Headline

End of the Road For Justice Onnoghen

Published

7 years ago

April 6, 2019

Eric

By: Ajibade Morakinyo

When the 80s boy band, Boys II Men sang the song, End Of The Road, they described a loving relationship that had gone sour but one of the parties was living in denial pleading and hoping that the relationship continues though it was teaching what was technically it’s last bus stop.

This scenario can be likened to the situation that has occurred in the life of Nigeria’s Chief Justice, Justice Walter Onnoghen.

His love affair with the judiciary which hit its zenith with him ascending the No.1 role had ended but he was holding on tight, hoping for a miracle or a turnaround of fortune but it is now obvious that it is over and he had reached the end of the road with a reported resignation.

THE GENESIS

It all started on Friday, January 11, 2019, when the presidency presented a 20 point text which revealed that the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Mr. Walter Nkanu Onnoghen, has committed chronic offences as alleged by a petition by a whistle blowing NGO.

The reaction was that of incredulity in some quarters while others doubted.the motive and asked if this was not a politically motivated witch hunt of Justice Onnoghen.

On Monday January 7, 2019, a petition was written by the Anti-Corruption and Research Based Data Initiative (ARDI); on Tuesday January 8, the petition was submitted to the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB); on Wednesday January 9, the petition was received by the office of the CCB Chairman; on Thursday January 10, charges against CJN Onnoghen were filed by the CCB; and on Friday January 11, the CJN was served at his official residence in Abuja.

According to the petition, Onnoghen is the owner of sundry accounts primarily funded through cash deposits made by himself up to as recently as 10th August 2016 which appear to have been run in a manner inconsistent with financial transparency and the code of conduct for public officials.

The group, in the petition, said Onnoghen made five different cash deposits of $10,000 each on March 8, 2011, into Standard Chartered Bank Account 1062650; two separate cash deposits of $5000 each followed by four cash deposits of $10,000 each on June 7, 2011; another set of five separate cash deposits of $10,000 each on June 27, 2011, and four more cash deposits of $10,000 each the following day.

Aside this, they said Onnoghen did not declare his assets immediately after taking office, contrary to section 15 (1) of Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act; and that he did not comply with the constitutional requirement for public servants to declare their assets every four years during their career.

Another allegation against him was that his Code of Conduct Bureau Forms (Form CCB 1) for 2014 and 2016 were dated and filed on the same day and the acknowledgement slips were issued for both on December 14, 2016 — at which point, they said, he had become the CJN – Onnoghen assumed CJN office on March 6, 2017.

ARDI alleged that prior to 2016, Onnoghen appeared to have suppressed or otherwise concealed the existence of these multiple domiciliary accounts owned by him, as well as the substantial cash balances in them and that these domiciliary accounts were not declared in one of the two CCB Forms filed by Justice Onnoghen on the same day, 14th December 2016.

The cash balances in them were as follows: The Standard Chartered Bank dollar account 1062650 has $391,401.28 as at January 31, 2011; The Standard Chartered Bank Euro account 5001062686 has 49,971.71 Euro as at January 31, 2011; and The Standard Chartered Bank pound sterling account 5001062679 has balance GBP23,409.66 as at February 28, 2011.

THE EFCC ANGLE

As if this body punch was not bad enough, the Chief Justice got a blow yo the face from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC.

In the commission’s petition which no doubt cast more aspersions on Onnoghen’s intergrity, it disclosed that he refused to declare his assets upon his appointment as a judicial officer in 1989.

The EFCC also made various discoveries including hidden accounts and undeclared houses and businesses.

As a result of the weighty allegations, he was dragged before the Justice Danladi Umar-led Code Of Conduct Tribunal.

In one of the sitings, the State Prosecutor, Mr. Aliyu Umar (SAN) asked that Onnoghen steps down or be suspended while the trial was going on.

The CCT had adjourned sitting but it was started that it had granted the prayer of that he should step aside.

This was challenged at a high court by Onnoghen’ s lawyers and before you could say Jack Robinson, President Muhammadu Buhari relying on the CCT recommendation suspended Onnoghen and swore in Justice Tanko Muhammed as Acting CJN.

The battle for his survival now began at the CCT

THE CCT DRAMA

At the CCT, it was discovered that the CCB had not conducted any investigation rather it was the EFCC that investigated Onnoghen.

The Commission had been contacted to investigate the petition and said Onnoghen had no evidence of ever declaring his assets until 2016 and upon his appointment as a judicial Officer in 1989 as Justice of the High Court of Cross River State.

EFCC stated that further that the respondent has not ever declared his asset until 2016 when he filled annexure E and F of exhibits R 6 and R7.

In exhibit R7, the Respondent admitted that he failed to comply with the Constitutional provisions requiring him to declare asset on the ground that he forgot due to pressure of work.

“My lords, even in the conventional court where rules of evidence is applicable every admitted facts need no further prove. See Agbakoba v. SSS (1994) 8 NWLR (Pt.351) p. 475 and the case of Gov. of Akwa-Ibom State v. John Amah (2002) 7 NWLR (Pt.767) 730 at 778,” the commission revealed.

Also, he was accused of depositing the sum of $1,716,000 in a United State Dollars account operated with the Standard Chartered Bank in 2009, marked as exhibit P4 C, between 2009 and 2016.

According to EFCC, Onnoghen’s earnings as a judicial officer could not satisfactorily account for the amount found in the account.

They also said the Respondent (Onnoghen) failed to declare all the accounts and funds in exhibit P4-P4D when he declared his 2014 asset in November 2016. And that he only declared his Salary account with the Union Bank exhibit P3 and failed to declare P4-P4D, which are the accounts that warehoused funds that are far above Onnoghen’s known and provable lawful income.

It stated that by the provisions of Rule 1.2 of the Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers, it is clear that because members of the public expect a high standard of conduct from a judge, Onnoghen is under the obligation to avoid impropriety and the appearance of impropriety in all his activities both in his professional and private life.

Insisting that any conduct of the Respondent that give rise to the appearance of impropriety is a judicial misconduct and same is punishable under the Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers.

The EFCC said that having studied the petition,

“It is our humble submission that the petitioner proved before this Honourable Panel that the Respondent was in possession of funds which are fairly not attributable to his known, provable and legitimate source of income.

“The evidence shows that my lord earned a monthly salary in the sum of N750,819.87 which is about N9,000,000.00 per annum,” the petition read.

As shown in exhibit P10A page 14 paragraph XXVI from the petition, the Respondent only earned the sum of N91,962,362.49 as salary between September 2005 and October 2016, and that the exhibit P3 is the salary account wherein his salaries are paid.

The commission further said, “the evidence before this Honourable Committee shows clearly that the Respondent opened United State Dollars account with the Standard Chartered Bank in 2009, exhibit P4 C, which was opened by Mr. Joe Agi SAN and the first cash depositor of United State of America Dollars into the said account with entry of the 29th day of June, 2009.

Responding to this, Onnoghen claimed he gave the learned SAN, Joe Agi the $30,000.00 to deposit to exhibit P4 C. Although he could not give any reasonable explanation as to source of this money, he admitted under cross-examination that the USD was not his salary and that he only received dollars as estacodes which is meant to for his official trips.

The commission also made it known that upon the opening of the USD account exhibit P4C, a lot of cash deposits in Dollars were made to this account between 2009 and 2016.

The amounts in the said account were deposited as follows: $74,200 (2009); $291,800 (2010); $340,000 (2011); $625,000 (2012); $298,000 (2013); $40,000 (2015) and $47,000 (2016). The total was $1,716,000.

The suspended CJN was quoted to have stated that: “The sources of these are from my savings from my days as foreign student and a successful private legal practitioner, as well as estacodes for annual for annual vacations, medical expenses, international conferences, my earnings as a Justice of the Supreme Court of Gambia (See Annexure “B” referenced as ZD 129/186/01/P.II/(148), among others; and the conversion of Naira to Dollars which sometimes ago was very favorable.

According to him, returns from his off-shore investments in the foreign currencies which are clearly documented by the bank with an overdraft of $500,000 approved for me in the USD Dollars account in November, 2018.

He disclosed that up till now, the proceeds from the investments are paid into the account as and at when due, and that his investments with Standard Chartered Bank also include Federal Government Bonds as can be seen from the records of dividends.

The commission however said Onnoghen’s explanation was “laughable” and that when he was a foreign student in Ghana he accumulated such amount of money but was not stated to the Panel.

It was said by the commission that the respondent who purportedly cannot afford to pay N7,000,000.00 to Joe Agi SAN in 2009 wanted the Panel to believe that he accumulated dollars to the tune of $1,716,000.00 in his house.

In addition, it was said that he never declared having $1,716,000.00 in his asset declaration form as cash in hand and was therefore inexplicable that he wanted the panel to believe that he accumulated the said sum in his house and only deposited them in the bank between 2009 and 2016 in cash.

Also Onnoghen attempted to suggest to the panel that the $1,716,000.00 cash deposit in exhibit P4C was earned by him upon his part-time appointment as Justice of the Supreme Court of Gambia, but was accepted because he was appointed on the 22nd day of November 2012.

On the face of his appointment letter, it is clear that Onnoghen was entitled to the Five Thousand pounds Sterling (5,000 GBP) and Twenty Thousand Dalasis which is payable per session to be determined by the Chief Justice of Gambia in line with the Rules of the Supreme Court of Gambia.

However, he failed to show the panel that consequent upon his appointment in November 2012 and the assumption of that office in 2013 the number of sessions he sat as a member of the Supreme Court of Gambia.

Onnoghen also failed to state how much he earned from Gambia, how he was paid whether cash or through his account.

The petition concluded that if Onnoghen is to earn any fee from Gambia it will be GBP and not USD, and that he has failed to show with credible evidence how he legitimately earned the sum of $1,716,000.00 which is far above his lawful and provable income.

The Prosecution went on with his case declaring that it was going to call six witnesses.

The prosecution presented three witnesses before closing its case against the suspended judge.

Witness 1

The first persecution witness, James Akpala, an investigative officer with the bureau, told the court that the CCB received the petition against Mr Onnoghen from a petitioner, Denis Aghanya, on January 9.

Mr Akpala, whose testimony was given on March 18, said he was asked to investigate the content of the petition from Mr Aghanya, a member of the All Progressives Congress, on January 10.

With Mr Akpala in the witness box, the lead prosecution lawyer, Aliu Umar, admitted six documents said to have been investigated by the first prosecution witness.

The documents included Mr Aghanya’s petition, which gave rise to the six count charge against Mr Onnoghen, and two of Mr Onnoghen’s asset declaration forms, which were both filed by Mr Onnoghen in December, 2016.

The other documents admitted were Mr Onnoghen’s Supreme Court identity card, his traveling passport and a Standard Chartered Bank document which all made up Mr Onnoghen’s account opening package.

Also admitted in evidence was Mr Onnoghen’s handwritten statement taken by a team of investigators at his office on January 11.

According to the witness, one of the declaration forms submitted by Mr Onnoghen had two bank accounts while the other had seven bank accounts.

He said the bank accounts included two Union Bank details and five others with Standard Chartered Bank.

Mr Akpala was asked during cross examination to read out the dates written on the charge sheet earlier submitted at the tribunal.

The information read out by Mr Akpala proved a point made by the defence that the charge sheet was prepared before the investigation team visited Mr Onnoghen at his office.

That submission was not objected by the prosecution.

Asked whether the charge sheet was filed within 24 hours of commencement of investigation, Mr Akpala responded in the affirmative.

Mr Akpala declined comments when asked to speak on the reason the bank statements shown to Mr Onnoghen by the CCB was addressed to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, (EFCC).

Witness 2

During his testimony, the second witness, Awwal Yakassai, also a staff of the bureau, testified that the asset declaration forms submitted by Mr Onnoghen were yet to be verified by the Code of Conduct Bureau.

Mr Yakassai was presented before the tribunal on March 21.

He reiterated a point made by Mr Akpala that the forms were both submitted the same day by Mr Onnoghen, and also confirmed that the forms were the basis upon which the charges against the suspended Chief Justice were filed.

Mr Yakassai was the CCB officer who collected the forms when they were filed by Mr Onnoghen in December 2016.

During cross examination, Mr Yakassai was shown the portion of the forms expected to have been signed as a measure of verification by the CCT. The portion shown to Mr Yakassai were confirmed blank by the witness.

Mr Yakassai also admitted, when confronted with a submission by the defence, that the content of the petition written against Mr Onnoghen was a ‘practical duplication of the details entered by Mr Onnoghen in his asset declaration forms.’

Witness 3

In her testimony, the third prosecution witness, Ifeoma Okagbue, a staff of the Standard Chartered bank who was also presented on Thursday told the tribunal that Mr Onnoghen did not have as much as $1million or £1 million in all the bank accounts, a denial of a major plank upon which the charges against him were built.

Ms Akagbue, who told the tribunal that she started to manage Mr Onnoghen’s account in 2015, added that all five accounts mentioned in the charges had the Bank Verification Numbers.

The witness also told the tribunal that the various accounts were domiciliary, not foreign. It was after this that it said it was not calling any other witnesses and decided to close the case.

Defense counsel, Adegboyega Awomolo (SAN), led in evidence one Lawal Busari, who is Justice Onnoghen’s driver.

In his evidence, Busari told the court how he drove Onnoghen to the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) Office on July 28, 2010, to obtain an assets’ declaration form, saying he paid N200 fee for Onnoghen’s form on November 3, 2010.

Busari, who told the court that he was a chief driver and mechanic with the Supreme Court, added that while he was still with Justice Onnoghen at the CCB, he (Onnoghen) asked him to also get his own assets declaration form.

He explained that he obtained his form as directed, adding: “When we got back to the office, I filled my own form and on November 3, 2010, my Lordship gave me N200 to pay into the treasury account for the form.

“I collected the receipt from the cashier and I gave the receipt back to my lord and on November 4, 2010, I did mine by paying N200 to the cashier.”

The testimony of the 60-year old witness aimed at countering the prosecution’s charge that Justice Onnoghen did not declare his assets between 2005 and 2016 in line with public office law.

But when Awomolo sought to tender the receipt as exhibit, the prosecution counsel, Aliyu Umar (SAN), objected to its admissibility.

He hinged his objection on the fact that the ‘Revenue number’ was not on the receipt, insisting that its authenticity was doubtful, and that Busari, not being the originator of the document, was not the right person to tender it in court.

The prosecution was, however, overruled and the receipt admitted as an exhibit, after which the tribunal adjourned for that day.

It was also to call Mrs Theresa Nwafor, a Director of the CCB now based in Benin, after asking that she be issued subpoena to appear, the Defence counsel, Chris Uche (SAN) informed on the next trial date of the tribunal that the defendant was done with his case.
Uche, while addressing the tribunal Chairman, Danladi Umar, said:”My lords, today is for continuation of trial.

“But my lords, after a deep review of the evidence led by the prosecution and the defence, the defence has come to conclusion and we have closed our case.

He stated “Pursuarnt to paragraph 14 of the Practice Direction of this honourable tribunal, we apply to file our final written addresses.”

Uche prayed the tribunal for 14 days to enable him file his client’s final written address.
Lead prosecution lawyer, Aliyu Umar (SAN), said the defence informed him before hand that it would close its case.

Umar urged the tribunal to allocate time to the parties as it wishes.
The tribunal’s chairman directed the defence to file and serve its address on or before April 8.

THE NJC ANGLE

Following an uproar by Nigerians on the case, especially that his trial did not follow due process and his suspension too was wrong because he could only have been suspended through the recommendation of the National Judicial Council ( NJC), the NJC stepped into the arena.

It stated that it has received two petitions, one was the one that formed the basis for the CCT trial against Justice Onnoghen and the other was by Olisa Agbakoba, SAN against Justice Tanko Muhammed for accepting to be sworn in as Acting CJN

The NJC summoned bith men to respond to the petitions after which it would take a decision.It set up a 5-man panel to handle the matter.

The council however decided that the allegations relating to assets declaration that were levelled against Hon. Mr. Justice W. S. N. Onnoghen, GCON were subjudice and therefore abstained from considering them.

Thereafter, the Council reached a decision on the petitions written by Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and others, of which it has conveyed its decision to President Muhammadu Buhari.

Also, the council resolved that by the nature of the decision reached, it would be inappropriate for it to publicise it before conveying it to Mr. President.

THE END

Every film.or drama, there must be an end.And it seems the one involving Onnoghen is gradually cruising to an end with his reported resignation.

Though no official statement has so far been made by the Presidency, it was widely reported that Justice Onnoghen had tendered his resignation on Thursday and now we all await what will certainly be his final farewell from the exalted position of Chief Justice of Nigeria.

Related Topics:CCT CJN. CCB EFCC End of the Road For Justice Justice Onnoghen President Buhari Resigns Witness

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Headline

Presidential Ambition: Is Donald Duke a Spoiler?

Published

3 hours ago

May 25, 2026

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

With the collective intention of most political parties coming together to wrestle power from President Bola Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) at the centre, the defection of most political leaders from the coalition umbrella, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), has been viewed as a betrayal of the original course.

First, it was the presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 election, Mr. Peter Obi, and the presidential candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso defecting to the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), and now following in their footsteps, is the former Governor of Cross River State, Mr. Donald Duke, who has found an awaiting presidential ticket with the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP).

According to reports, former governor Duke has officially joined Nigeria’s 2027 presidential race, becoming one of the latest politicians to declare interest ahead of the general elections.

Duke emerged as one of three cleared presidential aspirants of the Peoples Redemption Party ahead of the party’s primaries scheduled for 25th May in Abuja.

The party said the former governor agreed to submit his ambition to the decision of party members during the nationwide exercise.

In a statement issued by PRP National Publicity Secretary, Muhammed Ishaq, the party described the aspirants as committed to “democratic ideals and internal party unity.”

Duke, who governed Cross River State from 1999 to 2007, is widely known for promoting tourism and urban renewal projects, including the Tinapa Business Resort and the annual Calabar Carnival.

The former governor previously contested for president in 2019 under the Social Democratic Party, where he criticised both the ruling APC and the PDP.

At the time, he said the PDP had “lost its values and became a shadow of itself.”

The PRP says it remains committed to “credible, transparent and free primaries” as preparations continue for the 2027 elections.

Nigeria’s political space has already become increasingly active ahead of 2027, with more aspirants expected to declare interest in the coming months.

The statement quoted Duke, alongside Nnaoke Ufere from Abia State and Yakubu Kingsley from Edo State, are the candidates, who have unanimously agreed to submit their aspirations to the decision of party members during the nationwide primaries.

The party said the aspirants demonstrated commitment to democratic ideals and internal party unity by agreeing to abide by the outcome of the exercise.

“The PRP takes pride in the calibre of its aspirants, whose dedication to democratic principles and commitment to teamwork have further strengthened our party,” the statement said.

Duke, who was Cross River governor between 1999 and 2007, appears the only strong candidate among the three aspirants, and is likely to pick the ticket after the primaries. But the major concern is not in his decision to contest or stand for election, but the intention behind his decision to choose a different to test his presidential aspirations.

Across the political space, stakeholders, observers and analysts alike have said that given the consensus agreement built around and towards ending the administration of Bola Tinubu, the coalition ADC remains the viable option to all aspirants to test their strength and popularity, after which anyone who emerges as the candidate should be supported by all. They have argued that those leaving the coalition may have much more than presidential ambition behind their minds. And so the question, is Donald Duke a spoiler? Is he in the race to decimate the votes of the opposition?

Meanwhile, Duke, who was part of the coalition at the initial stage, have taken a bow out of the group, principally coordinated by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, and chaired by a former Senate President, David Mark. He did not give reasons for his exit from the ADC though observers have insinuated that his exit, like Peter Obi, is hinged on the premise that the ADC allegedly has a hidden bias for Atiku, and so the presidential might be handed over to the former Vice President on the platter. The ADC has since denied the allegation with former two terms governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi and Hayatudeen still in the race.

With the entrance of Duke in the presidential race, the number of southern aspirants, especially those sure to pick the tickets of their parties have swollen up. Others include include Peter Obi of the NDC, Rotimi Amaechi if he wins the ADC primaries ongoing across the nation, Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde representing the PDP and APM coalition among others.

Now, that almost all the political bigwigs are separately pursuing their political aspirations devoid of a collective platform, many have said that Tinubu is no longer fighting a coalition of likeminds, but against presidentially ambitious individuals, pursuing a different agenda. Many have also said that since Tinubu already has a political structure he can rely on, he is making sure all the fragmented giants did not come together to form an indivisible body capable of challenging his reelection in 2027.

“And that explains why he continually instigate both individuals and institutions to revolt against themselves thereby creating factions and very weak political centre to challenge his ambition,” an analyst told The Boss.

Meanwhile, whether there are intentions to be a spoiler or not; whether any institution or individual have been coerced into turning itself to a vessel of destruction on behalf of the ruling, ir us only the people that would decide who becomes in 2027.

Not Tinubu, not the APC, not any of the political bigwigs, not any of the presidential aspirants or candidates, but the Nigerian people in their totality.

The election is just eight months away.

Headline

Insecurity: Why Tinubu Must Wake Up

Published

7 hours ago

May 25, 2026

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

The common refrain and slogan across the nation is ‘Nigeria is bleeding’, and as the days turn into weeks and months, the wound gets larger. Then from bleeding, the blood is now flowing.

Across all strata of endeavours, all the regions and not a few communities, insecurity of the highest order has enveloped on a very large scale, a nation that once thrive in brotherliness, interstate movements without fear, and camaraderie. The fear of the unknown has completely eclipsed social life, excursions, traveling within the country, and funnily enough staying in your own house. In the Nigeria of today, nowhere is safe anymore; not event the comfort of one’s home; not even the sacredness of holy places; not even the respected academic environment. Terrorists and bandits attack anywhere and from anywhere. And with impunity.

In the Nigeria of today, everyone leaves in fear. No one knows who the next target is as terrorists, bandits, Fulani herdsmen and other miscreants have overran the nooks and crannies of the Nigerian existence, prompting the question, where’s Nigeria’s chief security officer? And the answer that he must wake up and face squarely the insecurity challenges that is fast tearing the nation to shreds.

With the 2027 election fast approaching, the Nigerian administrative apparatchnik led by President Bola Tinubu, appears to have completely lost focus of the security of the people. The country is been thoroughly run down by activities of terrorists, who are no longer hiding their nefarious and heinous activities as they boldly put on air the victims abducted and process of execution. This daring moves are a challenge to the government and security agencies, yet no criminal is in custody yet and victims are still unaccounted for with most of them cruelly deleted, and bodies mangled.

It is worthy of note that while the nation is still gambling with the rescue efforts for the teachers and pupils kidnapped from Oyo communities schools about 12 days ago, suspected bandits have reportedly struck again, invading the Yashikira community in Baruten Local Government Area of Kwara State, early on Monday morning, setting the Emir’s palace ablaze and abducting several residents, including women and children.

Reports gathered from Channels Television say that the attack occurred late at night when the heavily armed assailants stormed the community, firing sporadically.

The medium, quoting sources in the area, stressed that the gunmen attacked the palace during the invasion, setting parts of the royal residence on fire before whisking away multiple victims.

Residents said the attackers operated for hours without resistance, leaving behind destruction and fear in the border community.

Another local source described the incident as terrifying, noting that villagers were caught unaware as the gunmen invaded the town under the cover of darkness.

Sources say Security forces have launched immediate rescue operations to free victims of the Yashikira abduction, which occurred on Sunday night.

Military and police operatives have established a cordon in the area as part of the efforts to rescue about 10 persons who were reportedly taken from the community in an overnight attack on the palace of the Emir of Yashikira.

The attackers also sought to raid the local police stations but were reportedly repelled.

As at press time, the police were yet to issue an official statement on the incident.

The invasion is one development too many this 2026 alone, and has been a recurring decimal in the Tinubu-led administration. This is taking for granted that the incident is following the heels of bandits, who on Saturday night invaded a prayer ground at Ori-Oke Ajaiye, on the outskirts of Ikiran village in Ekiti Local Government Area of the same Kwara State, killing three worshippers and abducting 15 others during a vigil.

The stories and tales of woe are inexhaustible. There’s no morning and no evening where Nigerians are not presented with gory narratives of one abduction and killing or another, creating fear and apprehension among the populace. The general notion is hinged on Tinubu’s control loss of the fabrics of the nation including the economy, power and every other mention-able sector.

It is worthy of note that like every other failure still staring Nigerians in the face, Tinubu also inherited insecurity. However, three years into his administration, and consequent upon available indices, the Nigerian leader seems to have tripled the effects of insecurity. This is counting the boldness with which the insurgents operate, the magnitude of each operation, the casualties involved, the deliberate bloodletting and the huge ransom paid in exchange. The circle has continually continued, and there seems to be no hiding place for Nigerians, especially the vulnerable masses.

On May 17, 2026, the world woke to the chilling news of the killing and beheading of the school teachers, abducted from Oyo communities. He was Michael Oyedokun.

Oyedokun was one of the teachers abducted from Community High School, Ahoro-Esinele in Oriire Local Council of Oyo State, a few days before his gruesome killing.

The killing threw residents of the area into mourning and heightened fears over worsening insecurity in the state, and the nation at large, which the government of President Bola Tinubu has found a herculean to handle.

In a video reportedly released by the captors on Sunday, May 17, 2026, the gunmen claimed responsibility for the killing of the Maths teacher, sparking panic across the community.

The incident followed a series of coordinated attacks launched by armed men on Friday, May 15, targeting multiple schools within the Ogbomoso axis, including Baptist Nursery and Primary School, Yawota; Community Grammar School; and L.A. Primary School, Esiele.

During the attacks, the assailants reportedly shot dead a classroom teacher and a commercial motorcyclist who resisted attempts to seize his motorcycle.

The attackers also abducted the school principal, vice-principal, another staff member, and an unspecified number of pupils before fleeing into the forest. Later reports put the number of abductors to 39.

Governor Seyi Makinde had earlier confirmed that seven students were abducted from Community Secondary School, while 18 pupils and seven teachers were kidnapped from First Baptist Primary and Nursery School.

He also confirmed that one person was killed during the attack, a school teacher, Joel Adesiyan. Further reports confirm that a bike rider was also killed, when he refused to let go of his motorcycle.

The incident triggered widespread panic in Ogbomoso and surrounding communities, with many parents rushing to schools to withdraw their children over fears of further attacks.

Some schools were also forced to shut down temporarily following rumours of bandits infiltrating the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, an allegation the institution’s management later dismissed as false.

Reacting, the Amnesty International Nigeria accused the Federal Government of failing to adequately respond to Nigeria’s worsening wave of abductions targeting school children, rural communities and internally displaced persons, saying at least 1,100 people were kidnapped between January and April 2026.

The organisation made the allegation in a statement shared on its official X handle, amid renewed public concern over mass abductions in Oyo, Borno and other states, which left dozens of students, teachers and residents affected.

In the statement, Amnesty International said, “President Bola Tinubu and his government have failed to address the country’s shocking spate of abductions targeting school children, rural communities and internally displaced persons across the country.”

It added, “At least 1,100 people have been abducted – from January to April 2026,” describing the trend as a continuing failure of protection for vulnerable populations.

The group’s criticism comes days after gunmen abducted 39 students and seven teachers in an attack on schools in the Ahoro Esinele community in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State, an incident that also left teacher Michael Oyedokun reportedly beheaded.

Amnesty also referenced another attack in Borno State, where 42 students and pupils were abducted from Mussa Primary and Junior Secondary School in Askira/Uba Local Government Area during a Boko Haram assault.

Survivors of similar abductions, according to the rights group, have described being subjected to starvation and torture, including beatings, flogging and sexual violence, raising further concerns about the conditions victims face in captivity.

The organisation said the pattern of repeated school attacks shows a long-running crisis that authorities have yet to resolve, stressing that “over a decade is enough time for the Nigerian authorities to find a solution to this horrifying problem,” but insisting that “the reality shows the government has neither the will nor the commitment to end rampant abductions and attacks on children and their schools.”

It urged authorities to meet their obligations under both national and international law, particularly regarding the protection of children’s rights to education, safety, and protection from violence and ill-treatment.

The latest incidents have intensified national concern over school security, especially following the Oyo and Borno attacks, which occurred within the same period and involved the abduction of dozens of children and teachers.

Weeks earlier, there was a failed kidnapping attempt along the Ibadan-Ijebu road corridor, which reportedly left a traveller dead, raising fresh concerns over insecurity of great proportion hitting the southwest of the region.

According to Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect report, between 2014 and March 2026, ‘over 2,000 children have been abducted or kidnapped, largely in mass abductions targeting schools. Armed extremist groups, including Boko Haram and ISWAP, as well as local bandits, are implicated in many cases, often using kidnappings to generate ransom or to recruit children.

The report noted that in 2024 alone, at least 580 civilians, primarily women and girls, were kidnapped across several states, noting that the figures might be higher. Not only are most victims killed during these attacks or while in custody, survivors live the rest of their lives in poverty, trauma, stigma and utter abandonment.

The funniest part, according to a social analyst, who crave anonymity, so-called repentant terrorists and bandits are treated with kid gloves, ‘rehabitated’ in luxury and given huge financial lifeline as they are released back into the sane society while their victims are left to wallow in neglect. It would be recalled that the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, described the terrorists as ‘our brothers’, who should not be killed just as the Chief of Defence Staff, General Oluyede equated the rerrorists to the biblical ‘prodigal son’, who should welcomed with warmth and affection. These two national officers have silent on the treatment for their traumatized victims and their bereaved loved ones.

The question on the lips of majority of Nigerians, has remained what President Tinubu is doing about the extreme insecurity in the country beyond offering condolences and suggesting a now known refrain of ‘It won’t happen again’ while it continues to happen over and over again.

On two known occasions, President Tinubu was expected to visit victims and sites of violent killings and abductions in Benue and Plateau states. On the two known occasions, Tinubu fell short in the advertised visitations. He never made it to the locations.

Following the June, 2025 killings in Yelwata, Benue State, Tinubu was programmed to have an extensive state visit to site of massacre and the government house where a townhall meeting was scheduled.

It was agreed that upon his arrival, the President will first proceed to Yelewata in Guma Local Government Area, the epicentre of the attack that claimed over 100 lives.

He was scheduled to meet with families of victims, displaced persons and community leaders directly impacted by the violence.

From Yelewata, the President was supposed to visit the hospital where several persons injured from the attack were recuperating, and then proceed to the Benue State Government House Banquet Hall in Makurdi, where he would preside over a town hall meeting with critical stakeholders.

Much as the Benue State government under Hyacinth Alia commandeered very young pupils to wait unprotected for the President under a heavy rain, the President never made it to Yelwata nor interfaced with the victims and bereaved families. His journey ended in the comfort of the government house. Analysts observed that the townhall was turned into political jamboree.

Tinubu had blamed heavy rains, flooding and impassable roads for his inability to visit the scene of the crisis in Yelewata. Over 3000 residents were displaced in addition to tens of deaths recorded.

Also, following the April 2 Palm Sunday attack in Plateau State, Tinubu scheduled a visitation to commiserate with the victims and bereaved families, but like the Benue visit, Tinubu did not even enter the town, he ended his visit at the Jos Airport.

Consoling a mourning mother, identified as Mrs Rhoda, at the airport Tinubu said, “I know the pain. I see in the video how you buried your loved ones and the pain and agony in your heart.

“But it’s only God who can give you joy and hope. No amount of money can pay all of you back. Yes, as a government, we will try our best to comfort you, to work with you,” he said while directing security chiefs present, including the Inspector-General of Police, Chief of Defence Staff, and Minister of Defence, to unearth and apprehend those responsible for the killings.

Defending the President, his aides noted that Tinubu couldn’t his visit beyond the airport because of tight schedule and absence of navigational equipment for night movements. A statement by Bayo Onanuga, said it was difficult to reschedule a pre-arranged meeting with the Chadian Leader. This is even as the President had canceled an earlier visit to Ogun State for the Plateau visit.

But with the President concentrating more on his reelection in 2027, Nigerians are calling on his administration to take a further cursory of the insecurity status of the nation to prevent more deaths and displacement, and more importantly prevent his being booted out of office by very fed-up Nigerians, whose means of livelihood and other social engagements have been unapologetically cut off.

Nigeria is bleeding and Nigerians are angry at its leadership. Tinubu just have to wake up to his responsibilities beyond condolence messages.

Headline

Fubara Withdraws from Rivers APC Governorship Primary

Published

5 days ago

May 20, 2026

Eric

Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, has announced his withdrawal from the All Progressives Congress governorship primary election in the state.

Fubara made this known in a statement personally signed on Wednesday, saying he would support whoever emerges as the party’s candidate, The Nations reported.

The governor said his decision followed extensive consultations with his family, friends, and political associates.

“After deep reflection and extensive consultations with my family, friends, and associates, I have taken the difficult but necessary decision to withdraw from the APC governorship primaries. I do so with a full heart and with a firm commitment to support whoever emerges as the candidate of our great party,” Fubara said.

The development comes amid ongoing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections in Rivers State.

Fubara said although the decision was difficult, he remained committed to supporting whoever would emerge as the APC governorship candidate.

According to him, leadership demands sacrifice and personal ambition must sometimes give way to the collective interest of the people.

Meanwhile, the embattled governor expressed appreciation to his supporters for their loyalty, prayers and sacrifices throughout the political process, acknowledging that many would feel disappointed by his withdrawal.

He said his silence in recent weeks was “deliberate and strategic,” adding that it was guided by the higher interest of the state.

Tone Cole, APC chieftain and 2027 governorship aspirant in Rivers State, also announced his withdrawal from the race, saying his decision was, among other reasons, in the interest of the party’s unity.