Headline

Buhari’s ‘Resurrection’: Why Mr President is Suddenly Awake

Published

5 years ago

June 19, 2021

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

On February 12, 2020, President Muhammadu Buhari arrived the city of Maiduguri, Borno State, with high hopes of cutting the god-figure the average northerner has revered him with overtime, but alas, the president was wrong. His years of negligence, incompetence and attendant maladministration, which has engendered untold hardship among the populace, has turned his most ardent supporters against him. They were aware of Buhari’s nonchalance to the plight of the common Nigerians; they were aware of the rising cost of living with no hope of remedy in sight; they were aware of the unprovoked attacks by insurgents reducing the worth of life of the average Nigerian. They were aware that Buhari has preferred frequent oversea’s trips to interacting with those that elected him. They were aware that Buhari was no longer the same man that had a cult-like followership.

To many, he was dead politically, administratively and even in person. His ‘resurrection’ therefore, in the last couple of days, following recent activities is needed not to just prove himself, but also debunk the theory of his death, which has made more rounds than most regular stories.

As a result, in exchange for the ‘sai baba’ slogan which heralded the 2015 election, and to an extent the 2019 election, the people of Borno chanted a different slogan, ‘we no do again’. The president saw a different version of the people who hitherto followed him without question.

One would have thought there would be an immediate change, but the president took another 14 months to rearrange his priories, and in June 2021, there seems to appear a ray of hope in the horizon considering Buhari’s public relations in terms of communication and coming closer to the people he governs, and also attempt to deliver on projects. As a result, many has seen his attempts in the last one week as a miracle of resurrection wherein he had granted interviews to two media houses, though relayed, and visited two of Nigeria’s major cities; Lagos and Maiduguri; again all in a space of one week.

Prior to this time, Buhari hardly appears in public nor speak directly to the populace. Nigerians have had to make do with pronouncements from his media aide, Garba Shehu, with claims of representing the presidency. It is worth noting that majority of his statements, which he has credited to the president, have seen everything right with the north, but otherwise with the south. This has made Nigerians contest the source of his statements, with many dismissing them as a figment of the aide’s imagination.

Buhari’s journey to rediscovering himself, especially after the inglorious ban on twitter in Nigeria; an action that has been condemned locally and on the international level and the blood letting taking place in the Southeast region, began with the exclusive interview he granted Arise TV with the CEO, Nduka Obaigbena, Rueben Abati, Tundun Abiola and Segun Adeniyi as anchors. The interview however, took place at the Aso Rock Presidential Villa in Abuja.

The station summarised the content of the scoop as follows:

“Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari spoke exclusively to ARISE NEWS in the first interview he has granted since beginning his second term in office more than two years ago.

“He spoke on a wide range of issues, including the worrying security situation in the country.

“According to him, the northwestern part is his biggest concern, because of killings going on among people of the same culture.

“President Buhari however revealed that he’s given the police and military the power to be ruthless with those behind the insecurity in the region.

“On the pressing and topical issue of the suspension of Twitter in the country, Buhari was reticent, saying only that he would keep that to himself.

“The president also addressed the issue of perceived lopsidedness in his appointments, saying people shouldn’t just be picked for a geographical balance over those who have earned their place.

“The Nigerian president further touched on other topics, from the activities of IPOB in the southeast to the EndSARS protests of October last year, the troubling issue of killer herdsmen, and how he would want to be judged after his tenure.”

The almost two hours interview, which though did not give Nigerians any form of hope, economically or politically, succeeded in proving that at least the country still has a president. While many has said that the chat further exposes Buhari’s dictatorial tendencies, many others were of the opinion that his coming to the public in black and white portends a ray of hope, and a prove that he wasn’t dead.

However, one of the interviewers, Rueben Abati, who himself was a presidential media aide, captured the experience as follows, in part:

“Nonetheless, the excitement that has been demonstrated over the Buhari interview(s) owes in part to the status of public perception about the President’s unwillingness to communicate directly with the people who elected him into power in 2015 and 2019. For the better part of his six years in power, President Buhari has engaged more with Nigerians through third parties, spokespersons and press statements. Other Presidents before him appeared regularly on Presidential Media Chats during which they responded to the people’s concerns. Not this President. In six years, he has not granted one Presidential media chat. Other Presidents gave one on one interviews to media houses, or even stand-up interviews with reporters. This President has been unusually reticent and absent. On the few occasions that he has spoken to the press, he did so with foreign journalists, a counter-productive move that merely infuriated Nigerian stakeholders. As his spokespersons churned out press releases and statements clarifying previous releases, in the face of rising wave of insecurity, violence and confusion in the land, Nigerians demanded that they would rather have the man they voted for speak to them.

“The absence of the President’s personal voice eventually resulted in conspiracy theories which flourished unabated. Opposition elements argued that Nigeria no longer had a President but a Presidency that had been taken over by a cabal. They argued that the elected President died a while ago and had been replaced by a body clone called Jibrin from Sudan. For effect, they added that even the First Lady was aware of this and hence, her trenchant criticisms of the government and her husband’s aides. Commentators like Farooq Kperogi, claiming insider knowledge of Aso Villa and its actors, in seductive prose, told Nigerians many tales about how their President had succumbed to a combination of dementia and senility and government had been taken over by unscrupulous persons who call the shots in the President’s name. The big lesson in retrospect is that when a President distances himself from the people, and refuses to engage them as we see leaders in other parts do, he unwittingly encourages conspiracy theories about a vacuum in power and the politics of absence and/or indifference at the highest levels.

“Whoever advised President Buhari to grant media interviews last week and also address the nation on Saturday, June 12, did him a big favour. The intensity of media appearance was a good move, even if it came rather late. Nigerians may disagree with some of the things the President said in his media outings, but many of the myths constructed around him have been exploded, and that must be helpful to his administration. The man that our team sat with and interviewed didn’t sound like a Jibrin from Sudan. He was alert, alive, informed, confident, relaxed, witty and capable of disarming humour. He was not the invalid or the senile old man that his critics say he is. He didn’t sound weak either. As the interview progressed, he had another function that he needed to attend, and we didn’t leave the Villa until about 11 pm. Less than 12 hours later, the same man, the following day was in Lagos to commission rail, maritime, and security projects. His submission to a media conversation is also a form of protection for his spokespersons. Many have accused Garba Shehu, Femi Adesina and Alhaji Lai Mohammed of speaking for themselves, and not for the President, but we have all seen a President, speaking for himself, whose views do not contradict what his aides have been telling us. Our interview with him also proved the point that there is no doubting the fact that President Muhammadu Buhari is effectively in charge. He knows what is going on. And he showed no hesitation in restating some of his reported views and taking ownership of them despite the controversial nature of those views. Every President has his or her own style but deliberately playing possum should not be part of that style. President Buhari should speak more often to Nigerians. He should sit down at Presidential media chats. Nigeria is not a feudal system where the aristocrat treats the people with disdain. In a democracy, the man of power is accountable to the people who expect their leaders to continually justify why they must be in power and office.”

It must be added that while many were speculating and debating on whether the president will actually come to Lagos in person to commission some projects as was earlier advertised, he stunned many and appeared on stage. He, with renewed agility commissioned railway projects, security equipment for the police as well as maritime equipment. He attempted to prove he was really in charge. He did.

President Buhari’s next stunt in his ‘resurrection’ appearances was his arrival at the ‘war zone’, Maiduguri, Borno State for a one-day official visit amidst tight security.

Buhari visited to assess the security situation in the North East, and addressed troops of Operation Hadin Kai at Maimalari Cantonment, and also inaugurated some completed Federal and State Government projects.

The visit of the president to Borno State served as a morale booster to the Nigerian troops and afforded him the opportunity to personally assess the security situation in that region and determine the level of progress made by the country in its fight against terrorism and insurgency.

In company of Governor Zulum, he commissioned the 4,000 housing units for displaced persons out of the 10,000 units being constructed by the Federal Government in Borno and the Senate building of Borno State University, Maiduguri. Other projects commissioned were the Borno State Vocational Enterprising Institute, Muna, Government Day Technical Secondary School, Njimtilo, Dr Babagana Wakilbe Memorial School, Abbaganaram Maternal Healthcare Centre and the Jiddari-Polo road and drainage.

But unlike the February 2020 reception, Buhari was better received. This was the power of his ‘resurrection’ from the doldrum and lukewarmness.

But what constituted the reasons behind the sudden rediscovery and awakening of the president? Some of the factors that aided this, observers have said included: barrage of attacks, threat of disintegration, pressure from abroad, division among the APC governors along regional divide and scaringly enough, possibility of a coup.

FEAR OF COUP

There were tangible fears that the military were no longer comfortable with the turn of events, especially with stories of discontent among the rank and file of the armed forces. There were also stories of neglect and mistreatment in the theatre of war with the Northeast as a point of reference. These incidents sort of put a question mark on the Buhari presidency and ability to remain commander in chief.

In addition, the Department of State Service, Nigeria’s secret police said they had uncovered a plot to remove President Muhammadu Buhari from office. According to the investigators, disgruntled politicians and religious leaders were behind it.

The presidency also raised the alarm, accusing ― without mentioning names ― former and present leaders working with foreign powers of trying to remove President Buhari from office forcefully.

“They are plotting to hold conferences, which would pass a vote of no confidence in President Muhammadu Buhari, a man they so much love to hate,” President Buhari’s special media adviser, Femi Adesina, said.

The report published by the DSS came just a few days after the army pledged its loyalty to the constitution and subjected itself to civilian rule, warning its members to stay away from politics.

According to dw.com, which quoted security analyst Kabiru Adamu; “If the coup is going to occur, it won’t be carried [out] by the serving generals for the simple reason that they’re benefiting from the system.” He added that a coup could be staged, however, by a group of officers that “feels disfranchised and unhappy” with the current situation.

If these unhappy military members work together with political players interested in changing the government, the possibility of a coup is “huge,” Adamu told dw.com, pointing out the military takeover in neighboring Chad as an example that could inspire a revolt in Nigeria.

THREAT OF DISINTEGRATION

The emergence of the agitation for the Yoruba Nation, spearheaded by the Sunday Igboho Adeyemi and the likes of Prof. Banji Akintoye, in addition to the already existing call for Biafran nation by a lot of secessionist groups from the southeast, chiefly among them Nnamdi Kanu’s Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), has given the government reason to rise from their slumber.

The inability of the Buhari-led government to address the issues of herdsmen killing across the nation has prompted ethnic nationalities to demand a country of their own. This is addition to claims of marginalisation, especially among south-easterners owing to Buhari’s lopsided appointments in all strata of government administration and security.

PRESSURE FROM THE DIASPORA

The Diaspora Nigerians and their foreign counterparts have been relentless in their call for a change following what many analysts have described as Buhari’s inept approach to matters of security and alignment of all ethnic nationalities. On many occasions, the president has been embarrassed on foreign lands by protesting Nigerians, who had used strong terms to describe his government.

It would be recalled that recently. Buhari travelled to London on a supposedly medical trip, but was booed all through his stay in the English nation. He was accused of running down to developed countries for medication while his own country’s medical facilities is in comatose.

DIVISION OF APC GOVERNORS ALONG REGIONAL LINE

While the president is finding a little difficult in dealing with the opposition PDP, his own party faithful were busy turning on against one another as a result of disagreement on issues bordering on ethnic and regional integrity.

Shortly the 17 southern governors retreat in Asaba in May, there seemed to have arisen discontent between APC governors of northern origin and APC governors of southern origin. While most of the northern are in support of the open grazing the south had placed a clampdown on the practice. This has resulted into a loggerhead between hitherto ‘friendly foes’.

As much as the president feels he was immune to attacks and criticisms, it is obvious that the barrage of attacks that trail his administration must have gotten to him, and suddenly he decided to make amends.

Nigerians are hoping that this new found vigour of Mr President will be translated to profitable living for Nigerians, who have wallowed in abject poverty since 2015 when the present administration took power. Buhari and every member of the of his administration, including supporters have continually heaped the blames of the administration’s ineptitude on the previous administrations with special emphasis on the immediate past Dr Goodluck Jonathan’s government.

Headline

Parties’ Deregistration: ADC, Not NDC, is the Target

Published

1 day ago

June 29, 2026

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

As the 2027 presidential election draws closer, intrigues, manipulations and maneuvers have continued to be the order of the day as political parties engage in one gimmick or another to outdo and undo one another.

While some are playing politics of numbers and conviction, others are engaging tendencies that tend to question the status quo and established principles under which genuine democracy is formed. As a matter of fact, fingers have been pointed at the President Bola Tinubu-led Federal government as the brain behind all machinations that have attempted to derail multi-party democracy, and institute a one-party state, which is alien to the Nigerian democratic roots. This is as a result of the constant imbroglio that has consistently engulf almost all the major political parties in the country.

Fresh facts have however, emerged to prove that every act of frustration thrown at the opposition has been indirectly aimed at the main opposition party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), and its presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar.

According to reliable sources, the recent deregistration of parties, especially the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), was actually targeted at the ADC.

Recall that the Federal High Court in Lokoja, Kogi State, on June, 26, set aside its earlier judgement directing the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to register the NDC as a political party. A ruling that put a question mark on the eligibility of the party presenting candidates in the forthcoming 2027 elections

The presiding judge, Isah Dashen, held that all relevant parties must be heard before any substantive decision can be made in the matter.

The court upheld the application filed by a certain organization, the Peace Movement Party (PMP), ruling that the party was a necessary party to the suit.

According to the judge, the earlier judgement was constitutionally defective as it was delivered without hearing from all interested parties.

He declared that such an omission rendered the entire process null and void.

Mr Dashen further ruled that the status quo be restored to what it was before the December 10, 2025 judgement, pending the determination of the substantive suit.

He also observed that certain material facts were suppressed in the earlier proceedings, which justified the decision to set aside the judgment.

Consequently, the court ordered that the substantive suit should begin afresh, with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the PMP and the NDC as parties to the case.

According to NAN’s reports, the applicant’s lawyer, Chikezie Ekeocha, told journalists that the PMP approached the court after discovering that NDC’s registration was based on a logo it had previously submitted to INEC before the commencement of the suit.

According to Mr Ekeocha, the court agreed that the applicant’s rights had been affected and consequently vacated the earlier judgement.

“The court has ordered all parties to return to the position they occupied before the judgment of 10 December 2025, and directed the claimants to join all necessary parties to ensure the issues in dispute are effectually and completely determined,” he said.

He explained that the implication of the ruling is that every action taken by INEC in compliance with the now-vacated judgment stands reversed.

“The recognition of the NDC, the issuance of its certificate of registration, its inclusion in INEC’s records, and any appearance on ballot papers arising from that judgement must be withdrawn pending the final determination of the substantive suit,” Mr Ekeocha stated.

He, however, clarified that the substantive case remains before the court and has not been decided.

“The matter has not been concluded. The court merely set aside its previous judgment and directed that the party whose interests were affected be joined so that all sides can be heard before a fresh decision is reached.”

Mr Ekeocha also dismissed suggestions that the court merely ordered parties to maintain the status quo, insisting that the ruling specifically directed a restoration of the position that existed before the 10 December 2025 judgement.

The ruling effectively returns the dispute over the registration of the NDC to the Federal High Court for a fresh hearing, with all relevant parties expected to participate before a new determination is made.

It would also be recalled that a few weeks earlier, the Federal High Court in Abuja, had ordered the deregistration of five political parties including the African Democratic Congress (ADC). The others are Action People’s Party (APP), Action Alliance (AA), Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) and Accord Party.

However, on June 16, the Court of Appeal in Abuja halted the enforcement of the judgement, ruling that it violated its earlier ruling staying proceedings before the Federal High Court.

While INEC awaits the release of the Certified True Copy (CTC) of the judgment to deregister the NDC, the NDC has reacted, rejecting the judgment as travesty of justice.

Lending credence to the notion that the President Tinubu-led administration is basically targeting the establishment of the ADC as a party, and the candidature of its presidential flagbearer, former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, who is also the presidential candidate of the ADC, has stated categorically that there are plots to prevent the party from participating in the 2027 general election.

Atiku’s position is stated in a statement issued by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu on Monday, notifying the public that he had received credible information suggesting that political and legal manoeuvres were being deployed against the ADC, stressing that the persecution that has been thrown towards the NDC was a clear distraction as the main target is the ADC.

Atiku alleged that anti-democratic elements within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) were working to ensure that the ADC is excluded from the ballot.

“We are fully aware of their plots. While they seek to sow confusion within the opposition, we know their real target is the ADC because it represents the most credible alternative,” he said.

Atiku called on Nigerians to reject any attempt to determine which opposition parties participate in the election.

“We therefore call on all Nigerians — not just ADC members and supporters — to rise in defense of democracy and reject any attempt by the ruling party to cherry-pick which opposition parties are permitted to participate in the next general election,” he said.

“Our message to the APC and the hooded men plotting in dark chambers is simple: you may conspire, but you will not succeed.

“If the APC is truly confident in its popularity, why is it so terrified of the ADC?”

He said he hoped the information available to him would not materialise but argued that recent political developments made such concerns difficult to dismiss.

“The pattern has become all too familiar. First, institutions that ought to be neutral are drawn into partisan contests,” he said.

“Then, frivolous litigations suddenly gain unusual momentum. Administrative powers are selectively deployed.

“Political pressure is mounted behind closed doors. Before long, democracy itself becomes the casualty.”

Atiku alleged that the ruling party has focused more on weakening the opposition than addressing the country’s economic and security challenges.

“The obsession with silencing the opposition has become so consuming that governance itself has taken a back seat,” he said.

“At a time when Nigerians are battling hunger, inflation, unemployment, insecurity, and collapsing purchasing power, those entrusted with public office appear preoccupied with political survival rather than national survival.”

Nigerians recall that ever since the official rejuvenation of the ADC in June/July of 2025, where the duo of Senator David Mark and Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola emerged as the party’s chairman and secretary respectively, the party has not known moments of peaceful coexistence as litigations from corners unknown have sprang up in a bid to destabilize the party and deprive it of the opportunity of featuring on the ballot paper come 2027.

ADC, as a child of circumstance emerged from the rumbles of the litigation-ridden former main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where two factions have consistently remelained at loggerheads over leadership. While the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, who is working assiduously to ensure the reelection of Bola Tinubu, leads one faction, Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, who became a defacto head, leads the other faction. In all, PDP appeared to have no direction, forcing many of its members to jump ship, thereby birthing the ADC, and to a large extent, the NDC, which is presenting Peter Obi as the presidential candidate, with former Kano governor, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, as his running mate.

Sources also informed The Boss that the hasty reading and passage of the Electoral Act 2026 by the Godswill Akpabio-led National Assembly, with many great areas left unattended to, were also part of the grand design to deprive the ADC the constitutional rights of presenting candidates for the 2027 elections.

But both the ADC and the NDC has vowed that they would follow every process to ensure that the crackdown on opposition parties by the Tinubu administration comes to an abrupt end.

But beyond the intrigues, Nigerians are gearing up to participate fully in the forthcoming election with cross sections of the population either hailing Tinubu for his policies or knocking him for the untold hardship in the land.

Headline

South Africa Nothing Without Africa – MTN Boss, Mcebisi Jonas

Published

4 days ago

June 27, 2026

Eric

The MTN Group Chairman, Mcebisi Jonas, has condemned the ongoing anti-foreigner sentiment in South Africa, describing it as a symptom of State failure being cynically exploited by politicians with no interest in genuine solutions.

The speech is seen as one of the most substantive interventions by a senior business figure into xenophobic crisis currently plaguing South Africa.

Delivered during the funeral service of Zimbabwean-born activist and public servant, Thokozani Damasane, Jonas’ words have sparked a wave of discussion across South African civil society.

“I was thinking, what is home to Damasane?” he said. “Because I understand, and I understood very early in life, that home is where humanity is. Home is about humanness. It is about the good of humanity and striving for the good of humanity.”

Thokozani Damasane was born and educated in Zimbabwe before relocating to South Africa during the post-apartheid transition period. Jonas described him as arriving “as an outcast” into a country still finding its post-liberation footing – and choosing, nonetheless, to commit himself entirely to its struggles and its people.

“He immersed himself deeply into the struggles, into the pains of South Africans, and he became one of us,” Jonas said.

“In Damasane’s strength, our strength as South Africa and South Africans is reflected. And in his weaknesses, our own weaknesses are reflected.”

Speaking further, Jonas blamed the state for the failure being witnessed, emphasising that if foreigners leave South Africa today, the country’s problems will still persist.

“Foreigners can leave tomorrow – inequality will be with us,” he told the congregation.

“Foreigners will leave tomorrow – unemployment will be with us. Foreigners will leave tomorrow – our police will remain corrupt. Foreigners will leave tomorrow – our politicians will still be concerned with one thing: being elected and re-elected.

“The problem is the failure of the state. The State doesn’t manage immigration. It doesn’t manage its borders. It doesn’t enforce
law enforcement. It doesn’t manage education. What are you expecting?”

Jonas argued that this failure created fertile ground for political manipulation. “When people feel the burn, they become vulnerable to politicians whose sole purpose is to be elected and re-elected. Some of them have no credibility whatsoever. But they lead marches and tell our people that the problem is not us – it is foreigners.”

Jonas recounted a conversation he had witnessed between Damasane and a young man who had challenged the right of foreigners to be in South Africa. Damasane’s response, Jonas said, had stayed with him ever since.

“Damasane said to this guy: Just wait fifteen or twenty years. You will also want to leave your country.”

Jonas told mourners those words now carry a weight Damasane may not have anticipated. “As I stand up today, I look at South Africa. The level of oppression and inequality, the level of exclusion of our people, the level of corruption, the betrayal of the dream of liberation – those words of Damasane ring very loud in my ears.”

South Africa is nothing without Africa

Jonas closed with a call for what he described as a return to “national consciousness” – one rooted in continental solidarity and economic interdependence rather than ethnic exclusion.

“We are a nation embedded in Africa,” he said. “And without Africa, our growth as a country – economically – our fortune is intertwined with the growth of Africa. South Africa is nothing without Africa. And Africa is nothing without South Africa.”

He also reframed the question of legacy and identity for Damasane’s children, who were present. “Sometimes this thing called meritocracy is measured in wealth. No. It is values, it is principles, it is integrity. And your father had all of that.”

“We cannot judge people by their origin,” he told mourners. “We cannot determine the legal status of people by their origin.”

Headline

NDC Rejects Court Ruling on Party’s Registration, Heads to Appeal Court

Published

4 days ago

June 27, 2026

Eric

The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), on Friday, vowed to challenge the judgment nullifying its registration by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), insisting that it would exercise its constitutional right of appeal.

Reacting to the ruling on Thursday, the party’s spokesman, Osa Director, said the NDC was still awaiting the certified copy of the judgment before making a comprehensive statement on the court’s decision.

He, however, confirmed that the party had resolved to head to the appellate court.

“We are still waiting to obtain a copy of the judgment. After reading the comprehensive judgment, we will make a detailed statement,” he said.

The spokesman added: “For now, what is certain is that we will exercise our right of appeal.”

Insisting that the party would challenge the ruling, he said: “It is our constitutional right to appeal, and we intend to exercise that right.”

When asked specifically whether the NDC would appeal the judgment voiding its registration, the spokesman replied: “Yes, the party will appeal the case.”

The party’s reaction came shortly after a Federal High Court sitting in Lokoja, Kogi State, in a judgement that nullified its registration by INEC, a development that could have significant implications for the NDC’s participation in the country’s political process ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The NDC, however, maintained that it would refrain from making further comments on the substance of the judgment until it had studied the full text of the court’s decision.

The party’s planned appeal is expected to set the stage for a fresh legal battle over its status and continued existence as a registered political party.