Headline

Pendulum: Now That President Buhari Has Let the Cat Out of the Bag

Published

8 years ago

April 14, 2018

Editor

By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, it has been a very interesting week in our dear beloved country. What has been a long purportedly hidden, but open secret, which we all knew about anyway, and which we knew was going to happen finally did happen. Our President, Muhammadu Buhari, dropped his muted bombshell as he was just on his way to London on a “working visit” but it was not exactly the explosive denouement to the “would he run, would he not” saga his acolytes would have expected. Rather it was an anti-climax or, more appropriately a whimper or simply, déjà vu. It was always obvious that the President would find the temptation to seek a second term very irresistible, like all ordinary mortals. The trappings, ceremonies and ostentation of power are too appealing and difficult to give up. The ability to shun this enticement is what made The Madiba, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela an uncommon and apotheosised being. He knew not all rights must be claimed or actualised. However, no one can deny anybody, including our esteemed President, his rights, if he chooses to exercise those rights. Clearly, those who have advised him against what they perceive as a misadventure, were amongst his biggest supporters in the past. They wanted him to recuse himself from the excruciating agony of what has turned out to be very tedious, unprofitable governance, and thereby rescue Nigeria from the burden of weak and ineffective leadership. Now that the President has made up his mind that those reasons are not strong enough to dissuade him from re-contesting a record fifth time, the best we can do, as his former followers, is to wish him the best of luck.

The beauty of democracy is that it guarantees the rights of everyman to vote and be voted for, as long as he has no criminal record or other impediment to debar him from doing so. I’m looking ahead to a very rigorous selection process and robust campaign in the dozens of political parties in Nigeria. It is obvious that the ruling party, APC would try to railroad its ticket in favour of the President. As for that, there is not likely to be any negotiation. Any challenger within the party would have an uphill task and be treated automatically as a renegade and recalcitrant outcast. For me, that is not a reason to give up. Any would be contestant within the APC must simply realise that he has a mountain to climb, but even Mount Everest has been scaled, so the task is not impossible. Indeed, it may be the saving grace of the party and its Presidential candidate, whoever emerges, be it President Buhari or some other person.

The other major party, PDP, would try to be more democratic in its selection process and hope the fallout from its primaries would not further deepen and expand the chasm within the party which is still trying to pick itself up from the recent near disintegration and catastrophe it has been faced with. Those hoping for a third force may be disappointed in the long run because it may not fly for this particular election. The time and resources needed are not there at this point in time. However, If I were the PDP, I would gauge the mood of the nation and plan to rebrand and merge with other parties. I would contemplate a change of name, like APC did, because the present name is greatly tarnished and damaged, albeit psychologically. Its recent campaigns in Jigawa and Katsina States may have however rejuvenated and emboldened them to consider retaining their present name.

Let me now address the issue of our restive youths who are clamouring for a total sweep of the old brigade from power at this upcoming elections. I sincerely doubt they would have their wish and desire in such a jiffy. I am under no illusion, or delusion, that any of our younger contestants would have the stamina, resources or experience to muscle their way through to the candidacy of either of the major parties. The obvious threat to their aspirations would be the proliferation of Presidential aspirants/candidates. The second, and more potent, threat is the ability of the oldies that they seek to depose, to clannishly stick together against an unwanted intruder. Therefore, none of them is going to emerge from either of the two leading parties. The smaller parties lack the structures to help launch and catapult them to power. I’m not a prophet of doom but I am only speaking from my personal experience in 2011. Not much has changed since then. I will now present some of the hurdles they would have to surmount.

ETHNICITY. One of the biggest diseases afflicting Nigeria today is ethnicity. It is not going to fly away readily by any magic. The most educated Nigerians behave like stark illiterates when it comes to defending their place of origin and tribe. The more States we have created, the more splintered the divisions have been. The two leading political parties have virtually, wittingly or unwittingly, zoned their candidacy to the North of Nigeria thus shutting out any chance of considering any genius from other parts of Nigeria. One of the younger candidates, like Donald Duke is already wasted, despite his wealth of experience. If he decides to try a third force, he would be stunned that most of those asking for his kind in Nigerian politics are really negligible and too few and far between. You would expect a lot of Nigerian students in particular to queue behind Omoyele Sowore, one of the greatest products of students’ unionism ever, but the students’ unions themselves are already divided along ethnic lines. Those who killed Nigerian education also killed students’ activism with it. They ensured the fractionalisation of our unions for their nefarious ends. I have spoken before of the Rwandan example, where ethnicity is now taboo, and, it is now prohibited to refer to tribe in public discourse. I believe and fervently maintain that one the greatest bane to our national cohesion, unity and development is the principle of Federal Character, which not only enshrines mediocrity and poorness, but crowns inferiority and dreadfulness. A nation that allows individuals who score less than 20% in exams to attain the highest levels of its technocracy and government can never expect to do well. Its progress is rooted in failure.

RELIGION. There is no opium stronger than religion in Nigeria. We used to tolerate religious freedom in the past, not anymore. It is one of the reasons Buhari, as a candidate, had to pick ardent Christians as his running mates in the last two elections he has contested. He actually got two Pastors, Tunde Bakare and Yemi Osinbajo, back to back, for these two contests. That was also the only reason the former Governors of Lagos State, Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Babatunde Raji Fashola, could not be considered by him. It is noteworthy that in 1993, Moshood Abiola was forced to risk a Muslim/Muslim ticket because the North told him plainly they would not accept a Christian to represent them. He got away with it because the South parades many Christians and Muslims, except in the South East and South South where Christians are very dominant. Abiola’s unprecedented popularity across the nation helped propel him a great deal and made for the success of this ticket. The type of religious tolerance that existed then has since exited with Abiola. Any Southern Christian would find it almost impossible in this coming election to get substantial votes in the North. That is too certain. This is another of our hidden, unuttered taboos that we must do away with if we are to make any progress as a nation. This will not however happen at this impending election.

MONEY. The role of raw cash cannot be over-emphasised in politics all over the world. It plays an even more crucial role in poverty-stricken nations. With all due respect, as prosperous as Nigeria is, ours is still rated as one of the poorest nations on earth. I won’t bore you with the obvious reasons. The disparity between members of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is unbelievably wide. It is, therefore, very easy to induce the poor with what may be considered a mere pittance. The very poor constitute the highest number in any nation, and given the state of the Nigerian economy, the percentage of impoverished people is naturally larger. The influence money would play in the next election would therefore still be huge. The candidates would have to run their campaigns nationally, by road, by air and by water in the riverine areas. They need to print banners, posters, leaflets, t-shirts, face-caps, handkerchiefs, gift items, etc. Nigeria is a big country in land mass and population. Let’s even assume the new breed candidates would perform the miracle of turning water into wine, they would still need to pay for their agents nationwide, without whom their genuine votes may not be protected. This would run into billions of Naira.

This is why it is not easy to fight corruption in Nigeria. It would have been impossible for Buhari to win the last election without the avuncular support of moneybags within and outside his political party, including some very wealthy members of the private sector. Until he makes his second term, it is virtually impossible to fight all the humongously wealthy politicians in his party right now. They have to be carefully managed and jealously guarded for the party to have any chance of winning the next election. How many of such filthy rich Nigerians are available to sponsor our fresh candidates? Most of them have fled to APC while the balance of them are in PDP. While Sowore would appeal to the downtrodden who want to shut down the prevailing system, Fela Durotoye would appeal to the middle/upper class, but I’m not sure either of these classes can fund their campaigns yet in Nigeria.

Those three highlighted issues of ethnicity, religion and money are the major obstacles to getting good leaders in Nigeria. The other major problem is the confusion amongst the electorate on how to make their choice. An enlightenment and awareness campaign is absolutely necessary. For example, many Nigerians would tell you corruption is their biggest and only worry. That was the main reason we ended up with Buhari. Most of those who supported him in 2015 merely pandered to pervasive public opinion engendered by those who saw Buhari as the last remaining saint standing. Had we not tried Buhari, they would have told us Nigeria is in a mess because he was not allowed to assume power. They would assert that the free fall of the Naira would never have occurred under a Buhari Presidency and that Buhari would have wiped out corruption and exterminated corrupt leaders within a short time. This is why the APC change mantra has remained “war against corruption.” Despite the obvious hypocrisy, the APC would have to shout that slogan till kingdom come, hoping that more and more politicians would run into its fold for much needed protection, and that the gullible public would buy into the charade. This is its own winning formula. Time will tell.

The PDP would try to contradict this APC mantra by exposing the APC as a party of liars and incompetent people. There is already a tit for tat approach with PDP offering its counter list of corrupt persons ensconced and buried in APC. This melodrama would continue unabated. PDP would have to be an umbrella for all those who feel Buhari would victimise them if he comes back to power. This would be the biggest attraction to hard core politicians. APC may suffer a major setback and lose a large chunk of its big names in the near future because of the palpable distrust between the party chieftains.

These looming elections promise to be one of high stakes and protection of vested interests. It is a chance for Nigerians to embrace true change not just in personnel, but also in their approach to the selection of their leaders and their demand for accountability and improvement in governance.

Time will tell.

Headline

Who’s Afraid of New Electoral Act?

Published

1 day ago

February 8, 2026

Eric

By Eric Elezuo

The furore generated with the passing of the Electoral Bill 2026 by the Nigerian Senate, is yet to die down as various groups, sections and institutions, have continued to lend their voices in condemnation of the tactical removal of the proposed real-time electronic transmission of results.

The Civil Society Organisations and Action Aid have declared a protest to kickoff on Monday, February 9, 2026, titled Occupy NASS Protest, until the Senate find reason to listen to Nigerians, and do what is right, and that aligned with the aspirations of Nigerians, according Samson Itodo, the Executive Director of YIAGA Africa.

In the same vein, the African Democratic Congress has pledged to begin a protest in Abuja on Monday over the removal of real-time clause in the new electoral bill.

The Senate, on Wednesday, passed the Electoral Bill 2026 following hours of debate, but ended up rejecting a proposal to mandate real-time electronic transmission of election results while however, approving significant reforms to election timelines, penalties for electoral offences and voting technology.

The Boss learnt that at the centre of the controversy was Section 60, which governs the transmission of polling unit results, where the Senators voted down a recommendation by the Senate Committee on Electoral Matters that would have compelled presiding officers to upload results to the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal in real time. The rejection has drawn the irk of majority of Nigerians, who have have wondered if anyone is actually afraid of the new electoral law? If yes, who? And what could be the reason behind such fears as the need to regulate a hitchfree and smooth and fair electoral process have remained the goal and aspirations of politically savvy Nigerian.

But the lawmakers, contrary to the yearnings of most Nigerians, have retained the approach in the 2022 Electoral Act, which allows electronic transmission after votes are counted and publicly announced at the polling unit. In other words, giving approval to transfer of results instead of transmit in real-time of results.

In their defence however, Senators opposing the real-time upload argued that inconsistent network coverage and logistical challenges could trigger legal disputes and undermine electoral credibility.

The rejected proposal was contained in the new Clause 60(5) of the draft bill, which aimed to mandate presiding officers to electronically transmit polling unit results in real time after completing and signing Form EC8A.

The clause was designed to strengthen transparency and reduce electoral malpractice through technology-driven result management.

The motion to reject the electronic transmission clause was swiftly seconded by the Deputy President of the Senate, Barau Jibrin.

Similarly, the Senate also rejected a proposed amendment under Clause 47 that would have allowed voters to present electronically-generated voter identification, including a downloadable voter card with a unique Quick Response (QR) code, as a valid means of accreditation.

In his defensive remarks, the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Adeyemi Adaramodu, described the debate as a process subjected to an invisible world of semantics.

“Electronic transmission remains part of the law,” he said, “and results will continue to be available to the public both electronically and through physical forms, ensuring verifiable records for disputes,” Adaramodu said.

In his own defence, President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, though admitted that the Senate deliberately deleted the provision for “real-time” transmission of election results from the Electoral Bill, 2026, noted however, that the Senate took the decision because it believed that “technology must save and not endanger democracy.”

Speaking at the launch of a book, “The Burden of Legislators in Nigeria”, authored by Senator Effiong Bob, in Abuja, Akpabio likened the issues raised in the book to the challenges faced by lawmakers in the course of their duties, including the controversy and alleged “abuses” directed at the Senate following the passage of the electoral bill.

The Senate President argued that the entire country could be thrown into chaos if, for instance, network or power failure affected the uploading of results.

He insisted that Form EC8A and other official election records should remain the most reliable means of declaring results.

“All we said was to remove the word ‘real-time’ to allow INEC decide the mode of transmission. If you make it mandatory and there is a system failure, there will be a serious problem,” Akpabio told the gathering, further confirming that the bill, as passed, excluded real-time electronic transmission of results.

Continuing, he said, “Real-time means that if there are nine states where there is no network, does it mean elections will not take place there?

“Or in any part of the country where there is a grid breakdown, does it mean there will be no election?”

The Senate President sounded a note of warning to Nigerians amid outrage, saying the legislature would not be “intimidated” into passing a faulty law simply to please opposition political parties, civil society groups and non-governmental organisations (NGOs).

He criticised NGOs for insisting that because they organised retreats for lawmakers, where ideas were exchanged on the electoral bill, the Senate must adopt their positions, even if such positions did not align with the interests of all segments of the country.

“Why are people setting up panels on television stations and abusing senators? I leave them to God.

“We will not be intimidated but will do what is right for Nigeria, not what one NGO says. A retreat is not law-making.

“Why do you think that the paper you agreed to in Lagos must be what we must approve?” he asked.

Akpabio frowned at the public attacks on the Senate, saying they were uncalled for, and stressing that any provision rejected by the Senate could be reinstated by the Conference Committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives. He said there was therefore no need to hastily criticise senators.

“We have not even completed it until we look at the votes and proceedings. When we bring out the votes and proceedings, any senator has the right to rise and amend it.

“We can amend anything before we approve the votes and proceedings. Why abuse the Senate when what we have is incomplete?

“I can’t talk until they tell me to drop the gavel. In this case, we are yet to complete the process,” he said.

Besides Akpabio’s defences, many groups and individuals have risen stoutly against the removal of the real-time electronic transmission clause, describing the act as irresponsible and detrimental to the feeling of Nigerians.

In his reaction, the National Chairman of the main opposition party, African Democratic Congress (ADC) Senator David Mark, who himself, was a Senate President, and was also present at the book launch, cautioned Akpabio against speaking for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

“What the ADC is saying is: pass the law and let INEC decide whether it can implement real-time electronic transmission or not. Don’t speak for INEC.

“The position of the ADC is clear: pass the bill and let INEC decide what it will do with it,” Mark harped.

Reacting also, a former governor of Anambra State and presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 presidential election, Mr. Peter Obi, delivered knocks to the Senate for the rejection, noting that the Senate decision to stick to the 2022 Electoral Act, which concedes the discretion to apply electronic transmission of results to the Independent National Electoral Commission ( INEC), is an assault on democracy.

In a lengthy post in X titled, “We Continue to Confirm our ‘Now Disgraced Status’ as a Nation?” the now ADC chieftain expressed concern that while other nations have embraced the practise of electronic transmission of results, “the supposed giant of Africa, shamelessly lags behind, dragging the continent backwards.”

He wrote: “Let us all pause and pray for the souls of over 150 innocent lives lost in Kwara yesterday. This tragedy is precisely why I delayed commenting on the outrageous and shameful news surrounding our electoral system.

“The Senate’s blatant rejection of mandatory electronic transmission of election results is an unforgivable act of electoral manipulation ahead of 2027.

“This failure to pass a clear safeguard is nothing short of a deliberate assault on Nigeria’s democracy. By rejecting these essential transparency measures, they are eroding the very foundation of credible elections. “One must ask: Does the government exist to ensure order and justice, or to institutionalise chaos? Is its purpose to serve the people, or to fulfil the sinister ambitions of a select few?

“The turmoil, disputes, and manipulations that plagued past elections, especially the 2023 general election, stemmed directly from the refusal to fully implement electronic transmission.

“Nigerians were fed excuses of a fabricated “glitch” that never existed. While numerous African nations adopt electronic transmission to bolster democracy, Nigeria, the supposed giant of Africa, shamelessly lags behind, dragging the continent backwards.

“We are wasting time hosting conferences and drafting papers on Nigeria’s problems while we, the leaders and elite, are the real issue. Our deliberate resistance to reform is pulling the country backwards, dragging us toward a primitive state of governance.

“By rejecting mandatory electronic transmission—a critical safeguard for electoral integrity—we are entrenching disorder aimed at perpetuating confusion according to the whims of a small clique. Have we not reached a point where we must think seriously about the future of our country and our children? Should leadership not focus on building a credible, orderly, and livable nation for the next generation, rather than one permanently ensnared in chaos?

“When the former Prime Minister of the UK, aware of our history, labelled us “fantastically corrupt,” we reacted defensively. When President Donald Trump declared us a “now disgraced nation,” we were incensed. Yet, with every act of resistance against transparency and reform, we continue to affirm their claims. Those responsible will later point fingers at others for harming the country while they quietly suffocate its potential.

“Let there be no illusion, the criminality witnessed in 2023 will not be tolerated in 2027. Nigerians everywhere must start getting ready to rise up, resist, and reject the backward trajectory, legitimately and decisively reclaim our country from the clutches of deliberate malevolence.

“The International community must take heed of this groundwork for continued future electoral manipulation, endangering our democracy and development.”

Another respondent, Akin Osuntokun, who was the Labour Party campaign DG in 2023, noted that the removal is an affront to democracy.

“It (Rejection of e-transmission of election results) does not portend good omen, it does not portend good for the growth of democracy in Nigeria.

“The growth of democracy is rooted in accountability and the integrity of elections.

“So anything that makes elections less accountable makes the election less credible. Automatically, it is a drag and an obstruction of the growth of democracy in Nigeria.

“It does not serve the purpose of democratic consolidation, so far as the elections that are conducted on that basis will not meet the bar or threshold of credible election,” Osuntokun said while fielding questions from NAN.

Also, opposition senators have stepped out as a group, insisting that the Senate passed the Act with provision of real-time in it, stressing that anything other than that, is not a document from the Senate.

In the midst of the public outrage, Akpabio has insisted that senate did not remove or reject electronic transmission, clarifying that it cannot guarantee the transmission of results in real time hence the omission of the status of ‘real-time’.

While presiding over the debate session, Akpabio also dismissed claims that electronic transmission had been removed, emphasising that “Retaining that provision means electronic transmission remains part of our law.”

WHAT THE SENATORS CONSIDERED APPROPRIATE FOR THE ELECTORAL BILL

But beyond the brouhaha of real-time electronic transmission, other major amendments to Nigeria’s electoral calendar were approved by the Senate.

The election notice period was reduced from 360 days to 180 days, the deadline for submission of party candidate lists was shortened from 120 to 90 days, and the nomination period was cut from 180 to 90 days.

To deter electoral malpractice, the fine for unlawful possession of voters’ cards was increased from N500,000 to N5 million, though the Senate rejected a proposal for a 10-year ban on vote-buyers, opting for stiffer financial penalties instead. The smart card reader was officially removed from the electoral framework and replaced with the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS).

Under the retained provisions, presiding officers are required to count votes at the polling unit, record results on prescribed forms, announce them publicly and transmit them electronically to the appropriate collation centre.

The e-transmission of results, if approved, would have required INEC presiding officers to upload results from each polling unit to the IReV portal in real time, immediately after completing Form EC&A, which must be signed and stamped by the presiding officer and countersigned by party agents.
Instead, the senators chose to retain the present Electoral Act provision, which mandates that “the presiding officer shall transfer the results, including the total number of accredited voters and the results of the ballot, in a manner as prescribed by the Commission.”

The Senate further upheld the provision mandating the use of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) or any other technological device prescribed by INEC for voter verification and authentication, rather than allowing alternative digital identification methods as proposed in the new bill.

With these decisions, the Senate reaffirmed the use of PVC and BVAS-based accreditation while rejecting efforts to expand digital voter identification and make electronic transmission of results compulsory.

Meanwhile, while Nigerians are planning to occupy NASS beginning from Monday, the Senate has called an emergency plenary for which the agenda is hitherto unknown, but related to votes and proceedings. It is interesting time in the Nigerian political circle now.

The bone of contention has remained ‘real-time’, and Nigerians continue to ask, ‘who is afraid of new electoral act’?

Headline

Senate Passes Electoral Bill 2026, Rejects Real-time Electronic Transmission of Results

Published

5 days ago

February 5, 2026

Eric

The Senate, yesterday, passed the Electoral Bill 2026 following hours of robust debate. But it rejected a proposal to mandate real-time electronic transmission of election results while approving significant reforms to election timelines, penalties for electoral offences and voting technology.

At the centre of the controversy was Section 60, which governs the transmission of polling unit results. Senators voted down a recommendation by the Senate Committee on Electoral Matters that would have compelled presiding officers to upload results to the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal in real time.

Instead, lawmakers retained the approach in the 2022 Electoral Act, which allows electronic transmission after votes are counted and publicly announced at the polling unit.

Relatedly, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which concluded work on the timetable and schedule of activities for the 2027 general election, is unable to release it due to ongoing amendments to the Electoral Act by the National Assembly.

It also identified the inclusion of deceased persons on the voters’ register, prompting plans for a nationwide verification exercise.

On its part, the African Democratic Congress (ADC) raised the alarm over the National Assembly’s delay in passing the Electoral Act amendments, warning that the situation could expose political parties to technical and legal pitfalls ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Under the retained provisions, presiding officers are required to: count votes at the polling unit, record results on prescribed forms, announce them publicly and transmit them electronically to the appropriate collation centre.

Copies must also be provided to polling agents and security personnel where available. Violators face fines of up to N500,000 or a minimum of six months’ imprisonment.

Senators opposing the real-time upload argued that inconsistent network coverage and logistical challenges could trigger legal disputes and undermine electoral credibility.

Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Adeyemi Adaramodu, described the debate as largely semantic.

Beyond the transmission debate, the Senate approved far-reaching amendments to Nigeria’s electoral calendar. The election notice period was reduced from 360 days to 180 days, the deadline for submission of party candidate lists was shortened from 120 to 90 days, and the nomination period was cut from 180 to 90 days.

INEC Chairman, Prof Joash Amupitan, noted the delay yesterday in Abuja at INEC’s first quarterly consultative meeting with Civil Society Organisations (CSOs).

The clause was designed to strengthen transparency and reduce electoral malpractice through technology-driven result management.

The motion to reject the electronic transmission clause was swiftly seconded by the Deputy President of the Senate, Barau Jibrin.

The Guardian

Headline

Wike Remains Undisputed Rivers APC, PDP Leader, Tinubu Rules

Published

7 days ago

February 3, 2026

Eric

President Bola Tinubu has, again, intervened to halt the escalating feud between Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, and his predecessor and estranged godfather, Nyesom Wike.

The peace deal came after months of failed settlements that had pushed the state to the brink of governorship impeachment, legislative paralysis, and prolonged instability.

The president had previously intervened in the rift between Fubara and Wike in December 2023, when he brokered a fragile peace, which broke down soon after, leading the declaration of a six-month emergency rule in the state on March 18, 2025 by Tinubu and suspension of the governor.

However, in the fresh push to defuse one of the country’s most combustible political disagreements in recent times, Tinubu ordered an immediate suspension of any impeachment moves against Fubara, but with very strict conditions.

Multiple highly placed sources familiar with the issue told THISDAY that Tinubu, who acted just before departing for an official trip to Türkiye on January 26, laid down the political terms aimed at restoring peace between the two key political actors in Rivers State, a state seen as critical to the president’s re-election in 2027.

Tinubu’s intervention came with a blunt message to Fubara: Wike remains the undisputed political leader of the party, whether APC or Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Rivers State, and he must be respected in that regard.

THISDAY was told that the president, visibly displeased by the depth of the rift, despite his efforts in the past, warned that continued hostilities would undermine governance in the state and lead to instability, a situation Tinubu said he was not ready to condone.

Tinubu was said to have clearly told Wike to back off any impeachment plots against Fubara and allow governance in the state.

Fubara and his predecessor, Wike, have had a cat and mouse relationship just within months of the governor’s swearing into office in May 2023. What is now out in the open is that Wike, who personally engineered Fubara’semergence as his successor, has sought to control the levers of power from Abuja, while the governor has resisted what many see as the FCT minister’s chokehold on him.

The relationship began to fracture within months of Fubara’s inauguration, as the governor quietly sought to assert his independence, with political actors in the state immediately taking sides. Notably, in the ongoing fight, almost all the state lawmakers align with Wike.

Subsequently, attempts to impeach Fubara emerged from the pro-Wike group in the House of Assembly. Although the governor has tried to wriggle out of the situation several times, the shadows of impeachment continue to haunt him every time there is a disagreement with the minister.

Several efforts have been made to resolve the crisis, all of which failed to produce lasting peace. The failure of one of the peace meetings eventually led to the declaration of a state of emergency in the oil-rich state, which lasted six months.

While Wike’s camp continues to accuse Fubara of betrayal and political ingratitude, the governor’s allies argue that Rivers State cannot be run from outside the state by a former governor now serving as the FCT minister.

Still on the latest attempt to seek an end to the prolonged imbroglio, one insider recounted the president’s thinking, drawing a parallel with Lagos State, where Sanwo-Olu is the leader of the party.

Tinubu was said to have stated, “Is Babajide Sanwo-Olu my leader in Lagos, or was Babatunde Fashola my leader when he was governor?”, according to a source.

The president was equally said to have stated that Fubara should respect elders, saying Wike is an elder statesman in Rivers politics and should be regarded as such. Tinubu, one of the sources added, made it clear that political seniority could not be wished away because of personal disagreements.

As part of the peace deal, the president directed Wike and his camp to immediately halt all impeachment-related actions against Fubara, citing his overriding concern about stability in Rivers State.

In return, Fubara was instructed to make significant concessions. Chief among them was the formal recognition of Wike as the “political leader” in Rivers State, with final authority on party matters.

Sources said Tinubu stressed that all internal party disputes in the state must ultimately defer to Wike.

However, the complexity of Wike’s case is that he is not a card-carrying member of APC in Rivers State. Officially, he remains a member of the struggling opposition PDP, although he is a top minister under the ruling APC government – A position he has used to weaken his party, the PDP.

Besides, the understanding covered the upcoming state House of Assembly bye-elections in Rivers State. Tinubu directed that candidates loyal to Wike should be recognised by the APC leadership for the two vacant assembly seats. “It was explicitly stated that Wike has two candidates for the by-elections and that those candidates are to be recognised by the APC party structure,” one source said.

Already, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has fixed February 21, 2026 for the contentious by-elections into Ahoada East II and Khana II State Constituencies of the state.

THISDAY learnt that while the Ahoada-East II seat became vacant following the resignation of its former occupant, Edison Ehie, who was appointed Chief of Staff (CoS) to Governor Fubara, the Khana II seat was vacant since the death of its lawmaker, Dinebari Loolo, in September 2023.

Notably, the sensitive issue of Fubara’s second term ambition also came up for deliberation, the source said, but was deliberately side-lined, with the president alleged to have said such discussions were too early for now. One source said Tinubu described any talk about the 2027 governorship in the state as still premature.

ThisDay/Arise News