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Alder Consulting Beams Light on Making Nigeria Great (See Full Document)
Published
6 years agoon
By
Eric
Mr. Leke Alder, Principal, Alder Consulting, has in a lecture entitled Making Nigeria Great: Federated Potentials, outlined veritable means of the shooting the nation back to glory days.
Below are excerpts from the lecture, followed by its detailed PDF document:
Making Nigeria Great: Federated Potentials
This is Dubai in 1970. This is Dubai today.
You could argue Dubai is a city state and therefore, cannot and should not be compared to Nigeria. The land mass of Dubai is a mere 4,114 sq.km. The land mass of Nigeria is 923,768sq.km. The population of Dubai is 3.1M. The population of Nigeria is 195M. And so the argument is credible that the two states are not comparable. But when we talk about the greatness of a nation we’re talking qualitative parameters.
Irrespective of size or land mass, the Emirati have cause to be proud of their country. Patriotism is something they willingly grab because the evidentiary basis of patriotism is manifest.
Everyone talks about the visionary leadership of the leader of Dubai. Greatness is a function of vision. From all available evidence, this has been a great challenge for Nigeria.
——
The modern history of Nigeria began with a group we can term the “Class of ’66.” These were military personnel who pivoted the federation along a certain trajectory. Notable members of that class are Odumegwu Ojukwu, Francis Adekunle Fajuyi, Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Muhammed, Olusegun Obasanjo, John Shagaya, Muhammadu Buhari, Mamman Vasta, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Theophilus Danjuma etc. They were all young.
Name Rank Position in 1966 Age
1 Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu Major 29
2 Adewale Ademoyega Major 32
3 Murtala Mohammed Lt. Colonel Inspector of Signal Lagos 28
4 Theophilus Danjuma Major Principal Staff Officer, Army HQ, Lagos 28
5 Abba Kyari Major Artillery, Kaduna 28
6 Muhammadu Buhari Lieutenant 2nd Brigade Lagos 24
7 Ibrahim Babangida Lieutenant 1st Reconnaissance Squadron, Kaduna 25
8 Mamman Vatsa Lieutenant 4th Battalion, Ibadan 26
9 Sani Abacha Second Lieutenant 3rd Battalion, Kaduna 23
10 John Shagaya Corporal 2nd Reconnaissance Squadron, Abeokuta 24
11 Chuwumeka Ojukwu Major Military Governor, Eastern Region 33
12 Olusegun Obasanjo Major 29
13 Emmanuel Ifeajuna Major 32
14 Muhammadu Gado Nasko Second Lieutenant Artillery, Kaduna 25
15 Abdullahi Shelleng Lieutenant Company Commander, 4th Battalion, Ibadan 24
They overthrew the old order, developed a military intervention apology, restructured the federation, fashioned the constitution and while at it prosecuted a civil war. That generation has been in power since 1966 and has retained power till date. Any non-member of that class who became president was either gifted the presidency, or was an accidental outcome of the rhythm of life. They gave power to Shehu Shagari and took it from him. They gave power to Ernest Shonekan and took it from him.
They gave power to Umaru Musa Yar’adua as proxy, which said power accidentally devolved to a lucky gentleman named Goodluck Jonathan. He held it as a donee for six years until it reverted to another member of the “Class of ’66.” In other words what Nigeria is today is the result of the power dynamics in that class. For the most therefore, the progression of Nigeria has been premised on the ambition and chess moves in that generation.
A study of the span of political history of that generation shows there are three inflection points that approximate vision.
The first inflection point was the public works drive of Yakubu Gowon as part of the reconstruction of the country after the civil war. We had just come into oil money and so there was prosecutorial means. Gowon built Eko Bridge in Lagos for instance. Before then the only bridge in the then federal capital was Carter Bridge, a colonial relic.
The second inflection point was the industrialisation vision of Olusegun Obasanjo in his first incarnation. He built the Ajaokuta Steel Complex with Soviet Assistance. That project underscores the polemical dynamic of the cold war era.
Subscription to the principle of central planning as an economic philosophy will eventually doom all the attempts at industrialisation including the national carrier, the moribund Nigeria Airways. As a first step towards manufacture of cars, Obasanjo set up factories for the assembling of completely knocked down parts at Amuwo Odofin in Lagos. Predictably we never got round to manufacturing cars. We don’t have an industrial base. Obasanjo would make another attempt at industrialising the nation in his second incarnation. The deficiency of the logic of the federation will ensure that vision never flew. In furtherance of the Obasanjo vision, Shagari would complete the Kaduna refinery and Delta Steel complex. He also created the Aluminium Smelter Company at Ikot Abasi.
The third inflection point was the liberalisation policy thrust of Ibrahim Babangida. The liberalisation would open up opportunities for young people like Fola Adeola and Tayo Aderinokun of blessed memory. With about 35 other young people, all in their 30s, they set up Guaranty Trust Bank. Those are the three opportunities the nation has had in crafting the semblance of a vision.
If Nigeria will ever be great it must fashion an economic vision and create a logical consistency to sustain that vision. We have no choice. The poverty statistics are scary. It doubled from 17m in 1980 to 35m in 1985, which then doubled to 67m in 1996 and again doubled to 116m in 2017. Our poverty rate is growing in geometric progression.
We must abandon our predilection for focusing on political deconstruction to the detriment of economic infrastructuring. We keep creating state government but the states can’t pay salaries. We create states without thought of economic viability. Every time you create a state, you create recurrent expenditure heads. State creation is cost. States are run by civil servants. You must pay them salaries.
We have a proven basis for an economic vision for Nigeria. Unlike many nations, Nigeria had start-up capital. We are blessed with 52 mineral resources. Look at the list: Coal, Lignite & Coke, Gold, Columbite Wolframite & Tantalite, Bitumen, Iron Ore, Uranium, Marble, Clay, Cassiterite, Dolomite, Salt, Kaolin, Bentonite, Gypsium, Magnesite, Lead/Zinc, Limestone, Glass-Sand, Phosphate, Amethyst (violet), Berytes, Gem stones, Diatomite, Hydro-carbon (crude oil and gas), Feldsper, Tatium, Granite, Syenite, Marcasite, Butytes, Sapphire, Surpentinite, Asbestos, Kyanite, Graphite, Silhnite, Mica, Aqua marine, Ruby, Rock Crystal, Topaz, Flosper, Tourmaline, Prochinre, Copper, Talc, Beryl (emerald), Haliodor, Quartz, Zireon, Galena, Barytes, Chalcopyrite, Dimesion stones, Sillimnote, Tin, Phrochlore, Bismuth, Fluoride, Molybdenite, Bauxite, Silica-sand, Potash, Flakes, Soda Ash.
There’s no state in Nigeria without mineral resources.
It’s as if the Omnipotence decided to turn Nigeria into a mineral dump. This is the regional breakdown of mineral resources in Nigeria. (See illustration)
If we network the natural endowment of each region we can turn the regions into economic power houses. We must therefore network nature, people and resources region by region if the nation must be great.
——-
To develop the nation and create prosperity for the people Nigeria should be broken into seven economic regions – Northwest, Northeast, Middle Belt, South East, South West, South South and Lagos. (Though one must note there‟s really nothing called South South on the compass. It’s a peculiar Nigeria invention, but it will do.) These seven economic zones will be progressed thematically.
Note, I said economic regions and not political regions. Political regionalism has not delivered prosperity to the people. That’s because it’s wasteful and hegemonic. We never thought of economic viability. Barely 6 out of 36 states are economically viable. We have produced massive poverty with the state creation.
Very few states have the economic heft to do development. They’re hardly investible propositions. It’s why we need economic zones.
——-
But to develop an economy for each zone, we must take into cognisance nativist factors in each economic region. Each region is unique. The people are different. Their mentalities, giftings and orientations are different. A one cap fits all approach has never worked, will never work. You cannot effectively develop the nation without factoring in local realities.
The attempt will fail. You cannot have economic development without consideration of human factor. We must think of the people, the culture, the natural resource endowment as well as the energy base endowment if we want to develop each region.
For example, it is unintelligent to have the same energy policy for a sun drenched region and a water-logged region. The North should be running on solar energy not carbon based energy system. They should be driving Teslas in the North not petrol guzzlers. The reason several attempts at industrialisation have failed is because we didn‟t factor in the variables.
——-
My proposition therefore is what I term nativist federalism. Nativist federalism factors in regional endowment, competitive advantages as well as the proclivity of the people of a particular region. Each region is peculiar in terms of resources, weather condition, mineral endowment, cultural and human inclination.
The people in the North are not like the people in the East. The people in the East are not like people in the West. The people in the West are not like people in the South South. And the people in the South South are not like the people in the Middle Belt. This is Nigeria. Diversity is not her disadvantage. It is the strength of the country. There‟s a reason every attempt to manufacture a national car has come from the East. Clearly Easterners are engineering inclined. We leave it to anthropologists to tell us why but the reality we see is Eastern proclivity for engineering and manufacturing. Nativist federalism insists we must take that factor into account.
Let me illustrate.
——–
Igbos are known for inventiveness, entrepreneurship, dedication and hard work. These are nativist factors. It makes sense to leverage these factors to create an economy for the East. One would therefore expect that the East would become the manufacturing hub for Nigeria, and by extension Africa. The reasoning is simple. That is the natural bend of the people. It‟s like a child. If your child is science inclined you don‟t force him to become a lawyer. If he‟s arts inclined you don‟t force him to become an engineer. You leverage his bend. Same principle applies to federalist nation building.
In economically progressing the nativism of Igbo land the cultural and personality traits of the people must be factored in. For example, the East has developed a successful proprietary business mentoring system that has worked for over 40years.
After a period of service the mentee gets seed funding to start his own business. This system is so successful it has minted many millionaires. We need to domesticate that system into a science. It‟s a complete system. It teaches the values of discipline, hard work and delayed gratification. Trade knowledge and contacts are also passed on under this mentoring system. We must leverage on this mentorship programme and scale it up to develop the East. There‟s Silicon Valley model, there‟s Aba model. Abarism, or the Eastern method of business mentoring must be developed into business science.
The educational policy must follow the logic of the East. And so one would expect the universities in the East to be focused on engineering, manufacturing, industrial design, industrial relations. Other courses can be offered but these will be the strategic courses. In pursuance of this there‟ll be linkages with universities with industrial design strength, like Loughbrough in the UK. The jet engine was developed at Loughbrough.
For that manufacturing hub to fructify however the East will need a port. The port is necessary infrastructure. There‟s a port in Port Harcourt, therefore there must be rail link between Aba and Port Harcourt. This will carry cargo. Eastern export should be done through Port Harcourt, not Lagos.
Without power there can be no manufacturing. The East has an abundance of coal. There‟s also River Niger. The energy system should therefore be based on clean coal and hydro power. The steel industry in Aladja must be linked to the East by rail. Aladja is a main source of raw material. Our rail systems must be strategic. We cannot afford a political rail system that genuflects at the altar of “federal character”. It is a waste of resources. Our primary focus ought to be economic. Cargo ferries are needed for the East as well.
The East can and should become a heavy industry manufacturing hub servicing the whole of Africa. Supportive industries and specialisations will naturally arise when we have a policy focus. That policy focus will drive health care. For example the hospitals in the East will specialise in industrial health medicine. So will the colleges of medicine.
The East should be manufacturing armour vehicles for the Army, tractors for agriculture, excavators for the building industry, and cars for Nigeria. This logic of development flows from the natural endowment of the people, as well as the geography of the East. Nativist federalism insists there must be relational integrity between human endowment and natural resource endowment. In that way we take care of human capacity development and regional development in one stroke.
Our vision will be to turn the East into Taiwan or China. Initially the world will laugh at us, just as they laughed at Taiwan, just as they laughed at China. But along the way we will introduce branding into the mix and set standards for the goods manufactured. We will create an advertising campaign along this line: The matrix of the East economic zone is diagrammaticallyrepresented in this chart:
We can then apply this logic to other economic zones. Lagos will be the finance and enterprise hub. What London is to Europe, Lagos will be to Africa. It will rely on wind energy and hydro power from the Atlantic.
The South West economic zone will focus on commodities, food processing and agro allied industries. That region has the climatic condition of Ghana and Cote d‟Ivoire. Those countries export cassava, cocoa, palm produce, timber, rice, corn, cotton, rubber, beans, bananas, sweet potatoes, sugar, shea nuts, peanuts, palm oil and fish. Together they earned $23.24b from agriculture in 2017. Just ten years ago, they earned just $8.30b (2007). The South West economic zone has the potential to replicate this success.
Brand wise, the Middle Belt economic zone will become a horticultural haven exporting flowers like the Netherlands.
There are miles and miles of sunflowers in Jos. Flowers love the Middle Belt. But the zone will also focus on agriculture in general. Like the West, it should be an agro allied industry zone.
The South South’s strength is energy and aqua farming. The energy system ought to be natural gas, hydro, and for now fossil fuel. As an energy economy, the South South will create capital, operational, and maintenance inputs for the energy sector.
The two economic zones in the North will focus on tannery and commodities for export. The North will host a trade show every year for manufacturers of fashion accessories. Buyers from Louis Vuitton, Hugo Boss, Calvin Klein, Versace, Burberry, etc., will be invited. They already buy our leather. Our leather is high grade leather. Our cows are tough!
The energy system will be solar. It ought to be solar.
What I’ve presented is a vision for Nigeria. There’s no doubt Nigeria can be great. But you cannot achieve greatness as a nation without intellectual capacity. Neither can you achieve greatness without political will.
If we rise up to the challenge Nigeria will be great. But if we fold our hands and leave things to politicians we will keep battling the same issues for the next 100 years. Just as we’ve been battling the issue of power generation for the past 40 years.
My challenge to you is, what role are you going to play in the development of Nigeria? Are you the one we’re waiting for, or do we wait for another?
Thank you for listening. God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Below is the detailed document with tables, maps and graphs:
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By Eric Elezuo
Listening to the suspended Governor of Rivers State, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, on matters arising over his suspension and possible reinstatement, one is bound to conclude that the embattled governor, who fell under the hammer of executive emergency declaration, either buckled to pressure from high places, or have compromised his hard stand as a no-nonsense people-oriented governor. In all, it is believed that Fubara has been categorically tamed; a situation profoundly compared to William Shakespeare’s ‘The Taming of the Shrew’.
The Rivers State scenario typically adapted the characterisation of the Shakespeare’s classic, where the character, Christopher Sly, was roundly pranked by a mischievous nobleman to mistakenly believe that he too was of nobility. Alas, it was a ploy to tame his ego, distract him from what he cherished most.
Fubara, at the service of songs held in Port Harcourt, Rivers state capital, in honour of late Edwin Clark, elder statesman and the leader of the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), not only disclosed that his heart is no longer in the governorship job from which he was suspended almost two months ago, but lambasted his supporters and followers for adopting the ‘oshogbe’ approach in fighting for his cause.
Fubara, in a tone, that betrayed his earlier tough stand, said he is not desperate to return to office nearly two months after President Bola Tinubu declared emergency rule in the state.
“Have you asked yourself, do you think I’m interested in going back there? I want to ask you—don’t you see how much better I’m doing?” Fubara asked the audience at the service of songs.
Fubara’s remark was in response to several tributes by members of the Rivers Elders Forum, who referred to him as “governor” and condemned his suspension.
Unlike the Fubara before the March 18 suspension by President Bola Tinubu, the governor dissociated himself from those statements, describing them as personal views not aligned with his approach.
He said such comments were unlikely to support peace in the state.
The governor also expressed concerns that actions taken by some of his backers had, in fact, worsened the crisis.
He asked the audience to focus their reflections on Clark’s life and legacy, rather than turning the event into a political protest.
It would be recalled that Fubara’s alleged change of heart in the heated crises that have seen him become estranged with his political godfather and immediate past governor of Rivers State, who is presently the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, became visible after his supposed meeting with Tinubu in London. Though the outcome of the meeting is yet unknown, recent actions and utterances of the governor tends to prove that a sort of compromise, which may seem detrimental to his political future, was arrived at. He was quoted shortly after arriving Nigeria from London, as saying that Tinubu should be supported.
Wike, with whom he has been at loggerheads over leadership of party structure in the state for over 18 months, confirmed during a media chat on Monday, that the embattled governor visited his Abuja residence, with two other governors, to plea for peace and understanding.
Recall also that Fubara and Wike have been locked in a bitter political standoff since late 2023. This created a dichotomy in the leadership loyalty with Wike controlling the members of the House of Assembly, except for four of them, while Fubara controlled the executive. Both arms of government have not been able to see eye to eye until the eventual emergency rule declaration. While the Assembly sought to impeach the governor, the governor and his team were bent on kicking the Assembly members out, leaning on their well celebrated decamping to the All Progressives Congress (APC). The members later denied defecting.
On Friday, February 28, 2025, the Supreme Court made landmark pronouncements that placed Governor Fubara on the receiving end, and giving Wike and his supporters victory in what seem to be a foreclosure in the game of throne that paralysed the political and administrative existence of the state since inauguration in 2023.
Not only did the court nullified all the structures that sustained Fubara’s administration, it lambasted the governor, thoroughly reducing him to a laughing stock among Wike and his followers, berating him for breaking down the Rivers State House of Assembly building as a way to stop the defected 27 lawmakers from sitting, thereby forcing them to sit outside to carry out their lawful activities.
The justices said it is a regular occurrence for those in executive power who feel threatened that their seat is being taken or is about to be impeached to resort to actions like demolishing buildings and other acts of bigamy.
THE ROAD TO PEACE
Fubara, seeming to have lost following the Supreme Court judgment, started exploring every option to ensure peace so that his impeachment is never put on the table. As a result, putting aside the disgrace of being locked out of the assembly quarters, the governor promised to re-present the budget in fulfillment of the Supreme Court order, choosing Wednesday March 19, 2025, or any other date in March, the lawmakers might choose. But the President preempted the move with an emergency rule.
Rivers State has been at the centre of a deepening political feud between Fubara and his predecessor and political godfather, Nyesom Wike.
Following the political situation in the state, President Bola Tinubu intervened in December 2023, brokering a peace deal between both sides.
However, on March 18, Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers and suspended Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and all the state lawmakers, temporarily bringing the tension in the state to an end
The President also appointed a retired naval chief, Ibok-Ete Ibas, as the sole administrator of the oil-rich state.
The move effectively dissolved the existing government structure, placing the state under federal control.
The 11 Peoples Democratic Party governors had filed a suit at the Supreme Court in protest, to challenge the President’s action; a move the National Assembly challenged, urging the court to dismiss the suit filed by the PDP governors.
The National Assembly also contended that the suit was procedurally flawed and lacked merit, while further arguing that the court lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the suit and should award N1 billion in costs against the plaintiffs for filing what it termed a frivolous and speculative suit.
The suit is yet to be determined.
Fubara remains in limbo, but seems to have chosen the path that would give him a soft political landing. Every finger points to the fact that he may have compromised his mandate, pushing his fighting supporters to stop the criticisms against Tinubu and Wike as well as insinuating that he was fed with the governorship mandate.
It has also been alleged that even if Fubara is restored to complete his term, he may not be allowed to seek another term. This could be the premise on which the suspended governor is speaking from the other side of the mouth.
When Shakespeare wrote The Taming of the Shrew many centuries ago, exactly between 1590 – 1592, the Wike/Fubara was not in the equation, but today, the plot typifies the present day Rivers State where the incumbent governor has been tamed to speak everything good of his tormentors.
It is still not known, however, if Fubara will make good his threat not to return to office, but it has become obvious that he is now willing to dance to the tune of he that pays the piper.
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Behold the First Ever American Pope, Robert Francis Prevost
Published
4 days agoon
May 9, 2025By
Eric
Robert Francis Prevost, the first pope from the United States, has a history of missionary work in Peru but also a keen grasp of the inner workings of the Church.
The new Leo XIV, a Chicago native, was entrusted by his predecessor Francis, to head the powerful Dicastery for Bishops, charged with advising the pontiff on new bishop appointments.
The sign of confidence from Francis speaks to Prevost’s commitment as a missionary in Peru to the “peripheries” – overlooked areas far from Rome prioritised by Francis – and his reputation as a bridge-builder and moderate within the Curia.
The 69-year-old Archbishop-Bishop emeritus of Chiclayo, Peru, was made a cardinal by Francis in 2023 after being named Prefect of the Dicastery, one of the Vatican’s most important departments — and a post that introduced him to all key players in the Church.
Vatican watchers had given Prevost the highest chances among the group of US cardinals of being pope, given his pastoral bent, global view and ability to navigate the central bureaucracy.
Italian newspaper, La Repubblica, called him “the least American of the Americans” for his soft-spoken touch.
His strong grounding in canon law has also been seen as reassuring to more conservative cardinals seeking a greater focus on Theology.
Following Francis’s death, Prevost said there was “still so much to do” in the work of the Church.
“We can’t stop, we can’t turn back. We have to see how the Holy Spirit wants the Church to be today and tomorrow, because today’s world, in which the Church lives, is not the same as the world of ten or 20 years ago,” he told Vatican News last month.
“The message is always the same: proclaim Jesus Christ, proclaim the Gospel, but the way to reach today’s people, young people, the poor, politicians, is different,” he said.
Born on September 14, 1955, in Chicago, Prevost attended a Minor Seminary of the Order of St Augustine in St Louis as a novice before graduating from Philadelphia’s Villanova University, an Augustinian institution, with a degree in Mathematics.
After receiving a masters degree in divinity from Chicago’s Catholic Theological Union in 1982, and a doctorate decree in canon law in Rome, the polyglot joined the Augustinians in Peru in 1985 for the first of his decade-long missions in that country.
Returning to Chicago in 1999, he was made provincial prior of the Augustinians in the US Midwest and later the prior general of the order throughout the world.
But he returned to Peru in 2014 when Francis appointed him as apostolic administrator of the Diocese of Chiclayo in the country’s north.
Nearly a decade later, Prevost’s appointment in 2023 as head of the Dicastery came after Canadian Cardinal Marc Ouellet was accused of sexually assaulting a woman and resigned for age reasons.
The Vatican later dropped the case against Ouellet for insufficient evidence.
Prevost also serves as president of the Pontifical Commission for Latin America.
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Remembering Ife’s 50th Ooni, Oba Sijuwade Okunade
Published
1 week agoon
May 6, 2025By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
10 years after the death of one of the most cosmopolitan monarchs Nigeria has produced, His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II CFR, family, friends and the traditional institutions are gearing up for a mother of all remembrance and memorial ceremony. Oba Okunade Sijuwade is the 50th Oni of Ife.
On Tuesday, at the elaborate Civic Centre, in the heart of Victoria Island, stakeholders and people of interest, gathered to inform the public through the media, veritable steps being taken to honour the progeny of Oduduwa and until his death in 2015, the prime custodian of the Yoruba tradition.
According to the invitation to the media briefing, organizers noted that the events are being held in conjunction with the National Council of Traditional Rulers under the Chairmanship of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, Ojaja II, Ooni of Ife CFR and His Eminence Sultan Sa’ad Abubakar, the Sultan of Sokoto CFR.
In his address, the Curator and Consultant for the 10th year Memorial Celebration of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, Dr. Oludamola Adebowale, described the event as a decade of legacy, while noting as follows:
“A Decade of Legacy: 10th Year Memorial Celebration of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II.
“At a press briefing held at the Civic Centre in Victoria Island, Lagos, the family of the late Ooni of ile-Ife, His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, unveiled a series of cultural, intellectual, and commemorative events marking the 10th anniversary of the revered monarch’s passing. The Programme is a tribute to his enduring legacy as a custodian of culture, a bridge-builder across Nigeria, and a global advocate for African heritage.
“Organized in partnership with the National Council of Traditional Rulers of Nigeria, the memorial activities are spearheaded by the Co-chairmen of the Council, Ooni of Ife, His Imperial Majesty Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, CFR, Ojaja II, alongside His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar, CFR, the Sultan of Sokoto.
“A key highlight is a Three-State Inter-School Debate Tour featuring students from King’s College, Lagos; Abeokuta Grammar School; Oba Sijuwade’s alma mater; and Oduduwa College, Ile-Ife. The theme, “Traditional Governance vs. Modern Democracy: Which Best Preserves Cultural Heritage?’ invites students to explore the relevance of indigenous leadership in today’s world. The final debate presentation will be held on July 25, 2025.
“Another major feature is the Grand Memorial Exhibition, showcasing rare photographs, personal items, and archival materials from Oba Sijuwade’s life and reign—many being displayed publicly for the first time. The exhibition features collections from the National Archives of Nigeria, the UK National Archives, Horniman Museum & Gardens (UK), and the African American Research Library and Cultural Center (Florida), home of the Dr. Niara Sudarkasa Collection and also the Sijuwade Personal Collection.
“The exhibition is curated by renowned cultural historian and archivist Dr. Oludamola ADEBOWALE.
“A national symposium titled “Unifying and Securing Nigeria’s Future Through Traditional Institutions” will gather traditional rulers, scholars, and policymakers to examine the evolving role of indigenous leadership in peacebuilding, national identity, and governance.
“The grand finale of the memorial will take place in Ile-Ife, the cradle of Yoruba civilization. It includes a church thanksgiving service and solemn prayers at the late Ooni’s mausoleum—concluding the memorial in dignity and grandeur.
“Looking ahead, the Sijuwade family announced a series of legacy projects, including:
– A Nubian Jak Blue Plaque at his former London residence, recognizing his global impact in cultural diplomacy.
– The launch of a commemorative book detailing his life, leadership, and international engagements.
– The development of the Oba Okunade Sijuwade Memorial Hall and Museum in Ile-Ife to preserve his legacy and Yoruba heritage.
“This far-reaching initiative reflects the far-sighted vision of Oba Okunade Sijuwade—an imperial figure whose reign was defined by grace, wisdom, and an unwavering commitment to cultural excellence. These legacy projects are not only tributes to his memory but enduring pillars that will continue to inspire future generations in Nigeria, across Africa, and throughout the global diaspora. Through them, the timeless values he embodied—dignity, unity, heritage, and leadership—will live on, shaping a future deeply rooted in the strength of tradition and the promise of progress.
OBA OKUNADE SIJUWADE (1930 – 2015)
According to accounts obtained from Wikipedia, the life and times of Oba Sijuwade is captured as follows:
Born January 1, 1930, Alayeluwa Oba Okunade Sijuwade CFR, was the 50th traditional ruler (or Ooni) of Ife from December 6, 1980 to his death on July 28, 2015. He reigned for 35 influential years, taking the regnal name Olubuse II. His installation ceremony was attended by the Emir of Kano, Oba of Benin, Amayanabo of Opobo and Olu of Warri, as well as by representatives of the Queen of the United Kingdom.
Sijuwade was born to the ruling House of Sijuwade which is a fraction of the Ogboru ruling house, Ilare, Ile-Ife. His paternal grandfather was Ooni Adelekan Sijuwade – Olubuse I the 46th Ooni of Ife who ruled from 1884 – 1910. While his father was Omo-Oba Adereti Sijuade (1895 – 11 May 1949) and his mother was, Yeyeolori Emilia Ifasesin Sijuwade (nee Osukoti Adugbolu), from the town of Akure. He was a Christian and in November 2009 he attended the annual general meeting of the Foursquare Gospel Church in Nigeria accompanied by 17 other traditional rulers. He declared that he was a full member of the church and said all the monarchs who accompanied him would now become members. At his birthday celebration two months later, the Primate of the Anglican Communion described Sijuwade as “a humble monarch, who has the fear of God at heart”.
By the age of 30, he was a manager in A.G Leventis, a Greek-Nigerian conglomerate. In 1963 he became Sales Director of the state-owned National Motors in Lagos. After spotting a business opportunity during a 1964 visit to the Soviet Union, he formed WAATECO a company to distribute Soviet-built vehicles and equipment in Nigeria, which became the nucleus of a widespread business empire. He also invested in real estate in his hometown of Ile Ife. By the time Sijuwade was crowned Ooni in 1980 he was already a wealthy man.
Shortly after becoming the 50th Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade founded Sijuwade Group, which he was the chairman of. The conglomerate operates in several sectors including oil and gas, infrastructure, real estate, industrials, and hospitality. The company holds partnerships with several multinational companies such as Centrica, Equinor (formerly Statoil), CCC, Eser and RCC (Reynolds Construction Company) and has executed over $2 billion worth of contracts and projects in Nigeria.
Towards the end of 2009 a more local dispute between the Ooni, the Awujale of Ijebuland and the Alake of Egbaland was finally resolved. Sijuwade traced the dispute back to a falling out between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola during the Nigerian First Republic, which had led to a division between the traditional rulers.
In February 2009, Sijuwade helped mediate in a dispute over land ownership between the communities of Ife and Modakeke, resolved in part through the elevation of the Ogunsua of Modakeke as an Oba. The new Oba, Francis Adedoyin, would be under the headship of Oba Okunade Sijuwade.
- Yeyeluwa Oyetunde Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s first wife and the first Yeyeluwa of Ife. She was the mother to Prince Adetokunbo Sijuwade.
- Olori Morisola Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s second wife and the second Yeyeluwa of Ife from 1986 after Yeyeluwa Oyetunde Sijuwade’s death.
- Olori Oladunni Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s third wife and the daughter of the very popular politician Chief Adedamola Harold-Sodipo.
- Olori Odunola Sijuwade, a princess of Ila-Orangun and the daughter of the revered Ila-Orangun, Oba William Ayeni.
Activities are expected to kick off in mid June 2025, and terminate late July, 2025.
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