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Kwibuka 30: Rwanda Marks The 30th Commemoration of The 1994 Genocide Against The Tutsi

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By Dolapo Aina

The 30th Commemoration of the 1994 Genocide Against The Tutsi commenced in Rwanda on April 7, 2024. Sunday, April 7th 2024 was a solemn and quiet day in Rwanda. The day was coupled with intermittent rain showers. This year, Rwanda planned a series of memorial events with the theme ‘Remember-Unite-Renew’. As the commemoration week begins on 7 April 2024, similar ceremonies will take place throughout the globe. The commemoration activities included a flame of remembrance which was lit by the President of Rwanda, President Paul Kagame, at the Kigali Genocide Memorial in Gizosi (one of four memorial sites which the Government of Rwanda had been presented with certificates; confirming that the monuments of the Genocide against The Tutsi have been included in the UNESCO World Heritage Sites.) The others are the Genocide Memorials in Nyamata, Bisesero and Murambi. The flame will burn for the next 100 days as Rwanda commemorates the 1994 Genocide Against The Tutsi.

The commencement of this year’s 30th commemoration was quite different from previous commencements which this writer had witnessed since 2014. The significance of the 30th year of the Genocide Against The Tutsi was not lost on anyone who attended the official events, who partook in one form or the other and those who watched from home or online.

More than twenty current and past Heads of State from across the globe, African Union and European Union leaders, Ambassadors and many more prominent leaders were in Rwanda for the commemoration and in attendance.

A survivor Mrs Marie Louise Ayinkamiye, who gave a testimony of her ordeal as an eleven year old child. Her ordeal was harrowing to have been experienced and harrowing to listen to. The practising Christian, a mother of five was 11 years old in 1994 and as a child who is also 11 years old. When she concluded her story, the auditorium at the arena was silent and you could see teary eyes.

Something about this commemoration was different. At the 30th commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against The Tutsi, Genocide survivors recalled the atrocities they experienced with their family members and loved ones. And when you interact with people, they remember everything that occurred during the 100 days like they happened just yesterday.

Some dignitaries were on the podium to speak. President Paul Kagame in his speech stated that Rwanda learnt three key lessons from its experience: “First, only we as Rwandans and Africans can give full value to our lives. After all, we cannot ask others to value African lives more highly than we ourselves do. That is the root of our duty to preserve memory and tell our history as we lived it. Second, never wait for rescue, or ask for permission to do what is right to protect people. That is why some people must be joking when they threaten us with all kinds of things, they don’t know what they are talking about. In any case, that is why Rwanda participates proudly in peacekeeping operations today, and also extends assistance to African brothers and sisters bilaterally when asked. Third, stand firm against the politics of ethnic populism in any form. Genocide is populism in its purified form.”

As stated by Kwibuka’s site: “This year’s historic anniversary is an opportunity for Rwandans and the rest of the world to honour victims, comfort survivors, and reflect on Rwanda’s journey of recovery, reconciliation, and resilience, with national unity at the core of the country’s stability and progress.”

The full excerpts of the speech by President Paul Kagame

Today, our hearts are filled with grief and gratitude in equal measure. We remember our dead, and are also grateful for what Rwanda has become. To the survivors among us, we are in your debt. We asked you to do the impossible by carrying the burden of reconciliation on your shoulders. And you continue to do the impossible for our nation, every single day, and we thank you. As the years pass, the descendants of survivors increasingly struggle with the quiet loneliness of longing for relatives they never met, or never even got the chance to be born. Today, we are thinking of you as well. Our tears flow inward, but we carry on, as a family. Countless Rwandans also resisted the call to genocide. Some paid the ultimate price for that courage, and we honour their memory.

Our journey has been long and tough. Rwanda was completely humbled by the magnitude of our loss, and the lessons we learned are engraved in blood. But the tremendous progress of our country is plain to see, and it is the result of the choices we made together to resurrect our nation.
The foundation of everything is unity. That was the first choice: to believe in the idea of a reunited Rwanda, and live accordingly. The second choice was to reverse the arrow of accountability, which used to point outwards, beyond our borders. Now, we are accountable to each other, above all. Most importantly, we chose to think beyond the horizon of tragedy, and become a people with a future.

Today, we also feel a particular gratitude to all the friends and representatives here with us from around the world. We are deeply honoured by your presence alongside us on this very heavy day. The contributions you have made to Rwanda’s rebirth are enormous, and have helped us to stand where we are now. I want to recognize a few, while also asking for forgiveness for not being able to mention all who deserve it.
For example, Uganda, which carried the burden of Rwanda’s internal problems for so many years, and was even blamed for that. The leadership and the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea helped us in starting to rebuild at that time. In fact, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who is here, even served as a young peacekeeper in the immediate aftermath of the Genocide Against The Tutsi. Kenya, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo hosted large numbers of Rwandan refugees, and gave them a home. Tanzania did as well, and also played a unique role at many critical points, including hosting and facilitating the Arusha peace process. And here I must single out the late President Julius Nyerere who embodied the spirit which laid that foundation. The Republic of Congo has been a productive partner in rebuilding, and more. Many of the countries represented here today also sent their sons and daughters to serve as peacekeepers in Rwanda. Those soldiers did not fail Rwanda; it was the international community which failed all of us, whether from contempt or cowardice.

Among those here with us today, I salute the widow and daughter of the late Captain Mbaye Diagne of Senegal, who died a hero as he rescued many Rwandans from death. At the United Nations Security Council in 1994, moral clarity came from Nigeria, the Czech Republic, and even as far away as New Zealand. Their ambassadors had the courage to call the Genocide by its rightful name, and resist political pressure from more powerful countries to hide the truth. Ambassador Ibrahim Gambari of Nigeria and Czech Ambassador Karel Kovanda are here with us today, and we applaud you. Even in countries where government policy was on the wrong side of history, both during the Genocide and even afterwards, there were always individuals who stood out for their honesty and humanity. We shall always be grateful.

We also appreciate the tangible support we have received from partners beyond our Continent over the past thirty years, in Europe, the United States, Asia, and many international organizations and philanthropies. A notable example of solidarity came to us from South Africa, one among many. Indeed, the entire arc of our Continent’s hopes and agonies could be seen in those few months of 1994. As South Africa ended apartheid and elected Nelson Mandela president, in Rwanda the last genocide of the 20th century was being carried out. The new South Africa paid for Cuban doctors to help rebuild our shattered health system, and opened up its universities to Rwandan students, paying only local fees. Among the hundreds of students who benefitted from South Africa’s generosity, some were orphaned survivors; others were the children of perpetrators; and many were neither. Most have gone on to become leaders in our country in different fields. Today, they live a completely new life.

What lessons have really been learned about the nature of Genocide, and the value of life? I want to share a personal story which I usually keep to myself.

My cousin, in fact a sister, Florence, worked for the United Nations Development Programme in Rwanda for more than fifteen years. After the Genocide started, she was trapped in her house near the Camp Kigali army barracks, with her niece, and other children and neighbours, around a dozen people in total. The telephone in Florence’s house still worked, and I called her several times using my satellite phone. Each time we spoke, she was more desperate. But our forces could not reach the area. When the commander of the U.N. peacekeeping mission, General Dallaire, visited me where I was in Mulindi, I asked him to rescue Florence. He said he would try. The last time I talked to her, I asked her if anyone had come. She said no, and started crying. Then she said, “Paul, you should stop trying to save us. We don’t want to live anymore anyway.” And she hung up.

At that time, I had a very strong heart. But it weakened a bit, because I understood what she was trying to tell me. On the morning of May 16th, following a month of torture, they were all killed, except for one niece, who managed to escape, thanks to a good neighbour. It later emerged that a Rwandan working at the UNDP betrayed his Tutsi colleagues to the killers. Witnesses remember him celebrating Florence’s murder the night after the attack. He continued his career with the United Nations for many years, even after evidence implicating him emerged. He is still a free man, now living in France. I asked General Dallaire what had happened. He said that his soldiers encountered a militia roadblock near the house, and so they turned back, just like that.

Meanwhile, he conveyed to me an order from the United States ambassador to protect diplomats and foreign civilians evacuating by road to Burundi from attack by the militias. These two things happened at the same time. I did not need to be instructed to do something that goes without saying. That’s what I was going to do. I do not blame General Dallaire. He is a good man who did the best that could be done in the worst conditions imaginable, and who has consistently borne witness to the truth, despite the personal cost. Nevertheless, in the contrast between the two cases, I took note of the value that is attached to different shades of life.

In 1994, all Tutsi were supposed to be completely exterminated, once and for all, because the killings that had forced me, and hundreds of thousands of others, into exile three decades before, had not been sufficiently thorough. That is why even babies were systematically murdered, so they would not grow up to become fighters. Rwandans will never understand why any country would remain intentionally vague about who was targeted in the Genocide. I don’t understand that. Such ambiguity is, in fact, a form of denial, which is a crime in and of itself, and Rwanda will always challenge it.

When the genocidal forces fled to Zaire, now called the Democratic Republic of Congo, in July 1994, with the support of their external backers, they vowed to reorganize and return to complete the Genocide. They conducted hundreds of cross-border terrorist attacks inside Rwanda over the next five years, targeting not only survivors, but also other Rwandans who had refused to go into exile, claiming thousands more lives. The remnants of those forces are still in eastern Congo today, where they enjoy state support, in full view of the United Nations peacekeepers. Their objectives have not changed, and the only reason this group, today known as FDLR, has not been disbanded, is because their continued existence serves some unspoken interest. As a result, hundreds of thousands of Congolese Tutsi refugees live here in our country in Rwanda, and beyond, completely forgotten, with no programme of action for their safe return.

Have we really learned any lessons? We see too many actors, even some from Africa, getting directly involved as tribal politics is given renewed prominence, and ethnic cleansing is prepared and practiced. What has happened to us? Is this the Africa we want to live in? Is this the kind of world we want? Rwanda’s tragedy is a warning. The process of division and extremism which leads to Genocide can happen anywhere, if left unchecked.

Throughout history, survivors of mass atrocities are always expected to be quiet, to censor themselves, or else be erased and even blamed for their own misfortune. Their testimony is living evidence of complicity, and it unsettles the fictions which comfort the enablers and the bystanders. The more Rwanda takes full responsibility for its own safety and dignity, the more intensely the established truth about the Genocide is questioned and revised. Over time, in the media controlled by the powerful in this world, victims are rebranded as villains, and even this very moment of commemoration is derided as a mere political tactic.

It is not. It never has been. Our reaction to such hypocrisy is pure disgust. We commemorate because those lives mattered to us. Rwandans cannot afford to be indifferent to the root causes of Genocide. We will always pay maximum attention, even if we are alone. But what we are seeking is solidarity and partnership to recognize and confront these threats together, as a global community.

I will tell you another story. One night, in the latter days of the Genocide, I received a surprise visit past midnight from General Dallaire. He brought a written message, of which I still have a copy, from the French general commanding the force that France had just deployed in the western part of our country, Operation Turquoise. The message said that we would pay a heavy price if our forces dared to try to capture the town of Butare, in the southern part of our country. General Dallaire gave me some additional advice, in fact he warned me that the French had attack helicopters, and every kind of heavy weapon you can imagine, and therefore were prepared to use them against us if we did not comply. I asked Dallaire whether French soldiers bleed the same way ours do; whether we have blood in our bodies. Then I thanked him, and told him he should just go and get some rest and sleep, after informing the French that our response would follow.

And it did. I immediately radioed the commander of the forces we had in that area, he is called Fred Ibingira, and told him to get ready to move. And move to fight. We took Butare at dawn. Within weeks, the entire country had been secured, and we began rebuilding. We did not have the kind of arms that were being used to threaten us, but I reminded some people that this is our land, this is our country. Those who bleed will bleed on it. We had lost all fear. Each challenge or indignity just made us stronger. After the Genocide, we faced the puzzle of how to prevent it from recurring. There were three broad lessons we learned as result of our experiences.

First, only we as Rwandans and Africans can give full value to our lives. After all, we cannot ask others to value African lives more highly than we ourselves do. That is the root of our duty to preserve memory and tell our history as we lived it.
Second, never wait for rescue, or ask for permission to do what is right to protect people. That is why some people must be joking when they threaten us with all kinds of things, they don’t know what they are talking about. In any case, that is why Rwanda participates proudly in peacekeeping operations today, and also extends assistance to African brothers and sisters bilaterally when asked.

Third, stand firm against the politics of ethnic populism in any form. Genocide is populism in its purified form. Because the causes are political, the remedies must be as well. For that reason, our politics is not organized on the basis of ethnicity or religion, and it never will be again.
The life of my generation has been a recurring cycle of Genocidal violence in thirty-year intervals, from the early 1960s, to 1994, to the signs we see in our region today in 2024. Only a new generation of young people has the ability to renew and redeem a nation after a Genocide. Our job was to provide the space and the tools for them to break the cycle.

And they have. What gives us hope and confidence are the children we saw in the performance earlier, or the youth who created the tradition of Walk to Remember that will occur later today. Nearly three-quarters of Rwandans today are under age 35. They either have no memory of the Genocide, or were not yet born. Our youth are the guardians of our future and the foundation of our unity, with a mindset that is totally different from the generation before. Today, it is all Rwandans who have conquered fear. Nothing can be worse than what we have already experienced. This is a nation of 14 million people, who are ready to confront any attempt to take us backwards.

The Rwandan story shows how much power human beings have within them. Whatever power you do have, you might as well use it to tell the truth and do what is right. During the Genocide, people were sometimes given the option of paying for a less painful death. There is another story I learned about at the time, which always sticks in my mind, about a woman at a roadblock, in her final moments. She left us a lesson that every African should live by. When asked by the killers how she wanted to die, she looked them in the eye, and spat in their face.

Today, because of the accident of survival, our only choice is what life we want to live. Our people will never and I mean, never be left for dead again. I thank you.

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How Tinubu Helped to Crush Military Coup in Benin Republic – Presidency

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The Presidency, on Sunday night, said acting on the two requests by the authorities of Benin Republic, President Bola Tinubu ordered Nigerian Air Force fighter jets to enter the country and take over the airspace to help dislodge the coup plotters from the National TV and a military camp where they had regrouped.

The Presidency, in a statement by Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, said President Tinubu commended the swift response of the gallantry of Nigeria’s military.

The statement read: “President Bola Tinubu has commended the gallantry of Nigeria’s military on Sunday for responding swiftly to the request by the Government of Benin Republic to save its 35-year-old democracy from coup plotters who struck at dawn today.

“Acting on two separate requests from the Government of Benin, President Tinubu first ordered Nigerian Air Force fighter jets to enter the country and take over the airspace to help dislodge the coup plotters from the National TV and a military camp where they had regrouped.

“The Republic of Benin, through its Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in a Note Verbal, requested immediate Nigerian air support “in view of the urgency and seriousness of the situation and to safeguard the constitutional order, protect national institutions and ensure the security of the population.”

“In the second request, the authorities in Benin requested the deployment of Nigerian Air Force assets within Beninoise airspace for surveillance and rapid intervention operations under Benin-led coordination.

“The Benin government also requested Nigerian ground forces, “strictly for missions approved by the Beninese Command authority in support of the protection of constitutional institutions and the containment of armed Groups.”

“Nigeria’s Chief of Defence Staff, General Olufemi Oluyede, said all the requests have been fulfilled, with Nigerian ground forces now in Benin.

“Ours is to comply with the order of the Commander-in-Chief of our armed forces, President Tinubu,” he said.

He further stated: “Constitutional order was upended in the Republic of Benin, Nigeria’s neighbour, when some soldiers led by Colonel Pascal Tigri announced a coup on Sunday morning. The putschists seized the National TV and claimed they had toppled President Patrice Talon and suspended all democratic institutions.

“It took some hours before the government’s loyal forces, assisted by Nigeria, took control and flushed out the coup plotters from the National TV.

“In his remarks after the restoration of the democratic and constitutional order, President Tinubu saluted the Nigerian armed forces for standing firm as a protector and defender of democracy.

“Today, the Nigerian armed forces stood gallantly as a defender and protector of constitutional order in the Republic of Benin on the invitation of the government. Our armed forces acted within the ambit of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance.

“They have helped stabilise a neighbouring country and have made us proud of their commitment to sustaining our democratic values and ideals since 1999. Nigeria stands firmly with the government and people of the Republic of Benin.”

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Ozekhome, Wife Josephine, Celebrate 34 Years of Marital Bliss

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By Eric Elezuo

Popular Constitution lawyer and renowned human rights activist, Prof Mike Ozekhome, and wife, Lady Josephine Ozekhome, has celebrated 34 years of living together as husband and wife.

The couple took time out to shower love, encomium and affection on each other, celebrating the goodness of Godd upon their lives and home in the last 34 years.

Speaking exclusively to The Boss, Ozekhome noted that on a day like this “I remember how we started; how we weathered the storm together, and conquered together. She is the best companion anyone can have, and I’m very proud of her, and to be her husband.”

Ozekhome once stated that his wife is “a great woman of uncommon virtues and humanity; my jewel of inestimable value, soulmate, sister, best friend and mother.”

While the wife is identified as Lady (Dr) (Senior High Chief) Josephine Mike Ozekhome LL.M, LSM, LL.D. D.Sc., the renowned constitution lawyer, a dotting and loving husband, and  firebrand pro-masses Advocate, os identified as Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN, CON, OFR, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt,D.Sc., among a host of other watering achievements.

Mike and Josephine have built a family of lawyers, producing wonderful children, who are also lawyers, and doctors.

Happy 34th anniversary, Mike and Josephine!

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Akpabio, Natasha Renew Roforofo Fight

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By Eric Elezuo

The war of words and legal fireworks between the senate president, Godswill Akpabio and Senator represent Kogi Central, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, seems to have been rekindled following reported slamming of N200 billion suit on the Kogi senator.

Akpabio is asking the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory to award him damages over what he described as false, malicious and injurious allegations of sexual harassment levelled against him by the Kogi Central senator in media interviews and public statements.

The court filings quoted the Senate President as saying that the lawmaker’s claims subjected him to “public hatred, contempt and ridicule,” portraying him as a “sexual predator” and a leader who abused his office.

He argues that millions of Nigerians consumed the interviews and online content, causing him emotional distress and inflicting grave damage on his political and social standing.

As the reports of the court filings hit public space, Natasha swiftly responded, hinting that the action is a welcome development as it gives her the much awaited opportunity to finally present her the evidence of sexual harassment she accused Akpabio of.

“Today, being the 5th day of December 2025, I am in receipt of the newly instituted ₦200 billion suit against me.

“I am glad that Senator Akpabio has brought this up because the Senate Committee on Ethics and Privileges refused to grant me an audience, claiming the matter was already in court.

“I now have a chance to prove how I was sexually harassed and how my refusal to give into his demands unleashed a series of unprecedented attacks on my person. See you in court, Godswill Akpabio,” the Senator threatened.

Responding, the Senate President again challenged Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan to present credible evidence of her sexual harassment allegations in court rather than resorting to what he described as “staged outrage” and online theatrics.

Akpabio’s response is contained in a statement issued in Abuja by his Special Assistant on Media, Jackson Udom, where he insisted the defamation suit against Natasha was not newly filed as she claimed, but had been pending in court for three months.

The statement, titled, ‘Setting the record straight on the defamation case involving Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’, accused the Kogi Central lawmaker of deliberately misleading the public.

He said, “Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan again resorted to social media to claim incorrectly and misleadingly that Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, had only just filed a multi-billion-naira defamation suit against her over her unfounded allegations of sexual misconduct.

“These allegations, as the public is well aware, have never been supported by a single shred of evidence before the Senate Committee or before any competent authority.

“For the avoidance of doubt, the facts are clear, verifiable, and already before the court. The suit was filed over three months ago. Its progress was temporarily delayed by routine administrative processes and the normal judicial procedures.”

The Senate President further stated that attempts by court bailiffs to serve the senator were repeatedly frustrated.

“Her claim that the matter was ‘just filed’ is therefore false, misleading, and intended to distort public understanding of the case.”

Akpabio also accused her of a pattern of public posturing.

He said, “We reiterate that legal disputes are resolved in courtrooms, not through orchestrated narratives and staged outrage on social-media platforms. The online applause Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan habitually seeks cannot replace credible evidence, legal procedure, or judicial scrutiny.

“This behaviour is consistent with her pattern during her six-month Senate suspension, an entirely lawful disciplinary measure she sought to delegitimise through digital agitation, only to ultimately serve the suspension in full.”

The former Akwa Ibom governor also challenged her to finally present her evidence before a judge.

“It is time for Akpoti-Uduaghan to present the ‘evidence’ she claims to possess before a court of competent jurisdiction, rather than relying on sensationalised commentary designed solely to attract sympathy and obscure the facts.

“The law is guided by proof, procedure, and due process, not sentiment, not emotion, and certainly not social-media theatrics. She is advised to properly instruct her lawyers, file her defence, and finally provide the evidence she purports to have for the baseless allegations she has peddled over this matter,” he noted.

Akpabio’s statement came a day after the Kogi legislator vowed to defend herself “vigorously” in court following the filing of the ₦200bn defamation suit against her — the latest escalation in a bitter standoff that has gripped the 10th Senate for months.

The Senate President accused her before the FCT High Court of making “false, malicious, and injurious” claims that portrayed him as a “sexual predator” and subjected him to public ridicule.

Akpoti-Uduaghan, confirming receipt of the suit, said she welcomed the legal battle because it would allow her to tender the evidence she was allegedly denied the opportunity to present before the Senate Ethics Committee.

Her post immediately reignited debate within political circles, with analysts describing the lawsuit as one of the most consequential confrontations between a Senate President and a sitting senator in recent years.

Natasha was suspended for six months in March 2025 after protesting the relocation of her seat during plenary. She repeatedly accused Akpabio of targeting her and once labelled him a “dictator.”

Although the suspension lapsed in September, her return was delayed by legal and administrative hurdles before her sealed office was eventually reopened by the Sergeant-at-Arms.

Upon returning, she insisted she had “no apology to tender,” accusing Senate leadership of attempting to muzzle dissent within the chamber.

Additional infor: The Punch, ThisDay

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