Headline
Alder Consulting Beams Light on Making Nigeria Great (See Full Document)
Published
7 years agoon
By
Eric
Mr. Leke Alder, Principal, Alder Consulting, has in a lecture entitled Making Nigeria Great: Federated Potentials, outlined veritable means of the shooting the nation back to glory days.
Below are excerpts from the lecture, followed by its detailed PDF document:
Making Nigeria Great: Federated Potentials
This is Dubai in 1970. This is Dubai today.
You could argue Dubai is a city state and therefore, cannot and should not be compared to Nigeria. The land mass of Dubai is a mere 4,114 sq.km. The land mass of Nigeria is 923,768sq.km. The population of Dubai is 3.1M. The population of Nigeria is 195M. And so the argument is credible that the two states are not comparable. But when we talk about the greatness of a nation we’re talking qualitative parameters.
Irrespective of size or land mass, the Emirati have cause to be proud of their country. Patriotism is something they willingly grab because the evidentiary basis of patriotism is manifest.
Everyone talks about the visionary leadership of the leader of Dubai. Greatness is a function of vision. From all available evidence, this has been a great challenge for Nigeria.
——
The modern history of Nigeria began with a group we can term the “Class of ’66.” These were military personnel who pivoted the federation along a certain trajectory. Notable members of that class are Odumegwu Ojukwu, Francis Adekunle Fajuyi, Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Muhammed, Olusegun Obasanjo, John Shagaya, Muhammadu Buhari, Mamman Vasta, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Theophilus Danjuma etc. They were all young.
Name Rank Position in 1966 Age
1 Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu Major 29
2 Adewale Ademoyega Major 32
3 Murtala Mohammed Lt. Colonel Inspector of Signal Lagos 28
4 Theophilus Danjuma Major Principal Staff Officer, Army HQ, Lagos 28
5 Abba Kyari Major Artillery, Kaduna 28
6 Muhammadu Buhari Lieutenant 2nd Brigade Lagos 24
7 Ibrahim Babangida Lieutenant 1st Reconnaissance Squadron, Kaduna 25
8 Mamman Vatsa Lieutenant 4th Battalion, Ibadan 26
9 Sani Abacha Second Lieutenant 3rd Battalion, Kaduna 23
10 John Shagaya Corporal 2nd Reconnaissance Squadron, Abeokuta 24
11 Chuwumeka Ojukwu Major Military Governor, Eastern Region 33
12 Olusegun Obasanjo Major 29
13 Emmanuel Ifeajuna Major 32
14 Muhammadu Gado Nasko Second Lieutenant Artillery, Kaduna 25
15 Abdullahi Shelleng Lieutenant Company Commander, 4th Battalion, Ibadan 24
They overthrew the old order, developed a military intervention apology, restructured the federation, fashioned the constitution and while at it prosecuted a civil war. That generation has been in power since 1966 and has retained power till date. Any non-member of that class who became president was either gifted the presidency, or was an accidental outcome of the rhythm of life. They gave power to Shehu Shagari and took it from him. They gave power to Ernest Shonekan and took it from him.
They gave power to Umaru Musa Yar’adua as proxy, which said power accidentally devolved to a lucky gentleman named Goodluck Jonathan. He held it as a donee for six years until it reverted to another member of the “Class of ’66.” In other words what Nigeria is today is the result of the power dynamics in that class. For the most therefore, the progression of Nigeria has been premised on the ambition and chess moves in that generation.
A study of the span of political history of that generation shows there are three inflection points that approximate vision.
The first inflection point was the public works drive of Yakubu Gowon as part of the reconstruction of the country after the civil war. We had just come into oil money and so there was prosecutorial means. Gowon built Eko Bridge in Lagos for instance. Before then the only bridge in the then federal capital was Carter Bridge, a colonial relic.
The second inflection point was the industrialisation vision of Olusegun Obasanjo in his first incarnation. He built the Ajaokuta Steel Complex with Soviet Assistance. That project underscores the polemical dynamic of the cold war era.
Subscription to the principle of central planning as an economic philosophy will eventually doom all the attempts at industrialisation including the national carrier, the moribund Nigeria Airways. As a first step towards manufacture of cars, Obasanjo set up factories for the assembling of completely knocked down parts at Amuwo Odofin in Lagos. Predictably we never got round to manufacturing cars. We don’t have an industrial base. Obasanjo would make another attempt at industrialising the nation in his second incarnation. The deficiency of the logic of the federation will ensure that vision never flew. In furtherance of the Obasanjo vision, Shagari would complete the Kaduna refinery and Delta Steel complex. He also created the Aluminium Smelter Company at Ikot Abasi.
The third inflection point was the liberalisation policy thrust of Ibrahim Babangida. The liberalisation would open up opportunities for young people like Fola Adeola and Tayo Aderinokun of blessed memory. With about 35 other young people, all in their 30s, they set up Guaranty Trust Bank. Those are the three opportunities the nation has had in crafting the semblance of a vision.
If Nigeria will ever be great it must fashion an economic vision and create a logical consistency to sustain that vision. We have no choice. The poverty statistics are scary. It doubled from 17m in 1980 to 35m in 1985, which then doubled to 67m in 1996 and again doubled to 116m in 2017. Our poverty rate is growing in geometric progression.
We must abandon our predilection for focusing on political deconstruction to the detriment of economic infrastructuring. We keep creating state government but the states can’t pay salaries. We create states without thought of economic viability. Every time you create a state, you create recurrent expenditure heads. State creation is cost. States are run by civil servants. You must pay them salaries.
We have a proven basis for an economic vision for Nigeria. Unlike many nations, Nigeria had start-up capital. We are blessed with 52 mineral resources. Look at the list: Coal, Lignite & Coke, Gold, Columbite Wolframite & Tantalite, Bitumen, Iron Ore, Uranium, Marble, Clay, Cassiterite, Dolomite, Salt, Kaolin, Bentonite, Gypsium, Magnesite, Lead/Zinc, Limestone, Glass-Sand, Phosphate, Amethyst (violet), Berytes, Gem stones, Diatomite, Hydro-carbon (crude oil and gas), Feldsper, Tatium, Granite, Syenite, Marcasite, Butytes, Sapphire, Surpentinite, Asbestos, Kyanite, Graphite, Silhnite, Mica, Aqua marine, Ruby, Rock Crystal, Topaz, Flosper, Tourmaline, Prochinre, Copper, Talc, Beryl (emerald), Haliodor, Quartz, Zireon, Galena, Barytes, Chalcopyrite, Dimesion stones, Sillimnote, Tin, Phrochlore, Bismuth, Fluoride, Molybdenite, Bauxite, Silica-sand, Potash, Flakes, Soda Ash.
There’s no state in Nigeria without mineral resources.
It’s as if the Omnipotence decided to turn Nigeria into a mineral dump. This is the regional breakdown of mineral resources in Nigeria. (See illustration)
If we network the natural endowment of each region we can turn the regions into economic power houses. We must therefore network nature, people and resources region by region if the nation must be great.
——-
To develop the nation and create prosperity for the people Nigeria should be broken into seven economic regions – Northwest, Northeast, Middle Belt, South East, South West, South South and Lagos. (Though one must note there‟s really nothing called South South on the compass. It’s a peculiar Nigeria invention, but it will do.) These seven economic zones will be progressed thematically.
Note, I said economic regions and not political regions. Political regionalism has not delivered prosperity to the people. That’s because it’s wasteful and hegemonic. We never thought of economic viability. Barely 6 out of 36 states are economically viable. We have produced massive poverty with the state creation.
Very few states have the economic heft to do development. They’re hardly investible propositions. It’s why we need economic zones.
——-
But to develop an economy for each zone, we must take into cognisance nativist factors in each economic region. Each region is unique. The people are different. Their mentalities, giftings and orientations are different. A one cap fits all approach has never worked, will never work. You cannot effectively develop the nation without factoring in local realities.
The attempt will fail. You cannot have economic development without consideration of human factor. We must think of the people, the culture, the natural resource endowment as well as the energy base endowment if we want to develop each region.
For example, it is unintelligent to have the same energy policy for a sun drenched region and a water-logged region. The North should be running on solar energy not carbon based energy system. They should be driving Teslas in the North not petrol guzzlers. The reason several attempts at industrialisation have failed is because we didn‟t factor in the variables.
——-
My proposition therefore is what I term nativist federalism. Nativist federalism factors in regional endowment, competitive advantages as well as the proclivity of the people of a particular region. Each region is peculiar in terms of resources, weather condition, mineral endowment, cultural and human inclination.
The people in the North are not like the people in the East. The people in the East are not like people in the West. The people in the West are not like people in the South South. And the people in the South South are not like the people in the Middle Belt. This is Nigeria. Diversity is not her disadvantage. It is the strength of the country. There‟s a reason every attempt to manufacture a national car has come from the East. Clearly Easterners are engineering inclined. We leave it to anthropologists to tell us why but the reality we see is Eastern proclivity for engineering and manufacturing. Nativist federalism insists we must take that factor into account.
Let me illustrate.
——–
Igbos are known for inventiveness, entrepreneurship, dedication and hard work. These are nativist factors. It makes sense to leverage these factors to create an economy for the East. One would therefore expect that the East would become the manufacturing hub for Nigeria, and by extension Africa. The reasoning is simple. That is the natural bend of the people. It‟s like a child. If your child is science inclined you don‟t force him to become a lawyer. If he‟s arts inclined you don‟t force him to become an engineer. You leverage his bend. Same principle applies to federalist nation building.
In economically progressing the nativism of Igbo land the cultural and personality traits of the people must be factored in. For example, the East has developed a successful proprietary business mentoring system that has worked for over 40years.
After a period of service the mentee gets seed funding to start his own business. This system is so successful it has minted many millionaires. We need to domesticate that system into a science. It‟s a complete system. It teaches the values of discipline, hard work and delayed gratification. Trade knowledge and contacts are also passed on under this mentoring system. We must leverage on this mentorship programme and scale it up to develop the East. There‟s Silicon Valley model, there‟s Aba model. Abarism, or the Eastern method of business mentoring must be developed into business science.
The educational policy must follow the logic of the East. And so one would expect the universities in the East to be focused on engineering, manufacturing, industrial design, industrial relations. Other courses can be offered but these will be the strategic courses. In pursuance of this there‟ll be linkages with universities with industrial design strength, like Loughbrough in the UK. The jet engine was developed at Loughbrough.
For that manufacturing hub to fructify however the East will need a port. The port is necessary infrastructure. There‟s a port in Port Harcourt, therefore there must be rail link between Aba and Port Harcourt. This will carry cargo. Eastern export should be done through Port Harcourt, not Lagos.
Without power there can be no manufacturing. The East has an abundance of coal. There‟s also River Niger. The energy system should therefore be based on clean coal and hydro power. The steel industry in Aladja must be linked to the East by rail. Aladja is a main source of raw material. Our rail systems must be strategic. We cannot afford a political rail system that genuflects at the altar of “federal character”. It is a waste of resources. Our primary focus ought to be economic. Cargo ferries are needed for the East as well.
The East can and should become a heavy industry manufacturing hub servicing the whole of Africa. Supportive industries and specialisations will naturally arise when we have a policy focus. That policy focus will drive health care. For example the hospitals in the East will specialise in industrial health medicine. So will the colleges of medicine.
The East should be manufacturing armour vehicles for the Army, tractors for agriculture, excavators for the building industry, and cars for Nigeria. This logic of development flows from the natural endowment of the people, as well as the geography of the East. Nativist federalism insists there must be relational integrity between human endowment and natural resource endowment. In that way we take care of human capacity development and regional development in one stroke.
Our vision will be to turn the East into Taiwan or China. Initially the world will laugh at us, just as they laughed at Taiwan, just as they laughed at China. But along the way we will introduce branding into the mix and set standards for the goods manufactured. We will create an advertising campaign along this line: The matrix of the East economic zone is diagrammaticallyrepresented in this chart:
We can then apply this logic to other economic zones. Lagos will be the finance and enterprise hub. What London is to Europe, Lagos will be to Africa. It will rely on wind energy and hydro power from the Atlantic.
The South West economic zone will focus on commodities, food processing and agro allied industries. That region has the climatic condition of Ghana and Cote d‟Ivoire. Those countries export cassava, cocoa, palm produce, timber, rice, corn, cotton, rubber, beans, bananas, sweet potatoes, sugar, shea nuts, peanuts, palm oil and fish. Together they earned $23.24b from agriculture in 2017. Just ten years ago, they earned just $8.30b (2007). The South West economic zone has the potential to replicate this success.
Brand wise, the Middle Belt economic zone will become a horticultural haven exporting flowers like the Netherlands.
There are miles and miles of sunflowers in Jos. Flowers love the Middle Belt. But the zone will also focus on agriculture in general. Like the West, it should be an agro allied industry zone.
The South South’s strength is energy and aqua farming. The energy system ought to be natural gas, hydro, and for now fossil fuel. As an energy economy, the South South will create capital, operational, and maintenance inputs for the energy sector.
The two economic zones in the North will focus on tannery and commodities for export. The North will host a trade show every year for manufacturers of fashion accessories. Buyers from Louis Vuitton, Hugo Boss, Calvin Klein, Versace, Burberry, etc., will be invited. They already buy our leather. Our leather is high grade leather. Our cows are tough!
The energy system will be solar. It ought to be solar.
What I’ve presented is a vision for Nigeria. There’s no doubt Nigeria can be great. But you cannot achieve greatness as a nation without intellectual capacity. Neither can you achieve greatness without political will.
If we rise up to the challenge Nigeria will be great. But if we fold our hands and leave things to politicians we will keep battling the same issues for the next 100 years. Just as we’ve been battling the issue of power generation for the past 40 years.
My challenge to you is, what role are you going to play in the development of Nigeria? Are you the one we’re waiting for, or do we wait for another?
Thank you for listening. God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Below is the detailed document with tables, maps and graphs:
Related
You may like
Headline
Tinubu, Victim of Historical Amnesia – Atiku
Published
14 hours agoon
April 19, 2026By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
True to political permutations, the National Convention of the opposition African Democratic Congress (ADC) amid Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) derecognition and leadership litigation, set a chain reaction in the political space, including a former Vice President and one of the leaders of the ADC, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, berating President Bola Tinubu as lacking a good knowledge of history.
Against all odds, the party went ahead on April 14, to host a Convention, where over 3000 delegates attended, and where the leadership of Senator David Mark and Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola as National Chairman and National Secretary respectively were ratified.
Since the April 14 event, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has reacted in a manner political stakeholders and analysts categorized as panicky with statements from the presidency, and President Bola Tinubu himself. Though these responses were tagged correctional of ill-made utterances by ADC chieftains, observers have however said they portray comments by a team faced with an ultimately new challenge.
At the convention, the secretary of the ADC, Aregbesola, had dismissed Tinubu’s administration and his renewed hope policy as a scam. He lambasted the administration as a government of “scammers”, urging Nigerians to block it from retaining power in 2027.
“If allowed, this regime will continue to chant renewed hope till eternity. We have a duty to stop these scammers from retaining power,” Aregbesola said.
The former vice president followed up the convention statements, accusing Tinubu’s presidency of attempting to subvert democratic principles and silence opposition voices ahead of the 2027 elections, a position that further set the ruling party on edge, eliciting tons of reactions.
Beyond Presidential spokesman, Bayo Onanuga’s criticism of Aregbesola for failing to reflect on his own record before attacking his “former boss and benefactor”, Tinubu himself made remarks against the person’s of the leaders of the ADC and their convention, calling it ‘street convention’.
“Unfortunately, Aregbesola did not undertake any honest self-reflection on his own record in public office — as governor or as Minister of Interior,” Onanuga stated in his statement.
He alleged that Aregbesola’s tenure as governor of Osun State was marked by hardship and poor economic management.
“His eight years as governor of Osun State were characterised by unmitigated hardship for the people. Under his half-baked socialist policies, civil servants went unpaid for months, and those who were paid received only a fraction of their salaries,” Onanuga said.
Tinubu, on his part, while hosting the Hope Renewal Ambassadors, took a swipe at some opposition figures, especially Atiku, ridiculing and questioning their records for criticising his administration, and saying that many of them have held strategic positions in the past without delivering lasting results.
He boldly retorted that “If you look at one of them, no one without history among them – no one without history. The head was the chairman of the privatisation council of Nigeria in this country one time.
“He privatised the steel industry in Delta. Is it working today? No. Is anything they privatised working today? They want to privatise another man’s political party. That one says no.”
Responding therefore, the former Vice President launched a fierce counterattack on Tinubu, accusing him of hypocrisy, historical distortion, and political desperation.
In a statement issued by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, Atiku described the President’s remarks as a “reckless tirade” that reflects “a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia.”
The statement began with “Atiku Abubakar’s attention has been drawn to the latest reckless tirade by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu—a performance that exposes not just desperation, but a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia.”
Atiku expressed surprise that a leader facing persistent scrutiny over his own credentials would attempt to discredit others with what he described as well-documented records of public service.
On the issue of privatisation, Atiku’s camp argued that Tinubu’s criticism does not stand up to scrutiny, noting that the President had previously opposed reforms he now appears to be implementing.
The statement maintained that Atiku had long advocated the privatisation of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and the sale of refineries to credible private investors—a position it claimed Tinubu resisted at the time.
It, however, alleged that the current administration is now overseeing a system that has effectively commercialised the national oil company “without transparency, clear valuation, or accountability.”
“This is not reform; it is privatisation without accountability,” the statement said.
Defending Atiku’s economic legacy, the statement cited several companies as examples of the success of the privatisation programme he supervised, including Oando Plc (formerly Unipetrol), Conoil Plc, African Petroleum (now Ardova Plc), Indorama Eleme Petrochemicals, Benue Cement Company, and Transcorp Hilton Abuja.
The statement also took a swipe at the President’s intellectual posture, suggesting that his comments reflect a failure to engage with documented history on Nigeria’s economic reforms.
“It is not our fault that the President does not and cannot read,” the statement said, while also referencing past controversies surrounding Tinubu’s academic records.
It added that Tinubu’s remarks could only have been made in disregard of publicly available records and credible accounts of the privatisation process.
“You cannot oppose reform when it demands courage and then execute a shadow version of it in power,” the statement added.
Atiku’s camp further criticised the tone of the President’s remarks, arguing that resorting to mockery reflects a deeper leadership concern.
“The President’s attempt to reduce a serious economic legacy to ridicule underscores a leadership more comfortable with insults than with facts,” it stated.
The statement also highlighted the current economic situation in the country, pointing to rising cost of living, inflation, and insecurity as evidence of policy failure.
“Across the country, families are skipping meals, businesses are shutting down, and citizens are struggling under the weight of inflation and declining purchasing power. What has been presented as reform has translated into hardship without relief,” it said.
The statement concluded by asserting that Atiku’s record remains “clear, documented, and defensible,” while noting that unresolved public concerns about the President’s background persist.
“A leader who has not fully addressed questions about his own background should exercise restraint before casting aspersions on others,” it added.
The statement ended with a cautionary note: “Nigerians are watching.”
While the ADC is fighting for their life, and an opportunity to feature on the ballot during the 2027 general elections, and APC solidifying their grip on the political space, the atmosphere still exudes evidence of palpable tension. The APC maintains that they are on homerun to victory, ADC counters that nothing will save the ruling party from being defeated in the coming elections.
But as it stands today, both parties are locked in battle of wits recreating the tension and bad blood that was the hallmark of the 2015, and to a large extent, the 2023 elections.
But on April 22, the Supreme Court will rule on the leadership of the ADC; this will set the motion to the credibility of the ADC to participate in the 2027 election.
But fears pervade the political terrain as Tinubu made veiled reference to the judiciary while mocking Atiku and other leaders of the ADC.
“We cannot submit to the disobedience of unlawful orders in court. We must embrace the judiciary, whether it favours us or it doesn’t, we submit to this principle of democracy, separation of powers and understanding of the dynamics of it and the nation that Nigeria is,” Tinubu had said, insinuating that the ADC had gone against the judiciary.
The coming week will determine in totality the direction the 2027 situation will take.
Related
Headline
Supreme Court Fixes April 22 for Hearing in ADC Leadership Crisis
Published
5 days agoon
April 14, 2026By
Eric
The Supreme Court has scheduled hearing for April 22 in the appeal filed by the National Chairman of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Senator David Mark, in relation to the leadership dispute in the party.
Mark’s appeal is against the March 12 judgment of the Court of Appeal, which dismissed his appeal against the September 4, 2025 ruling by Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court in Abuja refusing to grant some injunctive reliefs contained in an ex-parte application filed by a chieftain of the party, Nafiu Bala Gombe.
A five-member panel of the Supreme Court, led by Justice Mohammed Garba chose the date on Tuesday after granting accelerated hearing in the appeal marked: SC/CV/180/2026.
The court ordered Mark’s lawyer, Jibril Okutepa (SAN) to file the appellant’s brief and serve on Wednesday.
It ordered the respondents to each file and serve on the appellant, a respondent’s brief within three days of being served with the appellant’s brief.
The appellant, according to the court, is to file a reply brief, if needs be, within one day of being served with the respondents’ briefs.
Related
Headline
Amid Denials, ADC Reportedly Secures Rainbow Event Centre As Venue for National Convention
Published
7 days agoon
April 13, 2026By
Eric
Baring any last minute change, the leadership of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) under Senator David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola as National chairman and National Secretary respectively will hold the party’s National convention at the National Rainbow Event Centre in Garki on Tuesday, 14 April 2026.
The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has being denied two venues without any cogent reasons despite early arrangements, according to sources.
First, it was alleged that the Abuja Transcorp Hilton Hotels, which was initially approached, turned down the ADC request to use it’s facility.
The ADC, having sensed sabotage, has kept the Rainbow Event Center under rap as it’s definite venue.
The last National Executive Committee (NEC) of the party was held at the same venue.
Located adjacent the Nigerian Police Force Headquarters, the event centre will host the second NEC meeting of the ADC and it’s forthcoming national convention.
According to The Guardian’ report, the ADC leadership has communicated the venue to state chapters with the caveat not to escalate it.
The ADC is in a battle of survival against the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and has approached the Supreme Court for intervention.
The INEC national chairman Prof Joash Amupitan has suspended recognition of the David Mark-led ADC rendering a leadership vacuum in the party.
INEC said it’s decision was on the basis of an Appeal Court pronouncement that ordered statusquo ante-bellum be maintained.
Reports say that why the venue is being quietly decorated moderately for the event, the ADC intends to fully move in the early hours of Tuesday.
The Guardian
Related


World Bank Flags ‘Hidden Spending System’ Diverting N34.53trn of Nigeria’s Revenue
Why MTN, Airtel Suspended Airtime, Data Borrowing Services + the FCCPC Connection
Voice of Emancipation: Nigeria’s Political Climate and the Yoruba Struggle
Tinubu, Victim of Historical Amnesia – Atiku
2027: Why Nigeria Can’t Afford to Lose Atiku’s Experience and Expertise
Again, Iran’s Military Closes Strait of Hormuz
African Heritage Awards: Honours Galore for Ex-AfDB President, Akinwumi Adesina
Ali Ndume Accuses FG of Insincerity in Fight Against Insecurity
Supreme Court Fixes April 22 for Hearing in ADC Leadership Crisis
Leadership As Decisive Force in Regional and Continental Security
Tech and Humanity: When the System Has No Answer, Build One
Dele Momodu Proposes Atiku/Obi Ticket As ‘Best Bet’ to Unseat Tinubu in 2027
Man Rescued Amid Attempt to Jump into Lagos Lagoon
The Oracle: Human Rights: Our Everyday Essential Pt.2
Trending
-
National6 days agoAli Ndume Accuses FG of Insincerity in Fight Against Insecurity
-
Headline5 days agoSupreme Court Fixes April 22 for Hearing in ADC Leadership Crisis
-
Opinion2 days agoLeadership As Decisive Force in Regional and Continental Security
-
Tech and Humanity2 days agoTech and Humanity: When the System Has No Answer, Build One
-
Featured5 days agoDele Momodu Proposes Atiku/Obi Ticket As ‘Best Bet’ to Unseat Tinubu in 2027
-
Featured4 days agoMan Rescued Amid Attempt to Jump into Lagos Lagoon
-
The Oracle2 days agoThe Oracle: Human Rights: Our Everyday Essential Pt.2
-
Islam3 days agoFriday Sermon: DEL FAJ at 76: To Whom Much is Given…

