The Oracle
The Oracle: Nigeria, We Hail Thee: What is in a Name?
Published
2 years agoon
By
Eric
By Mike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
When on October 1, 1960, Nigeria gained her independence from British colonial tutelage, the Union Jack was lowered and replaced with Nigeria’s Green White Green Flag. A new National anthem, “Nigeria, we hail thee”, was introduced. The anthem with three stanza was written by a Briton, Frances Berda, whilst Lilian Jean Williams composed the lyrics. This anthem was to last till 1978 when the then Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, caused it to be replaced with a new National anthem titled “Arise, O Compatriots”. Only 29th May, 2024, the President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, assented to a bill, rather rapidly passed by the National Assembly (NASS), bringing back the old “Nigeria, we hail thee” anthem which has evoked so much passion and nostalgia.
A wide spectrum of the society has criticised the President and the National Assembly for pursuing with such vigor, the replacement of the existing National anthem with the old one. Their argument is simply that, whether old or new, none of the National anthems has brough food to the tables of any Nigerian or constructed our dilapidated roads; or stabilised the Naira which continues to dance like the Esan Egbabonalimin Acrobat, to music only it can understand. They argue that a mere change of the National anthem has not brought about good healthcare service; quality education to our teeming youths; nor security and peace to a country ravaged and rampaged by Boko Haram, insurgency, armed banditry, kidnapping, hunger, thirst, melancholy, hopelessness and haplessness of the average Nigerian man and woman.
The antagonists argue that the rate of inflation in Nigeria today which stands at an incredible 33.20% in March, 2024, is economically and socially strangulating as against United States’ 3.36%; the United Kingdom’s 2.30%; China’s 0.30%; Germany’s 2.40%; France’s 2.40% and EU’s 2.60% inflation rate. They argue that singling out the issue of National anthem from a myriad of more serious multifaceted challenges plaguing Nigeria is a mere narcissistic distraction employed by a government that appears to have no answers to Nigeria’s burning problems. Such Nigerians cannot understand why they should be concerned about the National anthem when rice sells for over N90,000 per bag and when prices of soup condiments like atarodo, tatashe, onions, palm oil, tubers of yam and our main staple food, garri, not to talk of bread, have since spiraled out of the reach of the average Nigerian.
While I share these strong sentiments, many of them well-placed, I however disagree that changing to the old National anthem was not a step well taken. I give kudos to President Tinubu and the National Assembly for passing the bill into law. For historical purposes, what the President and the National Assembly just did on 29th May, 2024, was actually my idea 10 years ago, when on the floor of the 2014 National Confab which was headed by the now late Justice Idris Legbo Kutigi (JSC) Rtd, with his deputy as Prof Bolaji Akinyemi, and the Secretary as Dr. Mrs Valerie Azinge, SAN. Just like Nostradamus, the man who saw into the future, I had moved a motion on Wednesday, 2nd July, 2014, calling for the replacement of “Arise, O Compatriots” with “Nigeria, we hail thee”. Some of the reasons I gave, which I repeated on 27th May, 2024, at the public hearing organized by the Senate during my contribution to the debate, is that the old National anthem possesses more nationalistic fervor, more patriotic gravitas and more inclusive and aggregative tendencies for a country yearning for nationhood than the bland and colourless “Arise, O Compatriots” which did not and could not energise Nigerians to see themselves as one people under one God.
When I moved the said motion at the 2014 Confab, it was hotly debated and unanimously and consensually carried by the 492 delegates to the National Confab that presented Nigerians from all strata of the society – Federal Government; States; LGAs; Elderstatesmen and women; youth; students; civil societies; Labour; Trade Unions; traditional rulers; professionals; technocrats; private and public sectors; the military; civilians; the Executive; the Legislature; the Judiciary; the disabled; the civil service; the academia; the foreign service; members of the diplomatic corps; the Police; the market men and women and more.
Spontaneously, the entire venue at the National Judicial Institute, Abuja, erupted when all the delegates stood up and made a clear rendition of the said old National anthem of “Nigeria, we hail thee”. There was something unusual about the unconstrained reaction; something simply unspeakable. It was like the scene of a football field featuring Nigeria and another country where all Nigerians buy into our victory irrespective of tribe, language, religion or class. This was the type of reaction which the late Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe would describe as leading to “national resurgimiento”. It was one of the very few items on which Nigerians built a consensus.
This is what the newly brought back National anthem of Nigeria, we hail thee epitomizes. I had gone ahead in 2017 to author a 406 paged book titled, “Nigeria we hail thee”, a book that discussed in its entirety, the 2014 Confab from its genesis to its revelation. At pages 268-271 of the book, I had specifically discussed the need to revert to the “Nigeria, we hail thee” National anthem. I had even suggested that Nigeria’s name be changed to “Airegin”, a right-to-left pronunciation and spelling of Nigeria. I had also proposed that the national flag be changed to the original design that had the same green-white-green colours, but with a rising sun that shoots rays of light to all corners of Nigeria. While the latter two suggestions did not sail through, that of the National anthem did. I therefore believe that the 2014 National Confab should be given full recognition and kudos for at least having one of its over 600 recommendations adopted, even if a whooping 10 years later. Nothing good is ever too late. This reintroduced anthem will serve as a soothing balm to massage our bruised and fractured country still yearning for nationhood. Let us see and hear the lyrics to be able to capture this passion:
Nigeria, we hail thee,
Our own dear native land,
Though tribe and tongue may differ,
In brotherhood, we stand,
Nigerians all, and proud to serve
Our sovereign Motherland.
Our flag shall be a symbol
That truth and justice reign,
In peace or battle honour’d,
And this we count as gain,
To hand on to our children
A banner without stain.
O God of all creation,
Grant this our one request,
Help us to build a nation
Where no man is oppressed,
And so with peace and plenty
Nigeria may be blessed.
The anthem from the lyrics and composition recognizes that Nigeria is our dear native land and that we do not have any other land to call ours. It recognizes Nigeria as our sovereign mother land so much so that though tribe and tongue may differ, we still bunch together in brotherhood. It recognizes that our flag should be seen as a symbol of the reign of truth and justice, whether in peace or battle times. The anthem desires that we must hand over this flag to our children as a banner without stain. The anthem did not forget God our Creator. It genuflects and pleads with God to grant us, even if it is only one request; and what is that request? – that as we strive hard to build, God should also help us build a nation where no man is oppressed – an egalitarian society where equality and equity reign supreme; where no man is regarded as commoners and the others as Emperors who trample upon them. All these so that with peace and plenty, Nigeria will be blessed.
The anthem thus encompasses the entire dreams and aspirations of Nigerians. The anthem also mirrors a conversation that took place in the early 1940s between Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Sir Ahmadu Bello as to whether we should recognize or forget our differences. The conversation went thus:
“Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe: Let us forget our differences.
“Sir Ahmadu Bello: No, let us understand our differences. I am a Muslim and a Northerner. You are a Christian, an Easterner. By understanding our differences, we can build unity in our country”
Contrary to the argument of some people who believe that the resuscitation of the old National anthem which was done on 29th May, 2024, is a primordial reminder of our differences, the lyrics which are energising and effervescent, are simply saying the obvious. We are different, but our strength lies in our pluralism. The beauty of Nigeria lies in her Dolly Parton’s ‘Coat of Many Colours’. We call it unity-in-diversity. I, as a Nigerian, am from Iviukwe, near Agenebode, Edo State, Estako East Local Government Area. That is where it pleased God to bring me to life. I therefore neither crave to be Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, Fulani, Ijaw, Efik, Ibibio, Kanuri, nor Tiv, Ankwei, Anang, Gbagyi, Esan, Andoni, Ebira, etc. It pleases God to give Nigeria about 374 ethnic groups that speak over 450 languages according to social scientist, Prof. Onigu Otite. Our strength as a nation therefore lies in our pluralistic nature which should be aggregated for national cohesion and rejuvenation.
Section 24 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, provides for the essential duties of a citizen of Nigeria and specifically states that citizens should respect the National anthem and pledge amongst others. It states thus:
Section 24 (a): “abide by this Constitution, respect its ideals and it institutions, the National Flag, the National anthem, the National Pledge and legitimate authorities” .
Nigeria is not the first country and will not be the last country to change its National anthem. For the avoidance of doubt, the following countries at one time or the other changed their National anthem for various reasons. Such countries are Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Brasil, Bulgaria, Chile, Cape Verde, China, Egypt, France, Germany, Hungary, Iran, Iraq, South Korea, Kuwait, Mozambique, Netherlands, Niger, Pakistan, Portugal, Russia, Romania, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Switzerland, Turkey, United States of America, Vatican City, Vietnam, Zaire, Zambia, Zimbabwe, etc.
The big question: what is in a name?
“What is in a name? that which we call a rose
By any other name would smell as sweet”
Soliloquy by Juliet in Act 2, Scene 2; Romeo and Juliet by William Shakespeare.
The answer:
O, sure, there is everything in a name. If you doubt me, let anyone name his child “vulture”, “gorilla”, or “cow”. Watch their behaviour. Then you will understand the importance of a name. Then the logic of bringing back the old National anthem will strike you. God bless Nigeria.
PROF. MIKE A. A. OZEKHOME, SAN, CON , OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt, D.SC, DA, DHL
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The Oracle
The Oracle: Enforcement of Fundamental Human Rights Under the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria (Pt. 1)
Published
3 days agoon
May 1, 2026By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
Man as distinct from other beings is rational and has morals. He has the power of reason which enables him to differentiate between right and wrong, between good and bad, and also between justice and injustice. He therefore possesses honour and dignity which are higher than that of other beings. Human rights are necessary to protect this honour and dignity which nature has bestowed on human kind. They ensure (where these rights are enforced) that human kind is not degraded or made inhumane. Chapter IV (Sections 17-32) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1963, had provided that:
“No person shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman degrading punishment or other treatment.”
This has been replicated in section 3 of the 1999 Constitution. Equally, Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Right, 1984 declares that:
“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and right. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.”
There is therefore a great need to protect and ensure the protection of these inherent rights and freedoms.
WHAT IS A RIGHT?
Before discussing the ways and means by which one may enforce his fundamental human rights, it is apposite to first understand the context in which “right” is used.
‘Right’ in ordinary language means power of free action; a demand, inherent in one person and incident upon another. It is an interest recognized by law, respect for which is a duty and disregard of which is wrong. It refers to the cultural, political, social, economic advantage to which a person has just claim, either morally or in law. It is distinct from privilege.
Right described as ‘human’ refers to a category of rights which are specified and in most cases protected by law. Every human being is entitled to such rights and no person may be denied of such rights except through the due process of law. Cranston therefore holds the strong view that:
“A human right is something of which no one may be deprived without a great affront to justice. These are certain deeds which should never be invaded some things which are supremely sacred”
Kayode Eso, JSC. (as he then was) re-affirmed the importance of human rights in RANSOME KUTI Vs. A-G OF THE FEDERATION, (1985) CLR 6(d) (SC), when he said of human rights:
“… It is a right which stands above the ordinary laws of the land and which in fact is antecedent to the political society itself. It is a primary condition to a civilized existence… and what has been done is to have these rights enshrined in the Constitution so that the rights could be immutable to the extent of the non-immutability of the constitution itself.”
FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OR FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS?
“Fundamental rights” are generally regarded as those aspects of human rights which have been recognized and entrenched in the constitution of a country. They are specially provided for to enhance human dignity and liberty in every modern state. In the Nigerian context, the terms “human right”, “fundamental right” and “fundamental human right” are always used interchangeably. This has been justified by a learned author who posited forcefully that:
“Human rights remain so, whether they occur in the international plane or within municipal confines and whether they are called ‘human rights’ or ‘fundamental rights’. It should be noted that the international bill of rights – the universal declaration of Human rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights- use the expression fundamental human rights, so also the U.N charter.” (the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948).
Since the Constitution specifically provides for fundamental rights, Nigerian Court have found it expedient to draw a line of dichotomy between ‘human rights’ and ‘fundamental rights’. Thus, in UZOUKWU & ORS Vs. EZEONU II & ORS, (1991) 6 NWLR (pt 200) p. 708, the Court of Appeal (per Nasir P. C. A) put in with apt clarity and lucidity:
“Due to the development of Constitutional law in the field, distinct difference has emerged between ‘Fundamental Right’ and ‘Human Rights’. It may be recalled that human rights were derived from and out of the wider concept of natural rights. They are rights which every civilized society must accept as belonging to each person as human being. These were termed human rights. When the United Nations made its declaration it was in respect of Human Rights which belong to all human beings irrespective of citizenship, race, religion and so on. This has now formed part of international law. Fundamental Rights remain in the realm of domestic law. They are fundamental because they have been guaranteed by the fundamental law of the country, that is by the Constitution.”
Nature and Classification of Human Rights
Human rights are generally grouped under five sub-headings namely; Civil Rights, Political Rights, Social Rights, Economic Rights and Cultural Rights. We shall however discuss these classifications under two broad further categorization, that is:
Civil and Political Rights: these includes the right to self-determination, the right to life, freedom from torture and inhuman treatment, freedom from slavery and forced labour, the right to fair trial, right to privacy, freedom of thought conscience and religion, freedom of opinion and expression, the right of assembly, freedom of association, and movement, the right to marry and found a family, the right to participate in one’s Government either directly or through freely elected representatives, and the right to nationality and equality before the law.
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ECOSOC Rights) include the right to work, the right to an adequate standard of living, the right to organize, form and join trade unions, the right to social security, the right to collective bargaining, the right to property, the right to education, the right to participate in cultural life and to enjoy the benefits of scientific progress.
The importance of these rights cannot be over emphasized. So important are they that they have been universally recognized and acclaimed by the international community. The universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as other United Nations Covenant on Human Rights, the African Charter on Human race on an equal scale as the foundation of freedom, peace and justice in the world.
NOW THIS
HUMAN RIGHTS IN NIGERIA AND INTERNATIONAL CHARTERS AND CONVENTIONS
The emergence of human rights in documented form in Nigeria can be traced to the Nigeria Bill of Rights of 1959. This was incorporated into the 1960 Independence Constitution in 1963; these rights were reproduced 111 of the 1963 Republican Constitution. These fundamental human rights are provided for in Chapter Iv of both the 1979 and 1999 Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria with some improvements.
The reverence of these human rights can be seen from their recognition, promotion and protection under international law. Charters and Conventions have been globally drawn, and under various economic, geographical and political blocs for the promotion and protection from abuse of these rights. The United Nation (UN) has been championing the global protection of these rights as can be seen from the various chapters of the UN charter. The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (1984) proclamation states as follows:
“This Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement for all the end that every individual and every organ of society keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measure, national and international to secure observance both among people of member states themselves and among people of territories under their jurisdiction.”
Article 30 of the Charter further provides thus:
“Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any state group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any action aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.”
The Declaration by its provisions sets out the minimum standard to be observed by countries of the world in relation to human rights.
There is also the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights which has become, in Nigeria, a potent source of quick remedy against gross violation of human rights under municipal laws which remedy could not be traced to the laws because of ouster clauses built in them. The charter has since been ratified in Nigeria as African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act Cap 10 1 FN 1990. The importance of the African Charter was underlined by Eniola Longe J, in the case of MOHAMMED GARUBA & ORS V. A.G OF LAGOS STATE & ORS (Unreported Suit No. ID/559/90), when he held:
“The African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights of which Nigeria is a signatory is now made into our law… Even if its aspect in our constitution is suspended or ousted by provisions of our local law, the international aspect of it cannot be unilaterally abrogated…”
AND THIS LIMITATION ON FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS
Under section 45 of the 1999 Constitution and many constitutional expressions of fundamental rights, certain qualifications or restriction which are reasonably justifiable in a democratic society are incorporated in the interest of defence, public safety, public order, public morality or public health or for the purpose protecting the rights and freedoms of other persons. Consequently, the aforesaid rights are generally subjected to these limitations.
ENFORCEMENT OF RIGHTS
Procedure for the enforcement of the fundamental rights provisions enshrined in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is guided and regulated by the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules 1979. It is pertinent to state here that the above rules are made pursuant to the powers conferred on the Chief Justice of Nigeria by section 46(3) of the Constitution, which provided thus:
“The Chief Justice of Nigeria may make rules with respect to the practice and procedure of a High Court for the purpose of this section.” (To be continued).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“Each state, so that it does not abridge the great fundamental rights belonging, under the Constitution, to all citizens, may grant or withhold such civil rights as it pleases; all that is required is that, in this respect, its laws shall be impartial”. (Lyman Trumbull).
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The Oracle: Human Rights: Our Everyday Essentials (Pt. 3)
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1 week agoon
April 24, 2026By
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The Oracle: Human Rights: Our Everyday Essential Pt.2
Published
2 weeks agoon
April 17, 2026By
Eric
By Prof Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
The inaugural installment of this piece was necessarily foundational. It examined the origins and evolution of human rights, followed by an analysis of Nigeria and the global human rights crisis. Today, we shall access human rights under the Nigerian legal system and its challenges. We shall also consider the role of civic responsibility and the power of civic action in the realization and enforcement of human rights. Enjoy.
HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE NIGERIAN LEGAL SYSTEM: LAW, COURTS, AND CHALLENGES
In any democracy, the law is the last line of defense for human dignity. In Nigeria, this role is legally assigned to the Constitution, the courts, and the justice system at large. Yet, the relationship between human rights and the Nigerian legal system is marked by both promise and paradox. While the law outlines strong rights protections, enforcement is often undermined by weak institutions, executive interference, corruption, and limited access to justice for ordinary citizens.
At the heart of Nigeria’s legal structure is the 1999 Constitution, which dedicates Chapter IV to Fundamental Human Rights. These include the right to life (Section 33), dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), private life (Section 37), freedom of expression (Section 39), and movement (Section 41), among others. These provisions, in theory, place Nigeria in alignment with international human rights standards.
Nigeria is also a party to several key international and regional human rights treaties, such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the Convention Against Torture (CAT). Under Section 12 of the Constitution, however, no international treaty is binding unless it is domesticated by the National Assembly ((1) No treaty between the Federation and any other country shall have the force of law except to the extent to which any such treaty has been enacted into law by the National Assembly).
This creates a gap between Nigeria’s global commitments and local enforcement.
The judiciary plays a critical role in interpreting and enforcing these rights. The Nigerian court system, headed by the Supreme Court, has constitutional authority to safeguard rights and check executive overreach. In several landmark cases, the courts have acted to affirm the rule of law. One example is the case of ABACHA & ORS v. FAWEHINMI ((2000) LPELR-14(SC)) where the supreme court of Nigeria opined as follows:
“Suffice it to say that an international treaty entered into by the government of Nigeria does not become binding until enacted into law by the National Assembly. See Section 12(1) of the 1979 Constitution which provides: “12(1) No treaty between the Federation and any other country shall have the force of law except to the extent to which any such treaty has been enacted into law by the National Assembly (AFRC).”
Another important case is ABACHA v. STATE ((2002) LPELR-15(SC).), where the supreme court yet again Per SAMSON ODEMWINGIE UWAIFO, JSC submitted thus:
“…It must be made quite clear that everyone is entitled to be offered access to good medical care whether he is being tried for a crime or had been convicted or simply in detention. When in detention or custody, the responsibility of affording him access to proper medical facility rests with those in whose custody he is, invariably the Authorities.”
Similarly, in Uzoukwu v. Ezeonu II (1991) 6 NWLR (Pt. 200) 708 ), the Court of Appeal laid down the test for determining violations of fundamental rights, giving legal clarity to human rights litigation in Nigeria.
Despite these rulings, the effectiveness of the courts in protecting rights remains uneven. One major challenge is executive non-compliance with court orders.
Corruption also plagues the system.
According to a 2017 report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics, the judiciary ranked among the institutions most prone to bribery (UNODC, ‘Corruption in Nigeria Bribery: public experience and response’ <https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Crime-statistics/Nigeria/Corruption_Nigeria_2017_07_31_web.pdf> Accessed on the 4th of December, 2025.). Delay in trials, frequent adjournments, and politicized judgement further weaken the system’s credibility.
Access to justice is another major concern. Many Nigerians, especially in rural areas, cannot afford legal representation. Although the Legal Aid Council of Nigeria (LACoN) was established to provide free legal services to indigent citizens, it is grossly underfunded and lacks reach. As a result, many rights violations go unchallenged, particularly for the poor, women, and detainees.
Even when legal provisions exist, enforcement agencies such as the Nigeria Police Force, Nigerian Correctional Service, and other security bodies often lack human rights training and operate with impunity. The #EndSARS Judicial Panels of Inquiry revealed systemic abuses by law enforcement, including illegal arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings (Bonnievolo E Ecoma, ‘A post-mortem assessment of the #EndSARS protest and police brutality in Nigeria’ (2023) AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL 23.).
Although recommendations were submitted, implementation has been weak, and few officers have been held accountable.
Nevertheless, there are signs of progress. Public interest litigation is increasing, driven by civil society organizations such as SERAP, Access to Justice, and the Human Rights Advancement and Development Centre (HURILAWS). More lawyers are offering pro bono services, and digital tools are emerging to track rights violations.
In summary, Nigeria’s legal system contains many of the right tools on paper to protect human rights. However, institutional weakness, political interference, and limited access continue to undermine enforcement. For the courts to truly defend citizens’ rights, judicial independence must be strengthened, corruption rooted out, and access to legal remedies expanded. The law must not only speak, it must work.
CIVIC RESPONSIBILITY AND THE POWER OF CITIZEN ACTION
The idea of human rights often evokes images of courtrooms, politicians, and legal documents. Yet, history shows that the most profound human rights transformations have been sparked not in parliaments, but in public squares, classrooms, social movements, and the daily courage of ordinary people. While laws can protect rights, only citizens can enforce their spirit through vigilance, advocacy, and civic participation.
In Nigeria, civic responsibility, the active participation of citizens in public life has always been a force for change. From the anti-colonial resistance led by nationalists like Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo, and Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, to modern day protests and community actions, Nigerians have continually demonstrated that the power to shape a just society lies in the hands of its people.
A defining moment in Nigeria’s contemporary civic movement was the #EndSARS protest of 20th October, 2020 (Silas Udenze, ‘Though Episodic: The Retrospective-Prospective Nigeria’s EndSARS Protest Anniversaries and Its Peculiarities’ (2025) Sage Journals 60 (3).). Sparked by years of (SARS), Nigerian youths took to the streets in a coordinated, peaceful movement. It was spontaneous, decentralized, and largely organized through social media (ibid). The protest became a symbol of democratic expression, civic courage, and youth led advocacy. Though it was met with repression including the tragic Lekki Toll Gate shooting it awakened a generation to the reality that rights are not guaranteed unless they are defended (ibid).
This awakening unveils a vital truth: citizens are not passive beneficiaries of human rights, they are its primary defenders. A vigilant population, one that knows its rights and demands accountability, becomes the most effective check on power. Yet civic responsibility is not just about protests. It includes voting, holding public officials accountable, reporting abuses, teaching others, volunteering, and refusing to normalize injustice.
Unfortunately, civic engagement in Nigeria is constrained by several factors. Fear of retaliation, misinformation, poverty, and lack of civic education have discouraged many from active participation. According to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), over 93 million Nigerians registered to vote in 2023, yet actual turnout was barely 27% (Adebayo Folorunsho-Francis, ‘2023 voter turnout hits 44-year-low, drops to 27%’ Punch News <https://punchng.com/2023-voter-turnout-hits-44-year-low-drops-to-27/> Accessed on the 4th of December, 2025.). This indicates a disconnect between legal rights and civic consciousness.
Furthermore, the suppression of dissent through arrests, censorship, and intimidation continues to weaken democratic space. Journalists, whistleblowers, and activists have been harassed, detained, or labeled “enemies of the state.” The Protection of Whistleblowers Bill, though proposed, has yet to be passed, leaving courageous citizens vulnerable.
The solution lies in mass civic education.
Citizens cannot defend rights they do not understand. The reintroduction of civic education in schools, community-led rights awareness campaigns, and social media activism can all strengthen the public’s capacity to engage. Civil society organizations like BudgIT, EiE Nigeria (Enough is Enough), SERAP, and Connected Development (CODE) have played pivotal roles in this space, using technology, data, and storytelling to empower citizens.
Religious and traditional leaders also have a responsibility. Their influence can either reinforce harmful customs or serve as platforms for peace, justice, and human dignity. When they speak out against discrimination, corruption, and violence, they help bridge the gap between law and lived experience.
Even simple acts like recording a rights violation, signing a petition, or educating a neighbour can ripple into systemic change. The lesson from successful movements is that change begins at the grassroots, grows with knowledge, and triumphs with collective will.
In the end, no constitution or law can replace the will of an informed and active citizenry. When people take ownership of their society, when they refuse silence in the face of injustice, human rights stop being abstract and become a lived reality. The journey to a just Nigeria depends not only on courts and parliaments, but on people who care enough to act. To be continued).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“To deny people their human rights is to challenge their very humanity”. – Nelson Mandela.
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