Opinion
The Oracle: Harnessing the Potentials of Nigerian Intellectuals with Disability… (Pt. 2)
Published
2 years agoon
By
Eric
…For Positive Contributions to the Government
By Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
We commenced our discussion on this treatise with some definitional terms. Followed by challenges which I believe stand in the path of disabled persons and their potentials. We rounded up with a look at certain initiatives designed to close the gap of disability. Today, we shall continue and conclude same while looking at some proposals on how persons with disability can add value to the society. Read on.
CLOSING THE GAP OF DISABILITY (continues)
According to the World Health Organization’s 2011 World Disability Report, about 15 percent of Nigeria’s population, or at least 25 million people, have a disability. Many of them face a number of human rights abuses including stigma, discrimination, violence, and lack of access to healthcare, housing, and education.
The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which was adopted in 2006 and entered into force in 2008, signalled a ‘paradigm shift’ from traditional charity-oriented, medical-based approaches to disability to one based on human rights. It offers sufficient standards of protection for the civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights of persons with disabilities on the basis of inclusion, equality and non-discrimination. It makes clear that persons with disabilities are entitled to live independently in their communities, to make their own choices and to play an active role in society. (Office of the United Nations Human Rights Commissioner: Human rights of persons with disabilities http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Disability/Pages/DisabilityIndex.aspx).
Nigeria has since signed the United Nations Convention for the Rights of Persons with Disability on 30th March, 2007, but has not yet domesticated it by enacting a law on it. The Persons with Disabilities Bill that has since suffered series of legislative hiatus before the National Assembly. It is to be “An Act to Ensure Full Integration of Persons with Disabilities into the Society and to Establish a National Commission for Persons with Disabilities and Vest it with the Responsibilities for their Education, Health Care and the Protection of their Social, Economic, Civil Rights.” Paul Uwadimma, in his write-up about former President Jonathan Leaving Presidency Without Signing Disabilities Bill, wrote in the Leadership Newspaper of 15th May, 2015, where he stated as follows:
“Under the Bill, Section 1 is expected to outlaw discrimination on grounds of disability and this is in conformity with an important principle (non-discrimination) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, as contained in articles 3 (b) and 5 of the UN Convention On The Rights Of Persons With Disabilities (UNCRPD), which Nigeria signed and ratified the convention and its optional protocol. There is no denying the fact that persons with disabilities suffer from discrimination on a daily basis whether in employment, education, transportation, communication, information, health, housing and even social interaction where persons with disabilities are denied marriage to their loved ones because they are disabled. Most often, the person with disability is rejected on grounds of disability even though he or she merits employment; and while in employment he or she is always the last to be considered for promotion even though he or she commenced work the same time with his able-bodied counterparts. This is a travesty of justice. Persons with disabilities are denied access into several places on the ground of disability, e.g., banks and rented apartments, among others. Part three of the bill addressed one of the major problems faced by the disabled in their daily activities, which is lack of access to public places. As such, sections 3, 4 and 5 deal with the issue of accessibility to physical structures such as public premises and permission for use of accessibility aids in public buildings and the need for accessibility on roads and sidewalks. The Nigerian Constitution provides for freedom of movement, yet persons with disabilities are denied this right as a result of the hazards on our roads and sidewalks. (UNCRPD, Article 9.) Section 7 will ensure adherence to the building code where buildings are made usable and accessible to persons with disabilities, especially wheel chair users. In addition, section 12 will grant persons with disabilities, who are in vehicles, easy access to parking spaces which will be reserved for their sole use as is the case in developed countries. Parts V and VI also attest to the need for accessibility in the use of sea ports, railways and air transportation. A great deal of discrimination is suffered today by persons with disabilities wishing to make use of air transportation. In keeping with international norms and standards, the bill will enable persons with disabilities to be treated with dignity and respect in air, road and sea transportation. Part VII addresses the issue of special queues and situations of emergencies for people with disabilities. In queues, especially unruly ones, persons with disabilities are usually shoved aside and in cases of risk and emergencies, it is well-known that the person with disability is always the last to be considered, since as a matter of fact, disability issues today in Nigeria are always regarded as an afterthought. (UNCRPD, Article 11). Part VIII deals with the vexed issue of the abuse of the liberty of the person with disability, where able-bodied people have taken it upon themselves to use people with disabilities as fodder for fund raising in the most ignoble ways possible. (UNCRPD, Article 14). In keeping with Article 24 of the UNCRPD, the bill recognises the need for inclusive education for persons with disabilities in Nigeria and more importantly ensures that persons with disabilities will not be unduly discriminated against in the provision of education due to the lack of appropriate equipment, while section 27 addresses the communicational needs of persons with disabilities using health facilities, especially the deaf wherein sign language interpreters will be introduced at all such health facilities. Finally, sections 28 (work and employment) and 31 (participation in politics) address the need for gainful employment for people with disabilities and the need for them to participate actively in political and public life. These are in keeping with Articles 27 on work and employment and 29 on participation in political and public life of the UNCRPD.”
This bill was passed, but not assented to, under the regime of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. It came before President Jonathan for the second time and he also did not assent to it before leaving office. Persons with disabilities have employed various tactics to actualise the assent to this bill. They have lobbied, demonstrated and even litigated on it to no avail. (See Joseph Onyekwere, Persons with disabilities bill and the burden of presidential assent. Published by Gaurdian Newspaper of March 9, 2015).
Nigeria ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities (CRPD) in 2007 and its Optional Protocol in 2010. Since then, civil society groups and people with disabilities have called on the government to put it into practice. In 2011 and 2015, the National Assembly passed the Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Bill 2009, but former President Goodluck Jonathan declined to sign it into law. The bill for the new law was passed by the House of Representatives and the Senate joint committee in November 2016, but was not sent to Buhari for his signature until December 2018.
Consequently, On January, 23, 2019, the Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Act, 2018, was signed into law by Muhammadu Buhari. This was done after 9 years of relentless advocacy by disability rights groups and activists. The law prohibits discrimination on the basis of disability and imposes sanctions including fines and prison sentences on those who contravene it. It also stipulates a five-year transitional period for modifying public buildings, structures, and automobiles to make them accessible and usable for people with disabilities.
The law will also establish a National Commission for Persons with Disabilities, responsible for ensuring that people with disabilities have access to housing, education, and healthcare. The Commission will be empowered to receive complaints of rights violations and support victims to seek legal redress amongst other duties.
The enactment of the Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Act is only a first step in the fulfillment of Nigeria’s obligations under the CRPD. Authorities should now put effective measures in place for its full implementation to ensure equal treatment and participation of people with disabilities across Nigeria.
HOW PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES CAN CONTRIBUTE THEIR QUOTA
Persons with disabilities of Nigerian ancestry and decent, both home and abroad, can indeed, contribute their quota to the current government through the following:
1. Championing Legislations: Persons with disabilities can be at the fore-front of influencing governmental policies through sponsoring of bills in the National and States Houses of Assemblies to make laws for the protection of persons with disabilities. Since Nigeria has already signed the Treaty on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, (See the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities: List of Signatory States and Regional Integration Organizations. Available at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/enable/conventionsign.htm), the Persons with disabilities can influence an Act of the National Assembly ratifying same in accordance with Section 12 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.
2. Make proposal to the Federal Government on the need to extend the wind of the doctrine of change to persons with disabilities so as to secure concessions from all arms of governments and all tiers of government on the need to reserve a quota –say 10 % of executive and judicial positions- strictly to qualified intellectuals with disabilities.
3. Promoting public awareness of the need to see persons with disabilities as equals and thereby effectively eliminate discriminations
4. Influencing political parties to reserve a particular number of elective political positions (especially legislative positions) exclusively for qualified persons with disabilities.
5. Directing and investing the intellectual prowess of disabled tertiary intellectual Dons towards general public education geared towards influencing change in societal perception of persons with disabilities and moulding government decisions towards positive policy changes regarding persons with disabilities.
CONCLUSION
Persons with disabilities constitute an integrate part of our society. They should be optimally involved in all facets of development.
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Opinion
Faith, Power, and the Art of Diplomacy: Nigeria Must Respond to Trump’s Threat with Strategy, Not Emotion
Published
5 days agoon
November 9, 2025By
Eric
By Joel Popoola
Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu has never worn religion as a badge and never been defined by religious identity. Though a Muslim, married a Christian Pastor, he has long been known for his ability to balance Nigeria’s complex religious landscape. As former governor of Lagos State, he founded the Lagos State Annual Thanksgiving Service, a remarkable initiative that became one of the largest Christian gatherings in the Southwest Region. That gesture was not political theatre; it was an act of statesmanship that celebrated Nigeria’s diversity. He attended as a servant leader of all people, Christian, Muslim, and otherwise setting a tone of unity that our federation still needs today.
Today, that inclusive spirit, and legacy of tolerance faces, a renewed wave of external scrutiny, and a new kind of test- one not from within, but from abroad. The U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to designate Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” over alleged Christian persecution was more than a foreign policy statement. It was a calculated political signal. His subsequent threat to “use the military to defend Christians in Nigeria” crossed a dangerous line, suggesting that America could unilaterally intervene in our internal affairs based on a distorted interpretation of Nigeria’s religious dynamics.
A Complex Reality Misunderstood
There is no denying that Nigeria faces violent flashpoints where religion is entangled with ethnicity and poverty. But it is intellectually lazy and diplomatically reckless to label these crises as “Christian persecution.” Successive Nigerian governments, both Muslim- and Christian-led, have condemned extremism and taken act against those who inflame division. Trump’s posture, however, ignored the facts. It reframed Nigeria’s domestic challenges as a global crusade, inviting a moral panic that oversimplifies and endangers. The real tragedy is that such mischaracterizations can embolden extremists, fracture communities, and damage Nigeria’s reputation on the world stage.
Diplomacy Is Strength, Not Submission
As a corporate diplomacy expert, I have seen how scenario-based-strategy, not outrage determines outcomes. Whether in global business negotiations or international relations, power is not exercised only through might; it is asserted through credibility, alliances, and skilful communication. Nigeria must resist the temptation to respond defensively and instead deploy smart diplomacy to reframe the narrative. History offers compelling evidence of how diplomacy can avert even the gravest conflicts. During the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, the world stood seconds away from nuclear war. Yet, through quiet negotiation between U.S. President John F. Kennedy and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, a peaceful resolution emerged: the Soviet Union withdrew missiles from Cuba, and the U.S. reciprocated by removing its own from Turkey. Dialogue, not force, saved the world.
Nigeria can apply the same principle today. The path forward lies in strategic engagement, leveraging bilateral relations, regional blocs like ECOWAS and the African Union, and international platforms to clarify its realities. Nigeria must lead the conversation, not react to it.
A Lesson from Leadership
When a Muslim governor created a Christian thanksgiving celebration, he embodied what diplomacy looks like at home: listening, inclusion, and respect. Nigeria’s leaders must now display those same qualities abroad. We cannot control how others view us, but we can control how we present ourselves. That is the essence of diplomacy, proactive communication grounded in national dignity. Trump’s rhetoric may have been provocative, but Nigeria’s best response is composure, not confrontation. Power is never just about weapons or wealth; it is about narrative, legitimacy, and alliances.
The Diplomat’s Way Forward
Nigeria stands at a defining moment. The challenge is not to prove that Christians are safe, Muslims are fair, or that America is wrong, it is to prove that Nigeria is capable of solving its own problems with balance and foresight. True diplomacy is not silence; it is strategic communication. It is the ability to turn political provocation into an opportunity for partnership. If Nigeria channels its response through professionalism, restraint, and intelligent diplomacy, it will not only protect its image, but it will also strengthen its global standing.
As someone who has studied and practiced the intersection of corporate influence and international relations, I know these same principles that sustain global brands, trust, transparency, and consistency, also sustain nations.
And in this moment, Nigeria must choose those principles, not fear, and not anger- to defend its sovereignty and its soul.
Joel Popoola, a Corporate Diplomacy Expert, and Managing Partner at Anchora Advisory, specialising in corporate diplomacy and internationalisation, writes from United Kingdom
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Opinion
Beyond the Headlines: R2P, Sovereignty, and the Search for Peace in Nigeria
Published
6 days agoon
November 8, 2025By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
“In the face of complex crises, true leadership is measured not by the clarity of one’s critique, but by the courage to enact responsible solutions that bridge the gap between sovereign duty and our global responsibility to protect” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
If you follow global news, you have likely encountered alarming headlines about Nigeria. Terms like “religious violence” and even “genocide” are often used to describe a complex and devastating crisis. But beyond the headlines lies a critical international dilemma: when a state struggles to protect its own people, what is the world’s responsibility?
This is not a new question. It lies at the heart of a global principle adopted after the horrors of Rwanda and Srebrenica (Town in Bosnia and Herzegovina): The Responsibility to Protect (R2P).
Let us break down what R2P means, why it is so relevant in Nigeria, and what proposed international responses—like those from the United States—reveal about the difficult pursuit of peace in a complicated world.
R2P in a Nutshell: A Three-Pillar Promise
Imagine R2P as a three-legged stool, with each leg representing a fundamental obligation:
- Pillar I: The State’s Primary Duty. Every sovereign nation has the foremost responsibility to shield its populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity.
- Pillar II: International Assistance. The global community has a duty to assist states in building this protective capacity through aid, training, and diplomatic support.
- Pillar III: The Decisive Response. If a state is “manifestly failing” to protect its people, the international community must respond decisively—first through peaceful means like sanctions and diplomacy, and only as an absolute last resort, with authorized military force.
The protracted crisis in Nigeria tests this very framework to its limits.
The Nigerian Labyrinth: It’s More Complex Than It Seems
Labeling the situation in Nigeria as a simple religious war is a profound misunderstanding. The reality is a tangled web of several overlapping conflicts:
- Jihadist Insurgency: Groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP in the Northeast target both Muslims and Christians who oppose their rule. However, Christian communities have endured specific, brutal attacks on churches and schools, marking them for violence based on their faith.
- Clashing Livelihoods: In the fertile Middle Belt, competition over dwindling land and water resources has ignited violent clashes between predominantly Muslim Fulani herders and Christian farmers. Climate change and desertification have intensified this struggle, layering economic desperation over religious and ethnic identities.
- Criminal Banditry: Widespread kidnappings and violence in the Northwest, often driven by profit, exploit the fragile security situation, further destabilizing the region.
This intricate complexity is why the term “Christian genocide” is so hotly debated. While there is undeniable, systematic violence against Christians, the legal definition of genocide requires proof of a specific intent to destroy the group. Many analysts point to the confluence of political, economic, and criminal motives, arguing that the situation, while atrocious, may not meet this strict legal threshold.
The R2P Test: Is Nigeria “Manifestly Failing”?
A widespread perception holds that the Nigerian government is failing in its Pillar I responsibility. Despite possessing a powerful military, issues of corruption, a slow institutional response, and allegations of bias have left millions of citizens vulnerable.
This failure activates the world’s role under Pillar II. The United States, United Kingdom, and other partners have provided significant aid, military training, and intelligence sharing. Yet, it has not been enough. The persistent violence pushes the necessary conversation toward the more difficult Pillar III: the “Responsibility to Respond.”
The U.S. Proposition: A Case Study in Coercive Care
What does a “timely and decisive response” entail? Proposed U.S. actions offer a clear case study. Focusing on coercive measures short of force, they include:
- Targeted Sanctions: Visa bans and asset freezes against specific Nigerian officials accused of corruption or atrocities.
- Diplomatic Pressure: Officially designating Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” for religious freedom.
- Conditioned Aid: Linking further military assistance to verifiable improvements in human rights and accountability.
The Pros and Cons: A Balanced View
- The Upside: These actions send a powerful message of solidarity to victims, potentially deter perpetrators, and uphold the global norm that national sovereignty entails a responsibility to protect, not a license for atrocity.
- The Downside: These measures are fiercely rejected by the Nigerian government and many within the country as a violation of sovereignty. There is a risk that cutting military aid could weaken the fight against Boko Haram and ISWAP, and a narrow focus on the religious dimension could oversimplify the conflict’s root causes, potentially inflaming tensions further.
Key Takeaways for a Global Audience
This situation is not merely a problem for politicians; it offers critical lessons for all of us:
- For Global Citizens: Seek nuanced understanding. Effective advocacy requires moving beyond simplistic labels to grasp the underlying root causes—such as climate change, governance failures, and economic despair—that fuel the violence.
- For Businesses Operating Abroad: You have a vital role to play. Conduct human rights due diligence and use your economic influence to support stability, conflict resolution, and ethical practices within your operations and supply chains.
- For the International Community: This case exposes R2P’s greatest weakness: its reliance on a UN Security Council often paralyzed by geopolitics. The future demands more robust and empowered regional leadership from bodies like the African Union.
Conclusion: An Unfinished Conversation for Lasting Peace
The crisis in Nigeria and the proposed international responses are not about easy answers. They represent the difficult, ongoing work of making the promise of “Never Again” a tangible reality.
R2P remains an unfulfilled ideal, caught between the urgent need to protect human life and the complex realities of national sovereignty. The conversation it forces is itself a constructive step forward. It challenges Nigeria to reclaim its primary duty to protect all its citizens, challenges the world to move beyond rhetoric to meaningful action, and challenges us all to remember that our common humanity is the most important border we share. The demand for peace, both within Nigeria and beyond, requires nothing less than our collective and unwavering commitment.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in History and International Studies, Fellow Certified Management Consultant & Specialist, Fellow Certified Human Resource Management Professional, a Recipient of the Nigerian Role Models Award (2024), and a Distinguished Ambassador For World Peace (AMBP-UN). He has also gained inclusion in the prestigious compendium, “Nigeria @65: Leaders of Distinction”.
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Opinion
From Chibok Girls to Christian Genocide: How 2015’s U.S Script is Replaying in 2027
Published
2 weeks agoon
November 3, 2025By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
In my own opinion, history is on the verge of repeating itself, this time, in a more dangerous and manipulative form. When U.S. President Donald Trump recently made his provocative remarks about “Christian genocide” in Nigeria, many around the world interpreted them as a moral call to defend persecuted Christians. But to the politically conscious, Trump’s words are not just about faith, they are about power, influence, and attention seeking.
Trump’s sudden interest in Nigeria’s internal affairs is neither noble nor spontaneous. It mirrors a familiar conspiracy, one that Nigeria painfully witnessed in 2014/2015, when then U.S. President Barack Obama and his administration turned world opinion against the innocent President Goodluck Jonathan under the emotional shadow of the Chibok girls’ abduction. That global outrage was cleverly used to weaken a sitting government and shape Nigeria’s political direction.
Today, the same playbook is being dusted off, but with a new slogan. In 2015, the rallying cry was “Bring Back Our Girls.” In 2027, it’s “Stop Christian Genocide.” Different words, same machinery and the same foreign interest in controlling Nigeria’s political outcome.
At the center of this new narrative lies Nigeria’s Muslim–Muslim presidential ticket, a decision that has stirred deep unease among many Christians. For a nation long divided by religion and ethnicity, having both the president and vice president share the same faith inevitably triggered distrust, especially among Christians who form the country’s second-largest population bloc. This sentiment, amplified through social media and Western lenses, has given birth to the idea of an orchestrated “Christian persecution” under the current administration.
However, what many foreign commentators fail or refuse to acknowledge is that both Christians and Muslims are victims of terrorism in Nigeria. Research and on-ground realities have shown that Muslim communities in the North-East, North-West and parts of North-Central have actually suffered even more from terrorist attacks, displacement, and loss of livelihood. The killing fields of Borno, Yobe, Zamfara, Katsina, Niger, parts of Sokoto and Plateau States all in the North are filled with innocent Muslims who have lost everything to the same extremists who disguised as Muslims and now being branded as “defenders of Islam.”
Let’s be clear: terrorism has no religion. Those who kill in the name of any faith are not followers of that faith. Terrorism is not the monopoly of Islam, Christianity, or any religion, it is a global cancer that thrives on hatred, poverty, and manipulation. Around the world, from the Middle East to Europe, Asia to Africa, criminals and terrorists exist in every society. They have no true religious identity, only political and ideological motives. Linking terrorism with Islam is not only misleading, it is blackmail, and it fuels further division in a world that desperately needs understanding.
And this is where Trump’s rhetoric becomes politically dangerous. By invoking religion, he taps into global sympathy while subtly positioning himself as the “defender of Christians”, a role that serves his conservative political base in the United States and simultaneously destabilizes Nigeria’s government ahead of the 2027 elections. His statement, therefore, is not just moral posturing; it’s a strategic geopolitical move disguised as compassion.
Let me be clear: I am not defending the Tinubu administration. I am not a member of the ruling APC, nor am I blind to the country’s economic challenges, insecurity, and social discontent. But as a Nigerian who leans more toward the opposition, I cannot pretend not to see the dangerous manipulation of our nation’s religious fault lines by foreign interests for political gain.
When Obama’s America turned against Jonathan in 2015, it claimed to stand for human rights and accountability. But what followed that “moral intervention”? The Chibok girls were not rescued. Insecurity spread across new regions. The country became more polarized. And yet, the world simply moved on.
Now, Trump’s America seems to be rebranding the same agenda. The “Christian genocide” narrative has become the new international weapon used to portray Nigeria as a failed state and its government as morally illegitimate. The risk is enormous: such a narrative not only undermines Nigeria’s sovereignty but could ignite new religious tensions between Muslims and Christians, who have coexisted, however imperfectly for decades.
What’s even more troubling is the deafening silence of the African Union (AU).
Where is the AU’s collective voice in defense of Nigeria, one of its largest and most influential member states? Why is there no statement condemning Trump’s reckless rhetoric? Africa cannot afford to sit idly by while its most populous nation is once again drawn into the web of Western political manipulation.
The AU’s silence is not neutrality, it is complicity. It sends a dangerous message that Africa’s sovereignty can still be traded cheaply on the altar of Western approval.
Nigerians must remember the lessons of 2015.
The Chibok tragedy was real, but it was also exploited. The world’s sympathy helped unseat a president, but it did not solve Nigeria’s problems. Today, the “Christian genocide” narrative risks repeating that same cycle using religion as a weapon of influence and elections as collateral damage.
We must be wiser this time.
Whether you stand with Tinubu or the opposition, Nigeria’s dignity and independence must come first. The African Union must break its silence. African leaders must speak with one voice to reject any external interference under the guise of humanitarian concern.
Because if history repeats itself in 2027 as it is beginning to do, the consequences will not only be political. They could shatter the fragile threads that hold this nation together.
Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com
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