Opinion
The Oracle: Historical Reminiscences: Great Empires of Yore (Pt 14)
Published
4 years agoon
By
Eric
By Chief Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
ASHANTI EMPIRE (continues)
Last week, we delved into the theocratic system of government of the Ashanti, their means of livelihood, communication, population and way of life. This great empire remained an alliance of several large city-states which acknowledged the sovereignty of the ruler of Kumasi and the Ashanti Kingdom, known as the Asantehene. Today, we shall be concluding our 4 part series of the Ashanti Empire.
THE ASHANTIS’ MILITARY PROWESS
The Ashanti armies served the empire well, supporting its long period of expansion and subsequent resistance to European colonization. Armament was primarily with firearms; but some historians hold that indigenous organization and leadership probably played a more crucial role in Ashanti Military successes. These were perhaps, more significant, considering that the Ashanti had numerous troops from conquered or incorporated peoples, and faced a number of revolts and rebellions from these peoples over its long history. The political genius of the symbolic “golden stool” and the fusing effect of a national army however, provided the unity needed to keep the empire viable. Total potential strength was some 80,000 to 200,000 making the Ashanti army bigger than the well-known Zulu, and comparable to possibly Africa’s largest- the legions of Ethiopia. The Ashanti army was described as a fiercely organized one whose king could “bring 200,000 men into the field and whose warriors were evidently not cowed by Snider rifles and 7-pounder guns. While actual forces deployed in the field were less than potential strength, tens of thousands of soldiers were usually available to serve the needs of the empire. Mobilization depended on small cadres of regulars, who guided and directed levees and contingents called up from provincial governors. Organization was structured around an advance guard, main body, rear guard and two right and left wing flanking elements. This provided flexibility in the forest country the Ashanti armies typically operated in. The approach to the battlefield was typically via converging columns. Tactics included ambushes and extensive maneuvers on the wings. Unique among African armies, the Ashanti deployed medical units to support their fighters. This force was to expand the empire substantially and continually for over a century, and defeated the British in several encounters.
From 1806 until 1896, the Ashanti Kingdom was in a perpetual state of war involving expansion or defense of its domain. Ashanti exploits against other African forces made it the paramount power in the region. Its impressive performance against the British also earned it the respect of European powers.
In 1806, the Ashanti pursued two rebel leaders through Fante territory to the coast. The British refusal to surrender the rebels led to an Ashanti attack. This was devastating enough that the British handed over a rebel; the other escaped. In 1807 disputes with the Fante led to the Ashanti–Fante War, in which the Ashanti were victorious under Asantehene Osei Bonsu (“Bonsu the whale”).
In the 1811 Ga–Fante War, a coalition of Asante and Ga fought against an alliance of Fante, Akwapim and Akim states. The Asante war machine was successful early on defeating the alliance in open combat. However, Asante were unable to completely crush their enemies and were forced to withdraw from the Akwapim hills in the face of unconventional warfare. They did, however, manage to capture a British fort.
In 1814 the Ashanti launched an invasion of the Gold Coast, largely to gain access to European traders. In the Ashanti–Akim–Akwapim War, the kingdom faced the Akim–Akwapim alliance. After several battles, some of which went in favor of the Asante and, some of which went in favor of the out-numbered Akim–Akwapim alliance the war ended. Even though the outnumbered Akim–Akwapim won some key battles and had moments of glory by 1816, the Ashanti Kingdom was established on the coast.
The first of the Anglo-Ashanti wars occurred in 1823. In these conflicts, the Ashanti Kingdom faced off, with varying degrees of success, against the British Empire residing on the coast. The root of the conflict traces back to 1823 when Sir Charles Mac Carthy, resisting all overtures by the Ashanti to negotiate, led an invading force. The Ashanti defeated this, killed Mac Carthy, took his head for a trophy and swept on to the coast. However, disease forced them back. The Ashanti were so successful in subsequent fighting that in 1826 they again moved on the coast. At first they fought very impressively in an open battle against superior numbers of British allied forces, including Denkyirans. However, the novelty of British rockets caused the Ashanti army to withdraw. In 1831, a treaty led to 30 years of peace, with the Pra River accepted as the border.
With the exception of a few Ashanti light skirmishes across the Pra in 1853 and 1854, the peace between the Ashanti Kingdom and the British Empire had remained unbroken for over 30 years. Then, in 1863, a large Ashanti delegation crossed the river pursuing a fugitive, Kwesi Gyana. There was fighting, casualties on both sides, but the governor’s request for troops from England was declined and sickness forced the withdrawal of his West Indian troops. The war ended in 1864 as a stalemate with both sides losing more men to sickness than any other factor.
In 1869, a European missionary family was taken to Kumasi. They were hospitably welcomed and were used as an excuse for war in 1873. Also, Britain took control of Ashanti land claimed by the Dutch. The Ashanti invaded the new British protectorate. General Wolseley and his famous Wolseley ring were sent against the Ashanti. This was a modern war, replete with press coverage (including by the renowned reporter Henry Morton Stanley) and printed precise military and medical instructions to the troops. The British government refused appeals to interfere with British armaments manufacturers who were unrestrained in selling to both sides.
All Ashanti attempts at negotiations were disregarded. Wolseley led 2,500 British troops and several thousand West Indian and African troops to Kumasi. The capital was briefly occupied. The British were impressed by the size of the palace and the scope of its contents, including “rows of books in many languages.” The Ashanti had abandoned the capital after a bloody war. The British burned it.
In January 1896, the British formally annexed the Ashanti Kingdom to the British Empire.
The British and their allies suffered considerable casualties in the war losing numerous soldiers and high ranking army officers but in the end the firepower was too much to overcome for the Ashanti. The Asantehene (the king of the Ashanti) signed a British treaty in July 1874 to end the war.
In 1895, the Ashanti turned down an unofficial offer to become a British protectorate.
The Ashanti Kingdom wanting to keep French and European colonial forces out of the Ashanti Kingdom territory (and its gold), the British were anxious to conquer the Ashanti Kingdom once and for all. Despite being in talks with the kingdom about making it a British protectorate, Britain began the Fourth Anglo-Ashanti War in 1895 on the pretext of failure to pay the fines levied on the Asante monarch after the 1874 war. The British were victorious and the Ashanti Kingdom was forced to sign a treaty.
Standing among families was largely political. The royal family typically topped the hierarchy, followed by the families of the chiefs of territorial divisions. In each chiefdom, a particular female line provides the chief. A committee of several men eligible for the post elects the chief.
Education in the Ashanti Kingdom was conducted by Asante and imported scholars and Ashanti people would often attend schools in Europe for their higher education.
Tolerant parents are typical among the Ashanti. Childhood is considered a happy time and children cannot be responsible for their actions. The child is not responsible for their actions until after puberty. A child is harmless and there is no worry for the control of their soul, the original purpose of all funeral rites, so the ritual funerals typically given to the deceased Ashanti are not as lavish for the children.
The Ashanti adored twins when they were born within the royal family because they were seen as a sign of impending fortune. Ordinarily, boy twins joined the army and twin girls potential wives of the King. If the twins are a boy and girl, no particular career awaits them. Women who bear triplets are greatly honored because three is regarded as a lucky number. Special rituals ensue for the third, sixth, and ninth child. The fifth child (unlucky five) can expect misfortune. Families with many children are well respected and barren women scoffed at.
CRACK ROUR RIBS
EBA DON READY!!!
I was coming home Saturday evening after a hectic day and found a small bag on the ground.
I opened it and behold what I found inside; $10,000!!!
Fear first catch me.
I took the bag home and when I emptied it, I found some document, ID card, ATM card and an IPhone.
I thought about throwing the SIM away and keep the Phone and also dispose the document and keep the money.
After a long thought, I decided to leave things as they were, hoping that the owner would call.
Not long after, a call actually came through on the IPhone.
I picked and talked with the caller.
Apparently, it was the owner of the bag because he named absolutely every content of the bag.
We met afterwards and I handed him the bag, he offered me $3000 but I turned it down.
However, he took my phone number, saved it on his phone and left.
Yesterday he called me and offered me a job at SHELL worth #950,000 per month, a 3 bedroom flat fully furnished and with a gift of 2014 Range Rover Sport jeep.
As I was smiling and testing the car, my daughter just touched me and said: “Mummy Mummy, Not until my sister called out Mimi mimi wake up EBA DON READY”.
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“Study history, study history. In history lies all the secrets of statecraft.” (Winston Churchill).
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Opinion
Faith, Power, and the Art of Diplomacy: Nigeria Must Respond to Trump’s Threat with Strategy, Not Emotion
Published
3 hours agoon
November 9, 2025By
Eric
By Joel Popoola
Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu has never worn religion as a badge and never been defined by religious identity. Though a Muslim, married a Christian Pastor, he has long been known for his ability to balance Nigeria’s complex religious landscape. As former governor of Lagos State, he founded the Lagos State Annual Thanksgiving Service, a remarkable initiative that became one of the largest Christian gatherings in the Southwest Region. That gesture was not political theatre; it was an act of statesmanship that celebrated Nigeria’s diversity. He attended as a servant leader of all people, Christian, Muslim, and otherwise setting a tone of unity that our federation still needs today.
Today, that inclusive spirit, and legacy of tolerance faces, a renewed wave of external scrutiny, and a new kind of test- one not from within, but from abroad. The U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to designate Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” over alleged Christian persecution was more than a foreign policy statement. It was a calculated political signal. His subsequent threat to “use the military to defend Christians in Nigeria” crossed a dangerous line, suggesting that America could unilaterally intervene in our internal affairs based on a distorted interpretation of Nigeria’s religious dynamics.
A Complex Reality Misunderstood
There is no denying that Nigeria faces violent flashpoints where religion is entangled with ethnicity and poverty. But it is intellectually lazy and diplomatically reckless to label these crises as “Christian persecution.” Successive Nigerian governments, both Muslim- and Christian-led, have condemned extremism and taken act against those who inflame division. Trump’s posture, however, ignored the facts. It reframed Nigeria’s domestic challenges as a global crusade, inviting a moral panic that oversimplifies and endangers. The real tragedy is that such mischaracterizations can embolden extremists, fracture communities, and damage Nigeria’s reputation on the world stage.
Diplomacy Is Strength, Not Submission
As a corporate diplomacy expert, I have seen how scenario-based-strategy, not outrage determines outcomes. Whether in global business negotiations or international relations, power is not exercised only through might; it is asserted through credibility, alliances, and skilful communication. Nigeria must resist the temptation to respond defensively and instead deploy smart diplomacy to reframe the narrative. History offers compelling evidence of how diplomacy can avert even the gravest conflicts. During the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, the world stood seconds away from nuclear war. Yet, through quiet negotiation between U.S. President John F. Kennedy and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, a peaceful resolution emerged: the Soviet Union withdrew missiles from Cuba, and the U.S. reciprocated by removing its own from Turkey. Dialogue, not force, saved the world.
Nigeria can apply the same principle today. The path forward lies in strategic engagement, leveraging bilateral relations, regional blocs like ECOWAS and the African Union, and international platforms to clarify its realities. Nigeria must lead the conversation, not react to it.
A Lesson from Leadership
When a Muslim governor created a Christian thanksgiving celebration, he embodied what diplomacy looks like at home: listening, inclusion, and respect. Nigeria’s leaders must now display those same qualities abroad. We cannot control how others view us, but we can control how we present ourselves. That is the essence of diplomacy, proactive communication grounded in national dignity. Trump’s rhetoric may have been provocative, but Nigeria’s best response is composure, not confrontation. Power is never just about weapons or wealth; it is about narrative, legitimacy, and alliances.
The Diplomat’s Way Forward
Nigeria stands at a defining moment. The challenge is not to prove that Christians are safe, Muslims are fair, or that America is wrong, it is to prove that Nigeria is capable of solving its own problems with balance and foresight. True diplomacy is not silence; it is strategic communication. It is the ability to turn political provocation into an opportunity for partnership. If Nigeria channels its response through professionalism, restraint, and intelligent diplomacy, it will not only protect its image, but it will also strengthen its global standing.
As someone who has studied and practiced the intersection of corporate influence and international relations, I know these same principles that sustain global brands, trust, transparency, and consistency, also sustain nations.
And in this moment, Nigeria must choose those principles, not fear, and not anger- to defend its sovereignty and its soul.
Joel Popoola, a Corporate Diplomacy Expert, and Managing Partner at Anchora Advisory, specialising in corporate diplomacy and internationalisation, writes from United Kingdom
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Opinion
Beyond the Headlines: R2P, Sovereignty, and the Search for Peace in Nigeria
Published
1 day agoon
November 8, 2025By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
“In the face of complex crises, true leadership is measured not by the clarity of one’s critique, but by the courage to enact responsible solutions that bridge the gap between sovereign duty and our global responsibility to protect” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
If you follow global news, you have likely encountered alarming headlines about Nigeria. Terms like “religious violence” and even “genocide” are often used to describe a complex and devastating crisis. But beyond the headlines lies a critical international dilemma: when a state struggles to protect its own people, what is the world’s responsibility?
This is not a new question. It lies at the heart of a global principle adopted after the horrors of Rwanda and Srebrenica (Town in Bosnia and Herzegovina): The Responsibility to Protect (R2P).
Let us break down what R2P means, why it is so relevant in Nigeria, and what proposed international responses—like those from the United States—reveal about the difficult pursuit of peace in a complicated world.
R2P in a Nutshell: A Three-Pillar Promise
Imagine R2P as a three-legged stool, with each leg representing a fundamental obligation:
- Pillar I: The State’s Primary Duty. Every sovereign nation has the foremost responsibility to shield its populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity.
- Pillar II: International Assistance. The global community has a duty to assist states in building this protective capacity through aid, training, and diplomatic support.
- Pillar III: The Decisive Response. If a state is “manifestly failing” to protect its people, the international community must respond decisively—first through peaceful means like sanctions and diplomacy, and only as an absolute last resort, with authorized military force.
The protracted crisis in Nigeria tests this very framework to its limits.
The Nigerian Labyrinth: It’s More Complex Than It Seems
Labeling the situation in Nigeria as a simple religious war is a profound misunderstanding. The reality is a tangled web of several overlapping conflicts:
- Jihadist Insurgency: Groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP in the Northeast target both Muslims and Christians who oppose their rule. However, Christian communities have endured specific, brutal attacks on churches and schools, marking them for violence based on their faith.
- Clashing Livelihoods: In the fertile Middle Belt, competition over dwindling land and water resources has ignited violent clashes between predominantly Muslim Fulani herders and Christian farmers. Climate change and desertification have intensified this struggle, layering economic desperation over religious and ethnic identities.
- Criminal Banditry: Widespread kidnappings and violence in the Northwest, often driven by profit, exploit the fragile security situation, further destabilizing the region.
This intricate complexity is why the term “Christian genocide” is so hotly debated. While there is undeniable, systematic violence against Christians, the legal definition of genocide requires proof of a specific intent to destroy the group. Many analysts point to the confluence of political, economic, and criminal motives, arguing that the situation, while atrocious, may not meet this strict legal threshold.
The R2P Test: Is Nigeria “Manifestly Failing”?
A widespread perception holds that the Nigerian government is failing in its Pillar I responsibility. Despite possessing a powerful military, issues of corruption, a slow institutional response, and allegations of bias have left millions of citizens vulnerable.
This failure activates the world’s role under Pillar II. The United States, United Kingdom, and other partners have provided significant aid, military training, and intelligence sharing. Yet, it has not been enough. The persistent violence pushes the necessary conversation toward the more difficult Pillar III: the “Responsibility to Respond.”
The U.S. Proposition: A Case Study in Coercive Care
What does a “timely and decisive response” entail? Proposed U.S. actions offer a clear case study. Focusing on coercive measures short of force, they include:
- Targeted Sanctions: Visa bans and asset freezes against specific Nigerian officials accused of corruption or atrocities.
- Diplomatic Pressure: Officially designating Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” for religious freedom.
- Conditioned Aid: Linking further military assistance to verifiable improvements in human rights and accountability.
The Pros and Cons: A Balanced View
- The Upside: These actions send a powerful message of solidarity to victims, potentially deter perpetrators, and uphold the global norm that national sovereignty entails a responsibility to protect, not a license for atrocity.
- The Downside: These measures are fiercely rejected by the Nigerian government and many within the country as a violation of sovereignty. There is a risk that cutting military aid could weaken the fight against Boko Haram and ISWAP, and a narrow focus on the religious dimension could oversimplify the conflict’s root causes, potentially inflaming tensions further.
Key Takeaways for a Global Audience
This situation is not merely a problem for politicians; it offers critical lessons for all of us:
- For Global Citizens: Seek nuanced understanding. Effective advocacy requires moving beyond simplistic labels to grasp the underlying root causes—such as climate change, governance failures, and economic despair—that fuel the violence.
- For Businesses Operating Abroad: You have a vital role to play. Conduct human rights due diligence and use your economic influence to support stability, conflict resolution, and ethical practices within your operations and supply chains.
- For the International Community: This case exposes R2P’s greatest weakness: its reliance on a UN Security Council often paralyzed by geopolitics. The future demands more robust and empowered regional leadership from bodies like the African Union.
Conclusion: An Unfinished Conversation for Lasting Peace
The crisis in Nigeria and the proposed international responses are not about easy answers. They represent the difficult, ongoing work of making the promise of “Never Again” a tangible reality.
R2P remains an unfulfilled ideal, caught between the urgent need to protect human life and the complex realities of national sovereignty. The conversation it forces is itself a constructive step forward. It challenges Nigeria to reclaim its primary duty to protect all its citizens, challenges the world to move beyond rhetoric to meaningful action, and challenges us all to remember that our common humanity is the most important border we share. The demand for peace, both within Nigeria and beyond, requires nothing less than our collective and unwavering commitment.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in History and International Studies, Fellow Certified Management Consultant & Specialist, Fellow Certified Human Resource Management Professional, a Recipient of the Nigerian Role Models Award (2024), and a Distinguished Ambassador For World Peace (AMBP-UN). He has also gained inclusion in the prestigious compendium, “Nigeria @65: Leaders of Distinction”.
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Opinion
From Chibok Girls to Christian Genocide: How 2015’s U.S Script is Replaying in 2027
Published
6 days agoon
November 3, 2025By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
In my own opinion, history is on the verge of repeating itself, this time, in a more dangerous and manipulative form. When U.S. President Donald Trump recently made his provocative remarks about “Christian genocide” in Nigeria, many around the world interpreted them as a moral call to defend persecuted Christians. But to the politically conscious, Trump’s words are not just about faith, they are about power, influence, and attention seeking.
Trump’s sudden interest in Nigeria’s internal affairs is neither noble nor spontaneous. It mirrors a familiar conspiracy, one that Nigeria painfully witnessed in 2014/2015, when then U.S. President Barack Obama and his administration turned world opinion against the innocent President Goodluck Jonathan under the emotional shadow of the Chibok girls’ abduction. That global outrage was cleverly used to weaken a sitting government and shape Nigeria’s political direction.
Today, the same playbook is being dusted off, but with a new slogan. In 2015, the rallying cry was “Bring Back Our Girls.” In 2027, it’s “Stop Christian Genocide.” Different words, same machinery and the same foreign interest in controlling Nigeria’s political outcome.
At the center of this new narrative lies Nigeria’s Muslim–Muslim presidential ticket, a decision that has stirred deep unease among many Christians. For a nation long divided by religion and ethnicity, having both the president and vice president share the same faith inevitably triggered distrust, especially among Christians who form the country’s second-largest population bloc. This sentiment, amplified through social media and Western lenses, has given birth to the idea of an orchestrated “Christian persecution” under the current administration.
However, what many foreign commentators fail or refuse to acknowledge is that both Christians and Muslims are victims of terrorism in Nigeria. Research and on-ground realities have shown that Muslim communities in the North-East, North-West and parts of North-Central have actually suffered even more from terrorist attacks, displacement, and loss of livelihood. The killing fields of Borno, Yobe, Zamfara, Katsina, Niger, parts of Sokoto and Plateau States all in the North are filled with innocent Muslims who have lost everything to the same extremists who disguised as Muslims and now being branded as “defenders of Islam.”
Let’s be clear: terrorism has no religion. Those who kill in the name of any faith are not followers of that faith. Terrorism is not the monopoly of Islam, Christianity, or any religion, it is a global cancer that thrives on hatred, poverty, and manipulation. Around the world, from the Middle East to Europe, Asia to Africa, criminals and terrorists exist in every society. They have no true religious identity, only political and ideological motives. Linking terrorism with Islam is not only misleading, it is blackmail, and it fuels further division in a world that desperately needs understanding.
And this is where Trump’s rhetoric becomes politically dangerous. By invoking religion, he taps into global sympathy while subtly positioning himself as the “defender of Christians”, a role that serves his conservative political base in the United States and simultaneously destabilizes Nigeria’s government ahead of the 2027 elections. His statement, therefore, is not just moral posturing; it’s a strategic geopolitical move disguised as compassion.
Let me be clear: I am not defending the Tinubu administration. I am not a member of the ruling APC, nor am I blind to the country’s economic challenges, insecurity, and social discontent. But as a Nigerian who leans more toward the opposition, I cannot pretend not to see the dangerous manipulation of our nation’s religious fault lines by foreign interests for political gain.
When Obama’s America turned against Jonathan in 2015, it claimed to stand for human rights and accountability. But what followed that “moral intervention”? The Chibok girls were not rescued. Insecurity spread across new regions. The country became more polarized. And yet, the world simply moved on.
Now, Trump’s America seems to be rebranding the same agenda. The “Christian genocide” narrative has become the new international weapon used to portray Nigeria as a failed state and its government as morally illegitimate. The risk is enormous: such a narrative not only undermines Nigeria’s sovereignty but could ignite new religious tensions between Muslims and Christians, who have coexisted, however imperfectly for decades.
What’s even more troubling is the deafening silence of the African Union (AU).
Where is the AU’s collective voice in defense of Nigeria, one of its largest and most influential member states? Why is there no statement condemning Trump’s reckless rhetoric? Africa cannot afford to sit idly by while its most populous nation is once again drawn into the web of Western political manipulation.
The AU’s silence is not neutrality, it is complicity. It sends a dangerous message that Africa’s sovereignty can still be traded cheaply on the altar of Western approval.
Nigerians must remember the lessons of 2015.
The Chibok tragedy was real, but it was also exploited. The world’s sympathy helped unseat a president, but it did not solve Nigeria’s problems. Today, the “Christian genocide” narrative risks repeating that same cycle using religion as a weapon of influence and elections as collateral damage.
We must be wiser this time.
Whether you stand with Tinubu or the opposition, Nigeria’s dignity and independence must come first. The African Union must break its silence. African leaders must speak with one voice to reject any external interference under the guise of humanitarian concern.
Because if history repeats itself in 2027 as it is beginning to do, the consequences will not only be political. They could shatter the fragile threads that hold this nation together.
Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com
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