‘Big Ego’, has played a crucial roll.
From Atiku to Obi to Amaechi and to the newest entrant, Kwankwaso, none is willing to settle for the other to fly the party’s flag. Everyone of the candidates wants to be president .And much as Tinubu has been blamed for most the crises in many major political parties, it is still not known if Tinubu could be blamed for the inability of these political juggernauts to settle for a consensus candidate to wrest power from the present administration, that not a few Nigerians have condemned.
From various camps, especially the ‘Obidients’ (supporters loyal to Peter Obi), the slogan has remained it’s either Obi or nothing, a move that has made it impossible for the agreement towards consensus or primaries to be reached. The Obidients maintained that Atiku has no right to contest, and shouldn’t contest, citing excuses including that he is of northern extraction, and it’s not the turn of the North to produce a president.
However, the Atiku camp has countered the notion saying that there’s no constitutional provision to whoever should contest for the presidency at a particular time, stressing that the presidential contest is opened to all Nigerians of 40 years and above irrespective of tribe, religion or region. They therefore, wonder why the Obi supporters would insist that Atiku drops off without a legitimate primary election.
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION FOR PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST
According to Section 131 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended), a person must be a citizen by birth, at least 40 years old, a member of a political party, sponsored by that party, and educated to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent.
The same section mentioned that disqualification of any aspirant would be based on allegiance to another country, previous two-term service as president, lunacy, or criminal conviction.
The Constitution did not at any section impose legitimacy on tribe, region or rotation. Atiku is eligible to stand for election.
Another angle Atiku’s detractors have tried to capitalise on is his stewardship as the Vice President.
However, a member of the Atiku, who prefers anonymity, explains that the Waziri Adamawa performed his functions as vice president creditably, and executed assignments as instructed. He added that at no time did the former sold any assets, rather he supervised privatization, which is the hallmark of development for any capitalist environment
The source said, “Sold national assets to who and as who? Was Atiku the president because as far as I know, he was the vice president and could not have acted without the consent of Mr President. Atiku never sold anything, those things were privatized and people, who wanted them, applied.”
Speaking on the most qualified of all the presidential aspirants, the source clarified that “having been a vice president for eight years, sustained credible institutions and businesses, none could compare to Atiku. He is the most senior, and most experienced”, he said
On the permutation of the likely winner of the 2027 election, the source dismissed Kwankwaso, whose over million votes came largely from Kano State, and Peter Obi, who could not win any state in both the North East and West. He advised that Obi’s chances are slim in contrast to Atiku, who won across the five regions except Southeast.
He said, “Atiku, won election as the Governor of Adamawa State before he was selected as gor the vice president position by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and he served for two-terms of eight years.
“Atiku, has since contested for president on the tickets of ACN, APC (primaries 2014), PDP, (2019 and 2023). He wants to be president, no doubt. That is not a man that can be hounded out of a race or intimidated by a small and vocal group.
“It is worthy of note that Peter Obi’s six million votes in the last election didn’t come strictly from the ‘Obidients’. In fact, not up to 30% came from them. The majority of the votes came from silent supporters of Obi who are members of other parties and from people not identified with any political party. Atiku can decide to step down for Obi or anyone, that is his choice to make. No one should hinge Obi’s success or failure on Atiku. He wants to be president too, and should not be intimidated, the source reiterated.
HISTORICAL TRAJECTORY
Without mincing words, the survival of the opposition coalition depends solely on Atiku and Peter Obi. Most men must agree to support each if there must be a headway in booting Tinubu out of power. Anyway other than that is just another rehash of the 2023 scenario.
It would be recalled that Atiku and Obi formed an alliance that challenged late former President Muhammadu Buhari in 2019. While Atiku stood asthe substantive candidate, Obi operated as the running. Buhari won with a slim margin though observers believed that the election was greatly manipulated.
But in 2023, ambitions defeated expectations. While many had expected Atiku to support younger aspirants to run, but he threw his hat in the ring. It was his constitutional right. The likes of Peter Obi, who has created a picture of himself as being afraid of primaries, left the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the Labour Party, where he picked up presidential ticket on a platter. He believed that with the completion of the Buhari era, it was the turn of the Southeast to produce a president. Even as the duo of Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi pooled a collective total of over 12 million votes, both were still defeated by the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Bola Tinubu.
A cross section of opinion molders have remained divided as to what would have happened if both had teamed up again as candidate and running mate. While a section said that the duo would have beaten Tinubu hands down, others believe that the massive voters would not have come out from their hiding if Obi had not been on the ballot paper. But the way it stands, and having known their electoral capabilities and capacities, and with one goal of removing Tinubu from office, one would have expected the two candidates to drop their egos and work together. But that has become a tall dream!
With the bickering, and subsequent defection of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, to the NDC, ostensibly to actualize the new slogan of Obi-Kwankwaso (OK), an analyst has juxtaposed the previous election in 2023, and the fast approaching one of 2027 as follows:
As the 2027 election approaches, it’s good to give a highlight of the major conditions required for any candidate to be declared winner of the election according to the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. (1) Candidates must get the majority of the votes from the entire country. (2) Candidate must get at least 25% from at least 24/36 states plus the FCT. In 2023 for example, INEC declared Bola Ahmed Tinubu the winner of the election for securing 36.7% of the total votes and 25% from 29 states. Followed by Atiku Abubakar who secured 29.9% of the votes and got 25% from 21 states. And then Peter Obi who came third with 26.1% of the total votes and 25% from 15 states. What does that mean? Tinubu was declared winner not only because of the number of votes, but also because of the 25% rule, which he secured majority from Ondo, Ekiti, Kwara, Ogun, Oyo, Niger, Kogi, Benue, Jigawa, Zamfara, Borno and Rivers. On the other hand, Atiku Abubakar won states like Osun, Yobe, Gombe, Adamawa, Katsina, Bauchi, Kaduna, Sokoto, Kebbi, Taraba, Bayelsa and Akwa-Ibom bringing it to a total of 12 states. Similarly, Peter Obi won states like Enugu, Anambra, Abia, Ebonyi, Imo, Delta, Cross-River, Edo, Lagos, FCT, Plateau and Nassarawa bringing it to a total of 12 states with none from North-West and North-East. Kwankwaso dominated Kano State with more than a million votes. Based on this highlights, who do you think will win the 2027 presidential election?
WHY PETER OBI SHOULD HAVE REMAINED WITH ATIKU AS RUNNING MATE
A lot of narratives have been peddled as to why it would been a sound political decision for Peter Obi to remain with the ADC, and seek election as running mate to Atiku Abubakar.
Many believe that Peter Obi came to limelight in 2019 courtesy of the Atiku generosity, when he was nominated as the presidential vice candidate against the wishes and to the chagrin of major political heavyweights in PDP at the time. Both made a noticeable though did not win.
Secondly, Atiku has told the public that he was only concerned with serving for only one term, and promised to support Peter Obi to take afterwards. This is highly fundamental because across the world, many politicians have effortlessly crossed over to becoming the president after serving as vice presidents.
The case of the present President of Ghana, Dr. John Dramani Mahama, readily comes.to mind. He served as vice president to John Kuffour, and took over afterwards.
There’s also Nigeria’s Goodluck Jonathan, who served as vice president to Umar Musa Yar’dua, and became president at his death, and went ahead to win another term, even when it was the proverbial turn of the North.
In the United States, Joe Biden served as vice to Barack Obama, and became president at the end of his tenure. He served for one term, and voluntarily bowed out on health grounds.
In Kenya, incumbent President Willam Ruto served loyally as vice to Uhuru Kenyatta, and is today the president of Kenya.
In Liberia, Joseph Boakai served as vice president to Ellen Johnson Sirleaf for her two-terms of 12 years (2006 – 2018) before becoming president himself.
Just as the list is endless, it is believed that a little patience by Obi can help I removing Tinubu, and making him president in 2031.
However, appearing quite upbeat about the happenstance, a chieftain of the ADC, Chief Dele Momodu, summarized as follows during a recent interview:
“I have no fear whatsoever, though there’s a bit of agitation everywhere. If you ask most people, they would tell you, Oh, Asiwaju will rig the election. They are sure Tinubu will do this and that. He has the power of life and death and so on and so forth, but I’m not bothered. As you get older in life, you begin to understand the God factor better. I believe that whatever APC likes, let them do. When it is God’s time, he will push them out and I think, this 2027, we are closer to it than ever.
“I said APC, whether they like it or not, the whole world knows that they have failed. And now the people are thinking it is political parties that chase away government? No, it is not parties; it is the people. When the people rise up and say it was the people that chased away PDP that time, it was the people. In this case, those who will chase Tinubu and APC away are not just members of ADC. They are Nigerians who are fed up, completely fed up, who will look back at the last three or four years and ask pertinent questions like, Was my life better in 2023 than it is in 2027? Was security much better in 2023 than it is in 2027? Was electricity better? Was water better? Was infrastructure better? Was our foreign policy better? Was the quality of ministers better? When you answer all those questions, you will see that the majority of the answers will be no, no, no. And that is what will determine why people will vote them out.”
With Obi now in NDC, and Atiku still in ADC, the shape of 2027 for the opposition may not be looking good because the way it stands, the OPPOSITION IS ABOUT TO BURY HOPE AGAIN, leveraging on the infamous ‘BIG EGO’.
It is now to your tent, O’ Israel. This is the real status quo ante bellum, and every candidate is now to test his own strength in isolation.
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