Opinion
When Rebellion is a Virtue by Femi Fani-Kayode
Published
3 years agoon
By
Eric
Unfolding events in Africa continue to intrigue the world and the fact that no less than seven military coups have been successfully effected in no less than seven African countries in the last three years gives cause for concern.
What is the cause for these violent acts of mutiny and rebellion and can there be any justification for such behaviour?
How legitimate were the mandates of those that have been toppled and are the soldiers that have carried out these ostensibly illegal acts of insurrection, revolution and treason and taken power by the barrel of a gun criminals and rebels that should be shot at the stake or God-sent and divinely-inspired heroes, liberators and deliverers of their respective countries and people?
Can their actions be justified in some cases or are they appropriate for all and can such a course of action ever be deemed appropriate for our country Nigeria?
When is rebellion a virtue and when is it a curse?
When is mutiny, revolution and a call to arms appropriate and when is it not?
What does one do with civilian dictators and sit-tight Presidents who have sold and mortgaged the future and destiny of their nation to the Western imperialists and neo-colonial powers and who torment their people and refuse to leave office.
These are just some of the questions that yours truly seeks to answer in this contribution.
Enjoy the ride!
On the 13th March 1962, in his
address on the first anniversary of the Alliance for Progress, John F. Kennedy, the 35th President of the United States of America, said the following:
“Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable”.
In the history of humanity few have enunciated such a profound yet obvious home truth as President Kennedy has done with these famous words.
Sadly even fewer have learnt anything from them.
Those that doubt this have much to learn.
Consider the following.
President Paul Kagame of Rwanda and President Paul Biya of Cameroon have ruled their African countries for 23 and 42 years respectively.
Approximately one week ago they were both constrained to sack, retire, redeploy and replace much of their Military High Command, senior Army commanders and thousands of commissioned and non-commissioned officers in the light of the wave of military coups that have swept West and Central Africa and just one day after the one that took place in Gabon.
This was clearly a panic measure on both their parts. They did it out of rabid fear and in a desperate attempt to thwart, pre-empt and prevent a military coup and stave off an anticipated mutiny in their respective Armed Forces.
Unfortunately for them such peripheral and ineffectual remedies and desperate attempts to ward off all opposition and dissent in an attempt to hold on to power forever will not work because their so-called “mandates” lack legitimacy and they do not have the backing of the people.
Worse still they are both oblivious of and totally blind to the rationale and ethos of mutiny and armed rebellion and are clearly ignorant of the essence and motivation for military coups.
Simply put, no matter who your senior military commanders are, whether the old or the new and no matter how many times you sack, retire, redeploy or change them, when you are an illegitimate, depraved and evil leader who crushes, murders, persecutes and incarcerates members of the opposition and who rigs elections, refuses to leave power, torments the people and imposes a corrupt, bloodthirsty and blood-lusting dictatorship and dynasty of barbarism and tyranny on his nation, coups, mutiny, rebellion, revolution and insurrection become inevitable: it is only a question of time.
The great Mexican revolutionary and courageous hero, Emiliano Zapata said “if there is no justice for the people, let there be no peace for the Government”.
This sentiment is what we see playing out in the hearts and minds of most Africans today: no justice for the people and no peace for the Government.
In addition to that the Holy Bible says “there is no peace for the wicked”.
Is it any wonder that sit tight rulers and life-long dictators like Kagame, Biya and others are scared of their own shadow, are shivering under their beds and enjoy no peace?
It is a fulfilment of scripture: it cannot be resisted or broken.
And what is our response to these vile, unjust and wicked leaders who, like King Louis XIV (the Sun King) of France, regard themselves as being the living manifestation and embodiment of the state?
Surely it is nothing but hate, defiance, contempt, disdain and rebellion.
It is the same response that you will get from a wounded and cornered dog whose back is up against a wall: it will strike back and fight for its very life in the most ferocious, gallant and fearless manner.
That is where most Africans that are saddled with life-time rulers and civilian dictators in their respective countries are today.
They harbour a burning rage and violent anger in their hearts and minds and rebellion and revolution is brewing in their spirits and souls.
And surely no-one can blame them for that.
As William Shakespeare wrote in his famous play ‘Macbeth’, “unnatural deeds do breed unnatural troubles”.
If you do not stand up, resist, fight back and “breed unnatural troubles” when confronted with wickedness, injustice and tyranny, you cannot expect to ever enjoy your God-given right of freedom and neither will you ever witness emancipation from subjugation and oppression.
How else would you remove and replace power-obsessed dictators like Ali ‘Make Some Noise’ Bongo of Gabon, Field Marshall Idi Amin Dada of Uganda, Papa Doc and his son Baby Doc Duvalier of Haiti and the mentally-ill Jean Bedie Bokassa of the Central African Republic (who declared himself the Black Napoleon and Emperor for life and who kept the freshly decapitated heads of his enemies in his fridge)?
How else can a cruel, sadistic, psychopathic, sociopathic, narcisstic, unjust, vicious, depraved and malevolent tyrant who has broken the spirit of his people, enslaved them for decades and turned them into what can best be described as grovelling quislings, servile and compliant zombies and snivelling lackeys be removed from power if not by resistance, rebellion and the force of arms?
To move against such monsters and topple them by ANY means possible is surely a divine duty and obligation and one which every single one of the Holy Books not only encourages but also insists on.
The Holy Bible, for example, enjoins us to “resist evil” in the same way that Jehu resisted Jezebel, Moses resisted Pharaoh, David resisted Goliath, Peter resisted Herod and Paul resisted the Romans.
Can we be expected to do anything less?
Is it not the injustice and tyranny that the French, the Russian, the American, the English, the Chinese and many others were subjected to hundreds of years ago that pushed them to the wall and inspired and provoked them to take up arms and unleash some of the most violent and bloodthirsty rebellions and revolutions in the history of humanity?
Was this not the right and proper thing for them to do and had it not been for their resistance to such barbarous oppression and subjugation from their erstwhile oppressors and slave masters would they be the free, civilised, great and powerful nations that they are today?
Had it not been for Flt. Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings’ revolution and coup d’etat in 1979 and 1983 respectively would Ghana be the great and stable nation and flourishing democracy that she is today?
Had it not been for Nelson Mandela and the gallant and heroic struggle, resistence and open rebellion of the ANC and its armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (meaning “Spear of the Nation”), would South Africa had been rid of white minority rule today, would the cruel and inhuman system of apartheid still not be in place, would the majority black population still not be referred to as “filthy kafirs” and nothing but “hewers of the wood and drawers of the water” and would the Boers still not be in power up until today?
Had it not been for Fidel Castro’s revolution and armed struggle, with the support of great men like Che Guevera, would Cuba have ever been able to break the yoke of the hegemony and tyranny of the United States of America and rid themselves of their corrupt Yankee-loving President Fulgencio Batista?
We must learn from the history of others and not continue to accept injustice simply because we believe that we must keep the peace at the expense of our fundamental liberties, human rights, basic humanity and God-given freedom.
President Franklin Delano Roosevelt of the United States of America said, “the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is fascism: ownership of Government by an individual, by a group or by any other controlling private power.”
Is this not what we are witnessing in much of Africa today?
Is this not the elephant in the room that few care to admit exists much less talk about on our continent today?
If a so-called leader degrades you to a point of being regarded and treated as nothing but a worthless animal, dashes all your aspirations, controls your essence and very being and takes everything away from you, including your future and that of your loved ones, is it not logical and indeed mandatory for you to rise up in resistence, fight for your rights and, if necessary, break every state-imposed rule in the book in order to restore your God-given self-respect, self-esteem, dignity, freedom and fundamental rights?
Must the cruel will and vainglorious and gluttonous aspirations and desires of the few be imposed on the destiny and future of the many?
Must an entire nation bend the knee to one man and his family in perpetuity?
Were some born to rule whilst others were born to be slaves?
This is the tragedy of Africa and these questions need to be answered.
Can we boast of being a continent where justice reigns and men treat one another in an equitable, humane and just manner?
Why do we as a people glorify injustice and wickedness and why do we so readily accept it?
Do those that deserve to lead ever really get a chance to do so given the sit tight mentality, inexplicable cruelty and lust for power of most African leaders?
What makes it worse is that most of those “leaders” are loyal servants and willing slaves of the Western neo-colonial powers and imperialists who see no wrong in the pain, suffering, hunger, abject poverty, penury, bondage, shame and disgrace that they have thrown the people of their respective nation’s into.
As a matter of fact it is to the advantage of the western powers for such gutless and feckless quislings to remain in power for life simply because it guarantees the fact that Africa will remain servile, docile, impoverished, underdeveloped, weak and totally dependent on their goodwill, accursed aid and wretched loans forever.
This is what much of Africa has been reduced to by their “leaders” with thankfully a few notable exceptions such as the leadership in Egypt, South Africa, Algeria, Nigeria, Kenya, Namibia, Ethiopia, Ghana and a handful of others.
The rest are in the main nothing but cheap and inconsequential peddlers of filth and falsehood, tin pot dictators, hopeless pretenders, clowns and court jesters and propagators of falsehood, rubbish and arrant nonsense.
When confronted and saddled with a such a depressing and uninspiring coterie of destructive leaders is resistance and rebellion not the only way forward?
Is it any wonder that, according to a statement published in the Iranian Government’s website, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi, whilst receiving Olivia Rouamba, the Foreign Minister of Burkina Faso, a country which recently experienced her own military coup and armed rebellion “praised the resistance of African countries in the face of colonialism and terrorism and hailed their stance as a sign of vigilance and awakening”.
A vivid illustration and graphic example of the indignity and injustice that the people of Africa have been subjected to is appropriate here.
Consider the fact that just 11 men, namely Paul Kagame of Rwanda (23 years), Paul Biya of Cameroons (42 years), Teodoro Mbasogo of Equitorial Guinea (43 years), Dennis Nguesso of Congo (38 years), Isias Afwerki of Eritrea (30 years), Yoweri Museveni of Uganda (37years), Alhassan Outtara of Ivory Coast (13 years), Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo (38 years), his son Faure Eyadema of Togo (18 years), Omar Bongo of Gabon (42 years) and his son Ali Bongo of Gabon (14 years) collectively ruled different African countries for a total of 347 years!
As my dear friend and brother Femi Adesina, the ersthwhile spokesman to President Muhammadu Buhari, would say: “Jumping Jehoshaphat!”
347 long years of bondage, suffering and trauma!
347 years of torture, incarceration, humiliation, slavery and the glorification and deification of a single man and his family!
347 years of an Orwellian nightmare unleashed and imposed upon millions of innocent, helpless and defenceless people whose dreams, aspirations and hopes were shattered and whose dignity, self-respect and sense of self-worth were crushed and buried.
347 years of pillaging, plundering, looting and stealing of their respective nation’s patrimony.
347 years of slaughtering, butchering and maiming of the few dissenting voices and courageous men and women who had the strength and fortitude to resist the evil and to rise up and say “no more!”
Is this not totally and completely unacceptable?
Is it not utterly repugnant and reprehensible?
Is it not a shame!
Worse still they have all done it in the name of democracy!
I am at a loss for words! I do not know whether to laugh or cry! The only thing I can say is “come and see AFRICA WONDER!”
A few comparisons are appropriate here.
The House of Romanov ruled Russia for 300 years. The House of Bourbon ruled France for 218 years.
The House of Plantagenet, Tudor and Stuart collectively and respectively ruled England, Ireland, Wales and Scotland for 500 years.
The House of Bourbon ruled Spain for 400 years. The House of Osman ruled Turkey for 700 years.
The House of Hohenzollern ruled Germany for 500 years. The House of Pahlavi ruled Iran for 54 years.
The House of Bernadotte ruled Sweden for 200 years. The House of Saud have ruled Saudi Arabia for 123 years.
The House of Alouite has ruled Morocco for the last 400 years.
The House of Orange-Nassau ruled Holland for 208 years.
These families of noble and bona fide Kings and Queens were all blue-blooded and were rooted in an enviable Royal heritage.
They hailed from a Royal lineage and they were indeed Royalty in every true sense of the word believing in the ‘divine right of Kings’.
The same cannot be said of our 11 pitiful and deluded sit-tight African rulers who have collectively ruled their domains for the last 354 years.
None of them can lay claim to blue blood or a royal heritage and lineage. Far from being blue their blood is rather something akin to the blood of rats.
Every single one of these 11 criminals and tyrants are unlettered, irreverent feral psychopaths whose bloodline is not worthy of mention.
Yet the truth is that all those African leaders, including the ones listed above, that have become sit-tight rulers and life-time President’s in their respective nations are NOT democrats: they are nothing but illegitimate pretenders, unhinged and psychotic meglomaniacs and irredeemable, unrepentant and vicious barbarians and power grabbers with no valid mandate.
They are also mostly social deviants and insidious cowards.
Simply put, they are an utter and complete disgrace to Africa.
The sooner they are removed from power the better for us all.
Thankfully in Nigeria, regardless of whatever challenges we may have been confronted with over the last 23 years, we have enjoyed reasonable and relatively sane Presidents, term limits, a credible Legislature, an independent Judiciary, a free press and the rule of law.
I would not endorse mutiny or rebellion against a democratically-elected, constitutional and legitimate Government such as ours which enjoys a lawful and freely-given mandate from the people and whose legitimacy has finally and rightfully been affirmed by the Presidential Election Tribunal.
I wholeheartedly oppose the agenda of coup plotters, rebels and subversives in Nigeria.
In the case of our country rebellion is a curse and not a virtue.
I do not believe that a coup is desirable or appropriate here simply because, firstly, our Government does not seek to discourage, muzzle, stifle or crush dissent or legitimate and lawful criticism and opposition and secondly because we are not burdened with a sit-tight and insane ruler who seeks to remove term limits from our constitution and impose a vicious and corrupt family dynasty and civilian dictatorship on our nation and people.
Permit me to add that I have nothing but pity and contempt for those reckless opportunists, lazy intellectuals, shameless dreamers and dangerous schemers who erroneously compare our situation and circumstances with that of ill-fated and beleaguered countries like Togo, Cameroons, Mali, Niger, Gabon, Uganda, Sudan, Guniea, Ivory Coast, Chad and Burkina Faso and who actually believe that a coup is equally appropriate here.
Nothing could be further from the truth and, given the circumstances, another coup in Nigeria would be the worst thing that could ever happen to us as a nation today.
This is because firstly there is absolutely no need or justification for one and secondly because our experiences in the past with military governments was, to say the least, shockingly horrendous.
It took us just under 40 years of resistance, struggle and suffering during which we as a people were subjected to the most inhuman, extreme and barbaric form of terror, subjugation, humiliation and trauma and in which many were murdered, maimed, tortured, jailed, driven into exile and destroyed, to break the military yoke.
Those young people all over the social media, most of whom are millennials, Obidients and members of what has come to be known as the “GEN-Z” generation, that are busy fantasising and toying with the idea of a military coup, indulging in masturbatory illusions and calling for the Army to topple our Government and take over the reigns of power are naive, gullible, ignorant and irresponsible.
They do not know anything about the frightful dangers of military rule or the vicious, oppressive, draconian, repressive, reactionary, bloodthirsty and inherently unaccountable and unjust nature of military Governments.
They were not born when the June 12th struggle took place in 1993 and they know nothing about the series of bloody military interventions and coups that took place from Major Kaduna Nzeogwu’s January 15th 1966 mutiny (with all its attendant bloodshed) right up until 1999 when General Abdulsalami Abubakar finally relinquished power and handed it over to the democratically-elected Government of President Olusegun Obasanjo.
They do not know that the first and second coups in Nigeria, in January 1966 and July 1966 respectively, led to the slaughter and reprisal killings of thousands of Igbos in the North, our civil war in which three million people were killed and thereafter led to bloody coup after bloody coup for the next 29 years!
They do not know that between 1966 right up until 1999 we only had 4 years of democracy and constitutional Government and that within those years of military rule hundreds of thousands of lives were lost, millions of people suffered, human rights ceased to exist, thousands were unjustly sent to jail and our civic and educational institutions were infiltrated, corrupted and utterly annihilated.
They do not know and apparently neither do they care that millions of innocent and gallant souls over the years gave their lives and paid the supreme price for the democracy, freedom, civil liberties, human rights, constitutional guarantees and free speech that they enjoy today.
They do not know that to advocate for a return to military rule in Nigeria today is indeed a manifestation of madness in its crudest, rawest and most perverse form: it is neither justifiable or defensible.
I am constrained to concede that in some cases resistance and rebellion is a necessary evil which can and must be employed to remove tyrants and corrupt unconstitutional civilian life-time dictators who refuse to leave power and who have no democratic credentials or legitimate mandate from the people.
That is indeed the essence, thrust and overall mesage of this contribution.
I believe that such acts of insurrection, mutiny and rebellion may be necessary and appropriate in nations that are living under the subjugation, bondage and hegemony of corrupt and repressive life-time civilian dictators but I do not believe that they are appropriate for Nigeria.
I say this because in our country, for the last 24 years and since the advent of democracy in 1999, reasonable leaders with solid and incontrovertible democratic credentials, that are restricted by term limits and that respect civil liberties, human rights and the concept of a free press and the rule of law have led our nation and not sit-tight and corrupt monsters who seek to impose a feudal dynasty upon us.
That is the difference between the Nigerian experience and that of others.
Still on the dangerous, misplaced, asinine and thoroughly irresponsible notion that a coup d’etat and military intervention is the remedy to the challenges and problems that we are faced with in Nigeria today consider the following.
On September 3rd 2023 my good friend Charly Boy Oputa, a proud and diehard Obidient, posted the following on his X account:
“Oh lord how can we be praying in Nigeria and you are answering prayers in Gabon, Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali”.
This saddened and disheartened me because it came from a man who I consider to be one of the most brilliant artists, keen minds and free thinkers in our nation and history.
Sadly on this occassion he has missed the mark and his words are nothing but disingenious and specious sophistry and dangerous talk in their worst and most primitive form.
Charly Boy is not only playing with fire but also encouraging others to indulge in treason and insurrection.
I wholeheartedly condemn his incendiary disposition and counsel and reject his malevolent and nebulous aspirations and prayers for our country.
Compounding the problem are comments like “our democracy is not working” coming from hitherto respected individials who are very much part of the system and who are leading members of the ruling party like my dear friend and brother, the Minister of Solid Minerals and former Governor of Ekiti state, Dr. Kayode Fayemi.
Kayode, who I have known for many years and who I have always had a soft spot for, is a staunch democrat and has an insightful and brilliant mind but on this occassion his comments are open to being misconstrued by the less discerning.
Such contributions do not help matters and may inadvertently encourage the gullible tribe of dissaffected and dissolutioned young and gullible radicals and hot heads in our country that are openly calling for a military coup to continue to indulge in their madness and to proceed in their wilfull and misplaced determination to climb the slippery slope of perfidy, delusion and ritualistic self-immolation with grave consequences for us all.
Simply put we all need to be careful about what we say and we must do nothing that will encourage or mislead others into charting a dangerous and violent course in Nigeria.
The remedy to the challenges in our country cannot be to kill democracy by encouraging the military to take power or to throw out the baby with the bathwater and treading such a damned path would be indicative of a curse.
The remedy lies in staying the course, keeping faith with the system, providing good governance, meeting the needs of the people, getting rid of the pervasive hunger and debilitating poverty in the land and gallantly defending our hard-earned democracy.
Let that sink into the minds, bodies, spirits and souls of the puerile ignoramuses, deluded reprobates, masochistic miscreants and suicidal fools that are praying for a coup d’etat in our land.
May God deliver them from their fecal dispostion and mental affliction and may He reject their unholy petitions!
Permit me to end this contribution with the following.
Reno Omokri wrote,
“How can such a tribal, fascist, intolerant mob like the Obidient movement think they can intimidate the judiciary into giving the third place winner victory? After today’s verdict, the DSS and the police must fish out that Obidient who threatened Justice Tsamani’s children, and any Obidient that continues to call for a military coup should be mercilessly dealt with irrespective of their status in society. What an utterly disgusting and reprehensible movement. Nothing but disgrace will be their portion! Because your yes daddy candidate lost you want coup. Never!”
I do not often find myself in agreement with my younger brother Reno but on this occassion I am glad to say that I most certainly do.
Even though we are on different sides of the political divide, with these words, he has expressed my sentiments and that of millions of other reasonable and rational Nigerians.
Those Obidients that are calling for a coup in Nigeria on social media simply because their candidate lost the presidential election and failed at the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal are sick and they should be called to order.
Outside of that they should be picked up, locked up, charged with treason and either shot at the stake or jailed for life.
A word is enough for the wise.
Glory Hallelujah!
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By Boma Lilian Braide Esq.
The water remembers. It remembers when we were queens and kings of the creeks, when our voices carried across the rivers like thunder, and when no external force could dictate the terms of our existence.
Today, as a daughter of the Ijaw nation, I look at our political landscape and my heart breaks into a thousand pieces. The recent withdrawal of Pastor Tonye Cole from the political race reopened a wound that never properly healed. I immediately texted him a single, urgent question: “Why?” His response was a resigned, familiar phrase; “It is well.” At that exact moment, my thoughts were screaming so loudly inside my head, “Not again!” It felt like a brutal repetition of an old script. Every single time, without fail, they treat the Ijaw man badly, pushing him out of the room where decisions are made.
This leadership class continually trades our birthright for political crumbs, leaving me with a profound sadness I cannot shake. Every four years, we are forced to watch the same exhausting, predictable cycle play out. We have become the laughing stock of the Nigerian politics. We roar like lions in the morning, only to allow ourselves to be led like sheep to the slaughter house by nightfall. This pattern is not merely a string of tactical errors. It is a structural and psychological condition that has calcified into our political culture. We begin every election season with unparalleled bravery, massive energy, clarity, and a list of demands. We mobilise, we protest, we declare our rights. Yet at the decisive moment we fold. We trade collective power for personal gain. We accept crumbs while the harvest is taken from our lands allowing our leaders to be used as mere pawns, chess pieces, and foot soldiers on a board completely controlled by outsiders.
Call it what it is, a political Stockholm syndrome. When a people are held hostage by extractive systems for generations, they can begin to see the captor as a provider. When political actors poison our rivers, burn our gas, and extract our wealth, then return during elections with token gifts, the damaged political imagination can mistake those gifts for benevolence. A motorcycle, a solar lamp, a bag of rice, or a ten thousand naira note becomes a substitute for structural justice. We applaud the giver and forget the theft.
This is not a partisan indictment. The major parties have all participated in this system. From the coastal edges of Ondo and Edo, through Rivers and Bayelsa, to the riverine communities of Delta and Akwa Ibom, the script is the same. Political machines arrive with cash and spectacle. They leave with votes. They do not stay to build roads, to clean oil spills, to fund health care, or to restore fisheries. They do not invest in education or in the infrastructure that would make our communities resilient. They know they do not have to. They know that the combination of poverty, fragmentation, and short-term survival instincts will deliver the votes they need.
The spectacle in Rivers State is instructive. The conflict between an incumbent and a predecessor is not only a personal rivalry. It is a mirror of a deeper structural problem. An Ijaw son may occupy the governor’s office, but the expectation of loyalty to an external power broker remains. When disagreements arise, the Ijaw polity does not close ranks. Instead, it fractures. Elders, youth groups, and political actors align with different external centres of power. We tear ourselves apart while the larger system remains intact.
Delta State offers another painful example. The region produces a disproportionate share of the oil wealth that sustains the state and the nation. Yet Ijaw communities are routinely relegated to secondary roles in governance. The highest offices are often out of reach. When an Ijaw candidate shows real ambition, the pressure to step down, to accept a consolation prize, or to be bought off intensifies at the last minute. The result is a steady stream of symbolic representation and token appointments that do not translate into structural change.
Even Bayelsa State, our most homogenous political home, has not been immune. The state has been turned into a dependent outpost. Political life there is often conducted under the shadow of Abuja. During elections, communities are militarized. Young people are paid paltry sums to snatch ballot boxes and intimidate their neighbours. The leaders who emerge from such processes rarely prioritize environmental remediation, health care, or education. They prioritize survival within the national political economy.
Why do we accept this? Part of the answer lies in a minority complex that has been cultivated over generations. We have been taught to believe that because we are numerically small and geographically dispersed across several states, we cannot set national terms. That belief is false. Our geographic position along the southern maritime border gives us leverage. Nigeria’s economy cannot function without the peace of our creeks. Yet we negotiate from a position of weakness because we lack a unified, non-partisan political command structure.
Other major ethnic blocs in Nigeria have developed cultural mechanisms that protect collective interests across party lines. They maintain consensus on key strategic questions and punish those who betray the collective. The Ijaw political house, by contrast, is fragmented. We are divided into Western, Central, and Eastern blocs. Internal jealousy and rivalry consume us. When an Ijaw son or daughter rises to prominence, it is sometimes their own people who are recruited to pull them down. This internal sabotage is a major reason we are treated as expendable by national political machines.
Our representatives in national assemblies and federal boards are often the most silent and compliant. They vote for policies that harm our region because they want to protect their personal seats and committee positions. We have forgotten the intellectual foundation of our struggle. Our fathers did not rely on muscle alone. They fought with logic and strategy.
Harold Dappa Biriye used constitutional arguments to demand minority rights during the pre-independence conferences. Isaac Adaka Boro presented a detailed economic manifesto during the twelve-day revolution, exposing the systematic underdevelopment of the Delta. The Kaiama Declaration of 1998 linked environmental justice with true federalism in a way that remains a model for strategic political thinking. Today, that intellectual tradition has been eroded by a culture of thuggery, praise singing, and the pursuit of quick money.
The social and economic costs of our political submission are visible everywhere. Schools sink into the mud. Primary health centres lack basic medicines. Women die in childbirth because there are no functional boats to transport them to urban hospitals. Rivers that once sustained us are coated with crude oil. Gas flares burn day and night, releasing toxins that cause cancers and respiratory diseases. In any functioning democracy, such environmental devastation would provoke electoral punishment. But our people accept ten-thousand naira, wear party uniforms, and return the same leaders to office.
This pattern is not only morally wrong. It is strategically suicidal. The global energy transition is underway. The world is moving away from fossil fuels. In a few decades, crude oil will no longer be the primary driver of the global economy. When that happens, the Nigerian state’s willingness to distribute minor rents, amnesty stipends, and pipeline contracts will evaporate. If we remain politically domesticated and economically dependent, we will be discarded once our resources lose value. We will be left with a ruined environment and a population unprepared for the modern economy.
Breaking this cycle requires a radical transformation of our political behaviour. It requires both immediate reforms and long-term institution building.
First, we must refuse to sell our votes for temporary relief. If politicians bring money during elections, take it because it is a fraction of your stolen wealth, but enter the voting booth and vote fiercely against them if they have not delivered real, systemic progress. The act of taking money and voting against the giver is not a moral ideal. It is a pragmatic tactic that recognizes the reality of survival while asserting political agency.
Second, we must create a culture of community accountability. Any Ijaw politician, elder, or youth leader who sells out the collective interest for personal gain must face social consequences. They should be stripped of traditional honours, excluded from community gatherings, and greeted with public disapproval rather than celebration. The cost of betrayal must be made higher than the reward offered by external actors.
We must also institutionalize our collective strength. The Ijaw nation needs a permanent, non-partisan political and economic council composed of our finest minds. This council should include intellectuals, legal experts, economists, and community builders from across the globe. Its mandate would be to define a multi decade Ijaw National Agenda that transcends party lines. Any Ijaw person entering politics should be bound by that agenda. Any external political force seeking our cooperation should be required to commit to its verifiable execution.
Again, we must build strategic alliances with other coastal minority groups. From Calabar to Badagry, the coastal communities share common interests in environmental protection, maritime economies, and regional development. A unified coastal voting bloc would create a political force that no national party can ignore. Such an alliance would also strengthen bargaining power for federal resource allocation and environmental remediation.
Fifth, we must shift our economic focus from pipelines to the blue marine economy. Our future lies in the ocean. We must invest in community owned industrial fishing fleets, deep sea shipping logistics, local shipbuilding yards, and aquaculture networks. We must develop port infrastructure and maritime training centres. Economic independence is the foundation of political courage. When our communities can fund their own schools, hospitals, and water systems through independent marine enterprises, we will no longer beg for crumbs.
Sixth, we must invest in education and leadership training. Political courage is not loud rhetoric. It is disciplined strategy. We must train a new generation of leaders who understand constitutional law, public finance, environmental science, and international trade. We must teach negotiation skills, coalition building, and institutional design. The Ijaw struggle must be intellectualized and professionalized.
Seventh, we must reclaim our narrative. For too long our story has been told by others. We must document our history, our legal claims, and our environmental evidence. We must use the courts, the media, and international forums to hold polluters and complicit officials accountable. We must turn our lived experience into verifiable claims that can be litigated and publicized.
Finally, we must practice disciplined solidarity. Political unity does not mean uniformity of opinion. It means a shared commitment to core strategic objectives. It means agreeing on red lines that cannot be crossed. It means supporting candidates who commit to the Ijaw National Agenda and sanctioning those who betray it.
The hour is late. The cost of our political naivety is visible in every polluted river, every jobless youth, and every broken promise. We cannot enter another election cycle with the same broken playbook. We must reject transactional politics and demand structural change. We must hold our leaders accountable and refuse to celebrate personal appointments that bring no collective benefit.
We must heal ourselves of this political Stockholm syndrome. We must stop loving the systems that destroy us and begin the difficult work of building lasting political infrastructure. The future of the Ijaw nation depends on our ability to transform our pain into strategic power. The water is watching. The spirits of our ancestors who resisted colonial domination are watching. We must rise, cleanse our minds of dependency, and stand with dignity. The era of last minute surrender must end. The time for strategic, sovereign Ijaw political courage has arrived.
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Opinion
Leadership in Africa: Forging a New Era of Self-Reliance, Unity and Global Relevance (Pt. 3)
Published
1 month agoon
May 23, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke
“True leadership in Africa is not the pursuit of power, but the courage to serve — to turn the pain of yesterday into the promise of tomorrow, to bind broken hearts into one destiny, and to raise a continent where every son and daughter can stand tall, not by pulling others down, but by lifting one another higher.” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
Building upon the foundational principles and practical pathways discussed in Parts 1 and 2, this continuation explores the deeper implementation strategies, institutional reforms, cultural shifts, and long-term vision required to translate African leadership into tangible, sustainable transformation. It addresses the realities on the ground while offering forward-looking, actionable recommendations that can help Africa move from potential to performance on both regional and global stages.
Institutional Reforms as the Backbone of Transformative Leadership
Visionary leadership without strong institutions is like a beautiful dream without a foundation. Africa’s progress depends on building institutions that are resilient, transparent, and people-centred.
Leaders must prioritise civil service reform, judicial independence, and anti-corruption mechanisms that are not only punitive but preventive. For example, Rwanda’s use of performance contracts (imihigo) for public officials has created a culture of accountability and results. Similarly, Ghana’s strong electoral commission and relatively independent judiciary have helped sustain democratic stability. These models show that when institutions are strengthened, leadership becomes less about individual charisma and more about systemic effectiveness.
Regional institutions such as the African Union, ECOWAS, SADC, and the East African Community must also be reformed. They need greater financial autonomy, faster decision-making processes, and clearer enforcement mechanisms. The African Union’s current efforts to reform its Peace and Security Council and operationalise the African Standby Force are steps in the right direction, but they require consistent political will and adequate funding from member states.
Cultural and Mindset Transformation
Leadership that builds Africa must also transform mindsets. Many of the continent’s challenges are rooted in colonial-era thinking, dependency syndromes, and a culture of short-termism.
Progressive leaders should invest in cultural renewal programmes that celebrate African excellence, innovation, and resilience. This includes supporting the creative industries — Nollywood in Nigeria, Afrobeats music, and contemporary African literature — which are already projecting positive African narratives globally. Educational systems must move beyond rote learning to foster critical thinking, ethical reasoning, and entrepreneurial spirit.
Youth leadership development is particularly crucial. With over 60% of Africa’s population under the age of 25, the continent’s future depends on preparing young people not just for jobs, but for leadership. Initiatives like the African Union’s Youth Agenda and national youth service programmes should be expanded and made more impactful.
Economic Transformation and Self-Reliance in Practice
True self-reliance requires deliberate economic restructuring. Leaders must champion value addition in agriculture, mining, and natural resources. Instead of exporting raw cocoa, cotton, or crude oil, African countries should invest in processing facilities that create jobs and capture more value domestically.
The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) offers a historic opportunity. When fully implemented, it can boost intra-African trade, reduce dependence on external markets, and create new industries. Leaders who actively remove non-tariff barriers, harmonise standards, and invest in cross-border infrastructure will be remembered as the architects of Africa’s economic renaissance.
Public-private partnerships (PPPs) should be strengthened, with clear frameworks that protect national interests while attracting responsible investment. Countries like Morocco and Ethiopia have shown how strategic industrial policies can attract foreign direct investment while building local capacity.
Global Relevance: Africa as a Solution Provider
Africa must stop seeing itself solely as a recipient of global solutions and begin positioning itself as a contributor. The continent’s vast renewable energy potential, youthful population, and rich biodiversity give it unique advantages in addressing global challenges such as climate change, food security, and digital innovation.
Leaders who understand this will invest in research and development, patent African innovations, and engage confidently in global forums. The success of African pharmaceutical companies during the COVID-19 pandemic and the growth of African tech unicorns demonstrate that the continent can compete and lead when given the right environment.
A Balanced and Hopeful Conclusion
Africa stands at a historic crossroads. The challenges — poverty, inequality, climate vulnerability, and governance gaps — are real and significant. Yet the opportunities — a youthful population, abundant natural resources, cultural richness, and growing regional integration — are even greater.
Leadership remains the decisive variable. When leaders rise above narrow interests to serve the collective good, Africa does not just survive — it thrives and offers the world new models of resilience, innovation, and inclusive growth.
The path forward requires a new covenant: between leaders and citizens, between nations and regions, and between Africa and the global community. This covenant must be rooted in trust, mutual accountability, and shared vision. With the right leadership — courageous, ethical, inclusive, and strategic — Africa can forge a new era of self-reliance, unity, and global relevance.
The question is not whether Africa can rise. The question is whether its leaders, supported by an awakened citizenry, will summon the will, wisdom, and courage to make that rise unstoppable. The world is watching, and history is waiting to record the choices made in this decisive decade.
Africa’s story is still being written. With visionary leadership, it can become one of triumph, dignity, and global excellence.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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