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The Oracle: CSOs and the Media in Promoting Democracy and Good Governance in Nigeria (Pt. 3)

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By Mike Ozekhome

Introduction

Last week, we commenced with good governance how it differs from country to country. Governance is a relationship between rulers and the ruled, the state and society, the governors, and the governed. Countries that are quite similar in terms of their natural resources and social structure have shown strictly different performance in improving the welfare of their people. Much of this is attributable to standards of governance which may stifles and impedes development. Today, we shall continue our discourse on this imperative issue.

GOOD GOVERNANCE DIFFERS FROM COUNTRY TO COUNTRY (continues)

In countries, where there is corruption, poor control of public funds, lack of accountability, abuses of human rights and excessive military influence, development inevitably suffers. Michels states that government is one of the actors in governance. Other actors, according to Regina .O. Arisi and Ukadike, O. J, involved in governance vary, depending on the level of government that is under discussion. In rural areas for example, other actors may include influential landlords, associations of peasant farmers, cooperatives, NGOs, research institutes, religious leaders, financial institutions, political parties, the military, etc. Similarly, Odion-Akhaine stated that formal government structures constitute one means by which decisions are arrived at and implemented. At the national level, informal decision making structures such as “Kitchen Cabinets’’, or formal advisor may exist. In some rural areas, powerful families may make or influence decision making. Such informal decision making is often the results of corrupt practices or leads to bad governance.

Major Good Governance Indicators

UNESCAPE states that good governance has eight major characteristics. They are, participatory by both men and women which is the key to good governance. The next is the rule of law which requires fair legal frameworks that are enforced impartially. It also requires full protection of human rights, particularly those of minorities. Impartial enforcement of laws requires an independent judiciary and incorruptible Police Force. The third point is transparency which means that decisions taken and their enforcement are done in a manner that follows rules and regulations.

The fourth is responsiveness which means that good governance requires that institutions and processes try to serve all stakeholders within a reasonable timeframe. The fifth characteristic is consensus orientation. Good governance requires mediation of the different interests in society to reach a broad consensus in society on what is in the best interest of the whole community and how this can be achieved. It also requires a broad and long-term perspective on what is needed for sustainable human development and how to achieve the goals of such development. The sixth characteristic is equity and inclusiveness. A society’s well being depends on ensuring that all its members feel that they have a stake in it and do not feel excluded from the mainstream of society. This requires all groups, but particularly the most vulnerable, have opportunities to improve or maintain their well being.

The seventh characteristic is effectiveness and efficiency. Good governance means that processes and institutions produce results that meet the needs of society while making the best use of resources at their disposal. The concept of efficiency in the context of good governance also covers the sustainable use of natural resources and the protection of the environment. The last characteristic of good governance is accountability. It is a key requirement of good governance, not only governmental institutions, but also the private sector and civil society organizations. Conclusively, good governance is an ideal which is difficult to achieve in its totality. Very few countries and society have come close to achieving good governance in its totality. However, to ensure sustainable human development, actions must be taken to work towards this ideal with the aim of making it a reality.

Civil Society Organisations

What is Civil Society?

Civil society is an unusual concept in that it always seems to require being defined before it is applied or discussed. In part this is because the concept was mainly used in discourse before the late eighties and many people are therefore unfamiliar with it. In part it is a result of an inherent ambiguity or elasticity in the concept (this is not so unusual. The apparently straight forward notion of freedom can in certain circumstances carry a meaning closer to license than to liberty.)

Civil Society can be defined in broad terms as the arena where people come together to advance common interest, not for profit or political power, but because they care enough about something to take action (Edwards & Gaventa 2001). Perhaps the simplest way to see civil society is as a “third sector” distinct from government and business. In this view, Civil Society refers essentially to the so-called “intermediary institution” such as professional association, religious groups, labour, unions, citizen advocacy organizations that give voice to various sectors of society and enrich public participation in democracies.

In all three schools of thought, Civil Society is essentially collective action in associations, across society and through the public sphere and as such it provides an essential counterweight to individualisms, as creative action Civil Society provides a much needed antidote to the cynicism that infects so much of contemporary politics and as values-based action, Civil Society provides a balance to the otherwise-overbearing influence of state authority and the temptations and incentives of the market, even if those values are contested, so they often are, the ideal of Civil Society remains compelling because it speaks to the best in us-the collective, creative and values-driven core of the active citizen calling on the best in us to respond in kind to create societies that are just, true and free.
CSOs are non-State, not-for-profit, voluntary entities formed by people in the social sphere that are separate from the State and the market. CSOs represent a wide range of interests and ties. They can include community-based organizations as well as non-governmental organizations (NGOs). In the context of the UN Guiding Principles Reporting Framework, CSOs do not include business or for-profit associations.
Good Governance Needs Strong Followership (Civil Society Organizations)

Strong followership is a principle of good governance. It is as important as good leadership. They are siamese twins. This followership is elicited and promoted by the attitude of those in governance. If the citizens are regarded as the source and indeed the essence of power of governance and focus of state craft directed at satisfying their aspirations (section 14 of the 1999 Constitution), a good followership that is supportive would be achieved. If their freedom and rights are guaranteed, their opinion respected and those in power deal honestly with them, supportive followership will be entrenched in the political community. As noted by Samuel Eziokwu, Supportive and responsible followership starts with sincere participation in political activities like party organization, exercise of franchise, civil obedience to laws, programmes, policies and protest against obnoxious ones. Good parties are sustained by good party ideologies and manifestoes as galvanized by members. He also notes the following as fall out of good followership.

Political participation by the followers finds expression in registration as voters and actual voting during election. Hence, when followers fail to register for voting and actually fail to vote, they are boldly voting for bad governance, because the unpopular candidate may win the office. Therefore, citizens have no moral reason to complain against bad governance because they failed in their duty select the good candidate. Elites in a political community have a duty to ensure that they assist in mobilization of the citizens to participate actively in political activities. Their failure will have colossal deleterious impact in the polity. A stitch in time saves nine.

Civil obedience to the laws, policies and programmes of the political community is a means of supportive followership. It makes the polity stable, peaceful and governable. It avails fund to those in government for development programme when citizens pay promptly their taxes, levies, duties, bills, etc. It must be stressed that failure to pay such legal financial obligation willingly tantamount to disloyalty, disobedience and lack of support. It is a breach of social contract between the governor and the followers and bane of good governance.
Genuine demonstration or protest against obnoxious laws and abuse of rights of the people is also means of a supportive followership. Let us note that slavish acquiescence to law does not make a good citizen. Supportive followership as a principle of good governance, requires, the citizens to be alert and react promptly to actions of bad governance meted against them as a means of changing the status quo and engender a new order. Those in government should tolerate demonstration or mass action against bad and anti-people policies. Such actions should be appreciated as a way of calling them to order. Withdrawal of support is a way of showing government in power that it has derailed from the wishes and aspirations of the people.

Constructive criticism or opposition of those in government is also a means of supportive followership. Those who are interested in the affairs of government should be able to criticize what is wrong and proffer viable options for overall good of the people. Total abandonment of those in authority, or resigning to being apolitical, amounts to withdrawal of supportive followership.
Members of the political community should see good governance as a collective effort where they must play their part. Citizens can set up Non-governmental organizations to address or assist government in tackling some perceived problems of the polity. Civil societies like religious organizations, organized labour, academic unions, student organizations, should be strengthened and help in defending the autonomy of private interest. The civil society and Non-governmental organizations, community based organizations, market associations, professional associations should be able to collaborate and mobilize the citizens to stand against democratic abuses, obnoxious laws and policies; roguery in position of power, election rigging etc. The end will be massive withdrawal of support in the form of mass action, strikes, demonstration etc until government purges itself of toga of enslavement and maltreatment of the people.

Thought for the Week

“Good governance requires working toward common ground. It isn’t easy.” (Pete Hoekstra).

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Opinion

The Unsung Patriots: When Integrity Stands Above National Honours

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By Sani Sa’idu Baba

Nigeria’s Democracy Day ought to be a solemn reminder of the sacrifices, resilience, and commitment of individuals who have stood tall in the face of tyranny and injustice. It is a day that should celebrate not only democracy itself, but also the patriots who have preserved its fragile flame. Yet, in what many see as a deliberate and politically motivated omission, several Nigerians of high calibre, unimpeachable character, and unassailable contributions to nationhood were left out of the national honours list announced by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

This omission is not a matter of oversight. It is a calculated decision that speaks volumes about the political insecurities within the corridors of power. One name that resonates profoundly in this discourse is Chief Dele Momodu, adopted son of the late MKO Abiola, a journalist, publisher, presidential aspirant, and fearless voice of the people for over four decades. Chief Momodu is a man who has not only chronicled Nigeria’s history but has lived and shaped it through his unwavering commitment to truth, justice, and democratic ideals.

Let us be honest, this is not about merit. If it were, Chief Dele Momodu’s name would have featured prominently on that list. This is about fear, fear of principled rejection. It is about avoiding the kind of national embarrassment that befell the Buhari administration when internationally acclaimed writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie openly declined a national honour because she believed it lacked genuine integrity. Her rejection was not out of arrogance, but from a place of conviction, a deep sense of responsibility not to allow her name to be used as an endorsement of a government she could not, in good conscience, support.

President Tinubu’s government, undoubtedly aware of Dele Momodu’s outspokenness and principled stance, likely feared a repeat of such rejection. Because men like Chief Momodu would not want to accept such honours from those who have allegedly turned our hard earned democracy into a civilian dictatorship. For him, a national honour must be more than a political gesture, but a reflection of national values, a reward from a government that truly serves its people.

Chief Momodu has never been one to seek validation from the powerful. His life’s work has been about amplifying the voices of the voiceless, challenging injustice, and standing firm even in the face of exile and persecution. That is who he truly is. I believe that he will happily accept a national honour from a government that embodies the ideals of democracy not one that plays lip service to it. It’s only a matter of time!

This June 12, as we mark another chapter in Nigeria’s democratic journey, we must also reflect on the kind of leadership we celebrate. It is not enough to decorate the loyal and the silent. True honour lies in recognising the bold, the honest, and the principled even when their truths are uncomfortable.

To Chief Dele Momodu, and others like him who continue to walk the path of integrity, your absence from the national honours list is not a dishonour. In fact, it is a badge of honour in itself. For in a time where sycophancy is rewarded, your principled silence, your steadfast commitment to truth, and your refusal to compromise, speak louder than any medal ever could. Nigeria sees you. History will remember you.
Your recent 65th birthday celebrations which was meant to be simple and low-key but turned into a well organised global celebration all in your honour speaks volumes.

May your integrity continue to inspire a generation that refuses to trade truth for personal gains.

Happy democracy day…

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano

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Nigeria’s Reforms Have Put the Country on the Global Economic Map

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By Abdul Samad Rabiu

As my country steadies itself, Britain, its Western allies and their companies should deepen this partnership

As ghosts of the 1930s haunt the global outlook, the scramble for trade deals has seized control of government agendas. The United States has leveraged its “tariff war” to secure better terms, driving both friend and foe to the negotiating table. British deals with the US and India have provided some refuge from the prevailing gloom.

Less reported – but with similar potential – was last year’s signing of the Enhanced and Trade and Investment Partnership (ETIP) between the UK and Nigeria , the former’s first such agreement with an African nation. Quiet in its arrival, the pact may yet echo louder.

As someone who has built multinational businesses across Africa, I know the vast opportunity the continent offers, and Nigeria in particular, which alone accounts for a fifth of sub-Saharan Africa’s 1.2 billion people. But I also understand the limitations we have often placed on ourselves when it comes to securing investment.

Lowering barriers to trade is crucial, and for that Britain’s ETIP looks prescient. However, investment and business potential will remain discounted as long as African nations cling to state intervention – from subsidies and price controls to exchange rate distortions – all of which have consistently bred dysfunction and economic instability. Fortunately, Nigeria has now decisively turned a corner, embracing market economics under a liberalising government.

In Morocco this week, Foreign Secretary David Lammy indicated Britain’s position is shifting too. Setting out his strategy for Africa, he said British policy must transition from aid to investment. “Trade-not-aid” is no new idea – but it is the first time a British government has so clearly echoed the demand the African continent has voiced for years.

In making that shift, Nigeria is taking the lead for a continent to follow. So many Nigerian administrations I have known have been hostage to economic events, doubling down time and again on state intervention rather than having the conviction to reform. This administration is proving different. After two years of difficult reforms, Nigeria – under President Bola Tinubu – is now poised to fulfil the promise of its vast natural resources, rapidly growing population of over 200 million people, and strategic coastal location along the Gulf of Guinea.

First, the Tinubu administration removed a crippling fuel subsidy – the most significant policy reform in years. At 25 to 30 cents per litre, petrol in Nigeria was among the cheapest in the world. But the subsidy was bankrupting the government: by 2023, it consumed over 15 per cent of the federal budget – roughly equivalent to the proportion the UK spends annually on the NHS.

When President Tinubu ditched the fuel subsidy on his first day in office, criticism quickly followed. Prices, at least for the time being, have risen. However, statistics must be understood in light of the wide-ranging distortions the subsidy created.

Officially, fuel consumption in Nigeria has dropped by 40 to 50 per cent. But that is not because Nigerians’ petrol use reduced by this amount. In reality the country was subsidising the region, with cross border fuel smugglers profiting from arbitrage. The illegal trade was so blatant that on a visit to neighbouring Niger a few years ago, then-President Mohamed Bazoum even joked about it, thanking Nigeria for the cheap fuel. Though the move was politically unpopular, the subsidy had become unsustainable. Now, spending is being redirected toward development and infrastructure – laying the foundations for long-term growth.

Second, the country has moved from a fixed to a market-determined exchange rate. Previously, only select groups could access the official rate – especially those with political connections; the rest had to rely on a more expensive parallel informal market determined by supply and demand. But selling dollars at an artificially low rate only entrenched scarcity, a problem compounded by an opaque exchange mechanism that deterred foreign investment.

Every two weeks, we used to make the 12-hour drive to Abuja to seek dollar allocations for imports – camping out at the Central Bank for three or four days. Now, I no longer need to go. I’ve met the new Governor only once in two years – because I haven’t had to. Monetary orthodoxy has finally arrived, bringing with it the liquidity that both domestic and foreign businesses depend on to smooth trade and de-risk investment.

Third, the shackles of politics are being prised from business, bringing greater certainty, fairness and stability to the landscape. Five years ago, I woke up one morning to find that the port concession for a new venture of mine had been revoked. It turned out my company was outcompeting a friend of an official of the Nigerian Ports Authority. In the end, it took then-President Buhari’s personal intervention to save the enterprise.

Had I not been politically connected, the business would have folded – along with the 4,000 jobs it provided – at a time when job creation was, and remains, Nigeria’s most urgent challenge. Today, such connections are no longer necessary. The playing field is being levelled, flattening the political ridges and dips that once skewed the game.

Many of these reforms required political courage to withstand the force of criticism. Prices rose as distortions were removed, yet the administration held firm, even as vested interests co-opted public discontent for their own ends.

Indeed, many of the benefits of reform are still to be felt by the wider public. But economic fundamentals must be fixed before that becomes possible. That lead-time often tempts market reformers to reverse course, or avoid reform altogether. Now that Nigeria has made it through the toughest phase, its direction should be clear to investors.

For Britain, the Enhanced Trade and Investment Partnership with Nigeria was a strategic bet on reform, resilience and long-term reward. Nigeria is now delivering its part of the bargain. As my country steadies itself, the UK, its Western allies – and their companies – should deepen this partnership.

Abdul Samad Rabiu is a Nigerian businessman and philanthropist

Culled from Daily Telegraph (UK)

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Democracy and Good Governance: How Have Niger-Delta Governors Fared?

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By Magnus Onyibe

The Niger Delta is often seen as a reflection of Nigeria in miniature—especially Delta State, where a rich tapestry of ethnic groups, each with its own dialect and cultural identity, mirrors the nation’s diversity.

The region comprises nine states: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Rivers, and Ondo. Among the current governors, only Alex Otti of Abia State, representing the Labour Party (LP), came into office without any prior experience in government. A seasoned banker, Otti entered the political arena as a newcomer to public administration.

In contrast, the other eight governors had already held significant public offices before their current roles. For example, Douye Diri (Bayelsa), Hope Uzodinma (Imo), Monday Okpebholo (Edo), and Bassey Otu (Cross River) all previously served as senators before transitioning to executive leadership in their respective states. Similarly, Lucky Aiyedatiwa rose from deputy governor to governor in Ondo, while Sheriff Oborevwori, former Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly, moved from a legislative role to become the state’s chief executive.

Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, who served as the state’s Accountant General under the previous administration, also brought with him deep familiarity with the government machinery. However, his tenure is currently on hold, following a six-month state of emergency declared by the federal government. Meanwhile, Umo Eno, the governor of Akwa Ibom, previously held the position of Commissioner for Works before ascending to the governorship.

With this wealth of prior experience, it was widely expected that these governors would not need much time to adjust to their roles. The prevailing assumption was that they would be ready to deliver from day one—mobilizing both human and financial resources to fulfill the lofty promises made during their campaigns.

As we move further into this analysis, we will evaluate how effectively these nine governors have lived up to expectations and whether they’ve delivered the much-anticipated dividends of democracy to the resilient people of the Niger Delta.

To borrow a phrase often attributed to former New York Governor Mario Cuomo, “You campaign in poetry but govern in prose.” In other words, while election campaigns are filled with passion, inspiration, and grand ideals—governance demands pragmatism, clarity, and results.

Which Niger Delta Governors Are Truly Governing in Prose?

Building on the earlier analysis, a crucial question arises: Which of the nine Niger Delta governors have transitioned from campaign poetry to the prose of governance, as famously framed by former New York Governor Mario Cuomo?

This article seeks to answer that by evaluating the performance of the region’s governors over the last two years—marking the halfway point in their four-year constitutional terms.

An exception must be made for Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, who only took office in November due to the state’s off-cycle election. With just six months in office, it would be too early—and unfair—to judge the effectiveness of his administration at this stage.

To conduct a fair assessment of the governors’ performance, it’s important first to define what “good governance” means within the Nigerian context.

What Defines Good Governance in Nigeria?

In Nigeria, good governance is evaluated through several key areas of impact:
1. Business Climate Improvement
Creating a more competitive, transparent, and investor-friendly environment is essential. This includes strengthening corporate governance and promoting economic sustainability to attract both local and international investment.
2. Reforming the Oil, Power, and Extractive Industries
Given the Niger Delta’s role as Nigeria’s energy hub, reforms in these sectors are crucial. Priorities include promoting transparency, accountability, and shifting from a “gas-for-export” model to a “gas-to-power” strategy that improves electricity access.
3. Innovation and Sustainable Development
Supporting governance innovations—especially those that emerge from local communities—is vital. These may include homegrown accountability mechanisms that ensure inclusive and transparent public administration.
4. Youth, Gender, and Social Inclusion
Effective governance must actively empower youth and women through education, entrepreneurship, and social protection programs.
5. Climate Resilience and Environmental Innovation
States are expected to implement climate-smart policies that promote environmental sustainability and protect communities from the growing threats of climate change.
6. Agricultural Transformation
With food security under pressure, improving agricultural governance through innovation, investment, and infrastructure is another vital benchmark of effective leadership.

Core Pillars Supporting Good Governance

In addition to sectoral initiatives, good governance in Nigeria rests on several foundational elements:
• Policy Engagement: Working with stakeholders and lawmakers to craft impactful, evidence-based reforms.
• Data-Driven Decision-Making: Utilizing research and analytics to inform policies and measure results.
• Institutional Capacity Building: Strengthening the ability of government bodies and personnel to deliver services effectively.
• Transparency and Accountability: Upholding openness and ethical stewardship of public resources.

As we continue this midterm review of Niger Delta leadership, these criteria will serve as the lens through which we measure whether the governors are living up to their campaign promises—and delivering real progress in the daily lives of their constituents.

Core Principles of Good Governance

Globally, good governance is rooted in universal principles that cut across borders and systems. These include:
• Responsibility: Diligent and consistent oversight of financial systems, legal compliance, and risk management.
• Transparency and Communication: Clear, inclusive dialogue between governments and their citizens, encouraging participation and trust.
• Equity and Justice: Ensuring fair treatment and equal opportunities for all members of society.

Integral to these principles is the protection of human rights, which is reinforced through:
• Democratic Institutions: Structures that facilitate active citizen involvement in policy decisions.
• Efficient Service Delivery: Governments must effectively provide essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.
• Rule of Law: Legal systems must be reformed to guarantee fairness, security, and equal enforcement of the law.
• Anti-Corruption Practices: Strong mechanisms must be in place to deter corruption and promote accountability at all levels.

At the heart of these elements is strategic vision—a long-term, actionable plan that guides decision-making and ensures consistent development across governance levels.

The Niger Delta: Unique Challenges and Governance Imperatives

While the Niger Delta shares commonalities as Nigeria’s oil-producing heartland, its states vary in environmental and socio-economic conditions. Many areas, especially in Delta, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, and parts of Bayelsa, are characterized by wetlands, creeks, and swampy terrain. These difficult geographies complicate infrastructure development, especially road construction, which is vital for connectivity and economic growth.

In contrast, states like Abia, Imo, Edo, Ondo, and Cross River are situated on firmer ground, making them relatively better positioned for infrastructure expansion.

Despite these differences, the entire region grapples with a similar set of environmental, economic, and social hurdles. To effectively address these challenges, governors in the Niger Delta must embrace holistic, strategic, and citizen-centric approaches. Priority areas include:
• Environmental Remediation: Governments must lead aggressive clean-up campaigns in oil-impacted areas, while also putting in place measures to prevent future ecological damage.
• Infrastructure Expansion: Robust investment in roads, bridges, hospitals, and public utilities is critical to improving quality of life and boosting commerce.
• Diversified Economic Growth: Moving beyond oil dependency, leaders must invest in agriculture, aquaculture, small businesses, and innovation-driven sectors to build resilient local economies.
• Community Participation: Engaging local populations in governance through consultation and inclusion helps foster trust and ensure policies align with grassroots realities.
• Security and Peacebuilding: Addressing insecurity requires a blend of conflict resolution strategies, dialogue, and inclusive peacebuilding initiatives tailored to local dynamics.
• Enforcing Accountability: Governors must ensure both public agencies and private corporations adhere to environmental and human rights standards, with strong regulatory systems in place to uphold these obligations.

Pathways to Sustainable Development in the Niger Delta

For governance to be truly transformative, it must also focus on long-term, sustainable outcomes. This includes:
• Community-Led Development Projects: Emphasizing initiatives that support local needs while preserving the environment.
• Youth Empowerment: Equipping young people with education, vocational skills, and employment opportunities to reduce restiveness and foster economic inclusion.
• Improved Service Delivery: Strengthening access to quality education, healthcare, and basic services will significantly raise living standards.

Ultimately, the path to real transformation in the Niger Delta lies in confronting entrenched structural issues and deploying practical, people-oriented solutions. If these priorities are pursued with vision, commitment, and transparency, the region can unlock sustainable development and lasting prosperity.

Midterm Governance Review: Are Niger Delta Governors Delivering?

At the halfway mark of their four-year tenure—reached on May 29—the performance of governors in the nine Niger Delta states is now under the spotlight. This review examines whether they have delivered on their promises using key benchmarks for democratic dividends and good governance.

When President Bola Tinubu assumed office in 2023, he implemented sweeping economic reforms, including removing the long-standing petrol subsidy and unifying the naira’s exchange rate. These policies freed up considerable funds, resulting in significantly increased federal allocations to state governments.

Many states are now estimated to receive up to 60% more from the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC). For the oil-rich Niger Delta, this financial windfall raised expectations for accelerated development, improved infrastructure, and better living conditions.

One of the most immediate and tangible outcomes of this revenue boost is the clearing of civil servant salary backlogs. Many states that previously owed up to two years’ worth of wages are now current on salary payments—offering much-needed relief to workers and their families.

Assessing Progress Without Standardized Tools

Nigeria currently lacks a uniform, institutionalized system for evaluating subnational governance performance—unlike the way inflation or poverty is tracked by the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, or GDP by global rating agencies. In this gap, the media has stepped in to measure progress.

Platforms like ThisDay and Arise News have focused on the Niger Delta, assessing governors’ achievements based on public perception and editorial judgment, though not always using data-driven metrics.

These reviews, while informal, have highlighted standout governors and shed light on leadership trends across the region.

Delta State Leads the Pack

Delta State has emerged as a top performer under Governor Sheriff Oborevwori. His administration has made clear strides in various sectors, earning him the title of Governor of the Year in some media assessments.

Key accomplishments include:
• Sports: Hosting major events like the National Youth Games and National Sports Festival.
• Judiciary: Upgrading court infrastructure and enhancing support for judicial personnel.
• Human Capital Development: Offering grants and support for artisans, small business owners, and traders.
• Security and Peace: Establishing the Delta State Advisory and Peace-Building Council to mediate conflicts.
• Education: Improving school facilities, awarding scholarships, and strengthening higher institutions.

Beyond these, Oborevwori’s administration has made major investments in roads, bridges, healthcare, and agriculture. His infrastructure drive—facilitated through contractors like Julius Berger—has positioned Delta not just as a regional leader, but arguably one of Nigeria’s best-performing states.

Akwa Ibom Close Behind

Akwa Ibom, led by Governor Umo Eno, ranks next in terms of development. Through a weekly television program featuring the governance activities in the state, and other structured media reports, public opinion acknowledges his steady progress across multiple sectors.

A more thorough, data-backed evaluation from transparency-focused organizations like BudgIT, Statista, or Nairametrics would give a clearer picture of the impact of how the 36 governors and the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT) minister nationwide have fared in their administration at the subnational level.

Currently, Delta and Akwa Ibom are viewed as the most progressive states in the Niger Delta based on visible governance efforts and citizen engagement.

The Power of Media Visibility

One thing both Delta and Akwa Ibom have in common is their effective communication strategies. Through sponsored programs on platforms like Arise News and collaborations with media influencers (tv anchor persons ,columnists and journalists), these states have maintained strong public visibility.

This strategic communication has helped them control the narrative, highlight successes, and stay connected to their citizens. As a result, media coverage has favored their administrations.

Conversely, the remaining seven Niger Delta states—Abia, Bayelsa, Imo, Ondo, Cross River, Rivers, and Edo—have suffered from poor communication, making their governance efforts largely invisible to the public. As the saying goes, “Governing without communicating is like winking at a pretty lady in a dark room. The man knows what he’s doing, but the lady doesn’t.”

Special Focus: Rivers and Edo States

In Rivers State, Governor Siminalayi Fubara began with high visibility but soon found his administration overshadowed by political conflict.

In Edo State, Governor Monday Okpebholo only assumed office six months ago due to the state’s off-cycle election. Despite the short time in office, he has made bold moves to tackle the state’s current biggest challenge in terms of insecurity—cracking down on cultism, removing traditional rulers involved in crime, and demolishing properties tied to illegal activities.

He has also initiated the construction of a major flyover at Ikpoba Hill to alleviate severe traffic congestion. Once completed, this project will improve traffic flow between eastern and western Nigeria, easing movement from Delta and Edo to Lagos.

Agriculture: A Neglected Sector

One major area where all Niger Delta governors need to improve is agriculture. With food prices rising due to subsidy removal and currency devaluation, food security is now a pressing concern.

While civil servants’ national minimum wages have risen—from ₦30,000 to about ₦70,000,commendably in all Niger Delta states it is higher than the national level —there has not been a commensurate increase in investment in farming. This is troubling, as agriculture remains the largest employer in Nigeria. So, without creating an enabling environment for agricultural activities to thrive in the rural areas, significant poverty alleviation may not be recorded in the hinterland as food insecurity will continue to be a source of hardship for the masses.

Despite ongoing challenges like farmer-herder clashes, flooding, and coastal erosion, Niger Delta state governments must prioritize agriculture to reduce hunger and boost rural livelihoods.

Conclusion: Unlocking the Region’s Potential

The takeaway is clear: with at least 60% higher inflow of funds to states from FAAC account,money is no longer the biggest or primary constraint to development in the Niger Delta and states nationwide.
That is because the state governors now have the resources to uplift their people—if managed wisely.

The real test is in vision, planning, and prioritizing projects that directly benefit the population. Governor Oborevwori has set a strong example by combining smart resource use with visible public engagement.

Advice to Other Governors

To governors whose performance remains under the radar, now is the time to act. Learn from Delta and Akwa Ibom—meet the real needs of your people and use the media as a governance tool.

If not, you risk being the proverbial man “winking in the dark”—your good efforts may go completely unnoticed.

With the 2027 election season approaching for all but Edo, this midterm point is an opportunity to turn things around, show leadership, and earn the people’s trust for a possible second term.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, an alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, a Commonwealth lnstitute scholar and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, wrote from Lagos

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