Opinion
The Oracle: Disputes Between States and the Federation: Examining the Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court (Pt. 2)
Published
1 year agoon
By
Eric
By Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
The first part of this piece was foundational: it discussed the import and legal bases of jurisdiction as an incident of judicial power; how it is determined and the highest institutional source of its expression – the Supreme Court. We analysed the composition of the court and factors which affect its jurisdiction.
In this piece, we go deeper into the constitution of the apex court in terms of its membership and how it impinges on its jurisdiction. We then move on to a discussion of how the subject matter of a case determines a court’s jurisdiction and the conditions precedent to assumption of jurisdiction by a court.
We then dwell, in ever greater detail, with the constitution of the apex court, before going on to define ‘controversy’ and ‘dispute’; the latter, first generally, before concluding with its meaning for the purpose of invoking its original jurisdiction. Enjoy.
THE CONSTITUTION OF A COURT AND THE QUALIFICATION OF ITS MEMBERS
MEMBERSHIP JURISDICTION
Where a court is not duly constituted as to the number and qualification of the judges or justices to sit in adjudication over a matter, the court is robbed of jurisdiction to adjudicate on that matter. For instance, the number of Justices required to sit at the Supreme Court to hear a case to hear a case that borders on its original jurisdiction is seven (7). Thus, where five (5) Justices sit and adjudicate over a matter, the court will clearly be without jurisdiction due to improper constitution. Again, assuming a seven-man panel sits on the matter and one of the Justices is only thirteen (13) years post-call at the Bar, the entire panel is disqualified and any exercise it carries out will fail, as no amount of beauty in its adjudication can save it.
SUBJECT MATTER JURISDICTION
For a court to assume jurisdiction, the subject matter must be within its jurisdiction. The Constitution or statute that creates the court prescribes the subject matter to be adjudicated upon. Consequently, where a matter falls within the subject matter of a court, the court is said to have a subject matter or substantive jurisdiction; but where it falls outside the subject matter, the court is said not to have jurisdiction. Any exercise thereto in such a case shall be rendered in futility, as its decision shall be quashed on appeal. For instance, a dispute between two States, or between a State and the Federation is within the subject matter of the Supreme Court’s original jurisdiction. Consequently, where a Supreme Court that involve parties other than these, any exercise thereto shall be rendered in futility, and any decision emanating from it shall also be quashed. The scenario plays, out where a dispute which involves parties, over before which the apex court has jurisdiction is filed before any other court.
CONDITIONS PRECEDENT TO ASSUMPTION OF JURISDICTION
For a court to properly assume jurisdiction, “due process” must have been followed in initiating the same. However, we must bear in mind that there could be a mere unsubstantial technicality that does not affect the competence of the court, and a substantial technicality which affects the competence of the action and robs the court of its jurisdiction. In the case of CITY ENG. (NIG) LTD V. NAA,the court held that there is a distinction between mere or unsubstantial technicality in proceedings that are competent and within the jurisdiction of a trial court, and a substantial technicality which amounts to a condition precedent to the commencement of an action and which renders the proceedings incompetent and manifestly or incurably defective. Interestingly, while the former may be waived, the latter, as a general rule, may not be waived because acquiescence does not and cannot confer jurisdiction to a court. For instance, while a procedural rule of courts may be waived where it does not occasion a miscarriage of justice, statutory provisions containing condition precedent to the commencement of an action cannot be so waived.
To further appreciate this position, some examples of conditions precedent which, if not complied with, may render proceedings incompetent and rob the court of jurisdiction are, amongst others, as follows:
- Giving Pre-action Notice
- Limitation Act
- Where there is no service of the court process
- Locus Standi
- Geographical Territory
- Financial Limit.
THE JURISDICTION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF NIGERIA
The Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of Nigeria is provided in Section 232 of the Constitution and the Supreme Court (Additional Original Jurisdiction) Act, 2002. The jurisdiction may original/exclusive, appellate or supervisory. However, this discourse focuses on the original/exclusive jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, and the same is limited only to disputes between States and the Federation. For purposes of clarity, it is necessary to reproduce the provisions of the law – verbatim ad literatim.
Section 232 (1) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended provides thus:
“The Supreme Court shall, to the exclusion of any other court, have original jurisdiction in any dispute between the Federation and a State or between States if and in so far as that dispute involves any question (whether of law or fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends.
(2) In addition to the jurisdiction conferred upon it by subsection (1) of this section, the Supreme Court shall have such original jurisdiction as may be conferred upon it by any Act of the National Assembly. Provided that no original jurisdiction shall be conferred upon the Supreme Court with respect to any criminal matter.”
In A.G. OF THE FEDERATION V. A.G, OF ABIA STATE & 35 ORS, Belgore, J.S.C (rtd); examined the provisions of Section 232(1) of the 1999 Constitution and held that:
- The sub-section presupposes that there must a dispute either between the Federation and States or between States; and
- The disputes must pertain to the existence of a legal right or its extent; it must also relate to a question of law or a fact or both.
Section (1) and (2) of the Supreme Court (Additional Original Jurisdiction) Act, 2002, provides thus:
- “In addition to the jurisdiction conferred upon the Supreme Court of Nigeria by section 232 (1) of the 1999 Constitution, the Supreme Court shall, to the exclusion of any other court, have original jurisdiction in any dispute between–
- the National Assembly and the President;
- the National Assembly and any State House of Assembly; and
- the National Assembly and the State of the Federation,
In so far as that dispute involves any question (whether of law or fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends.
- Nothing in this Act shall be construed as conferring original jurisdiction upon the Supreme Court with respect to any criminal matter.”
DEFINITION OF TERMS
“DISPUTE”
This takes us to the meaning of “dispute” generally. The word “dispute” is not defined in our Constitution. However, the Courts have had cause to pronounce on its meaning. In Webster’s New Twentieth Century Dictionary (unabridged); the term “dispute” is defined as being synonymous with controversy. It defines it as “an attempt to prove and maintain one’s own opinions, argument or claims of another, controversy in words.” The Black’s Law Dictionary, (5th Edition), define ‘dispute’ as: “A conflict or controversy; a conflict of claims or rights; an assertion of a right, claim or demand on one side, met by contrary claims or allegation on the other. The subject of litigation is the matter for which a suit is brought and upon which issue is joined…”
“CONTROVERSY”
A dispute under Section 232(1) of the Constitution (the section dealing with the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court) must be one that is appropriate for judicial determination. It includes suits of civil nature and must raise an issue or question (whether of law or fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends. It must be real and substantial. It must be definite and concrete. The word “controversy” was considered in the case of AETNA LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY OF HARTFORD, CONN V HARWORTH. In that case, Chief Justice Hughes said: “a controversy in this sense must be one that is appropriate for judicial determination. A justiciable controversy is thus distinguished from a difference or dispute of a hypothetical or abstract character, from one that is academic or moot. … It must be a real and substantial controversy admitting of specific relief through a decree of a conclusive character, as distinguished from an opinion advising what the law would be upon a hypothetical state of facts.”
In A.G. OF THE FEDERATION V. A.G, OF ABIA STATE & 35 ORS, the word ‘dispute’ was defined by my Lord S.M.A. Belgore, J.S.C., C.J.N. (as he then was), as follows: “To my mind, a dispute involves acts of argument, controversy, debate, claims as to rights, whether in law or fact, varying opinions, whether passive or violent or any disagreement that can lead to public anxiety or disquiet. I will not close the category of disputes.” A dispute is a conflict of claims or rights or demands on one side met by contrary allegations on the other side.
“DISPUTE” FOR THE PURPOSE OF INVOKING THE ORIGINAL JURISDICTION OF THE SUPREME COURT
In A.G ABIA v. A.G FEDERATION, Tabai, J.S.C. held thus: “With respect to the construction given to the word “dispute”, the opinion of the Court (Per Belgore, J.S.C. as he then was) is quite apposite in determining the issue of this Court’s jurisdiction in this case. On page 701 he said of “dispute” thus: ‘…A dispute is a dispute whether apparent or lingering. It is remarkable that in the counter-claims to the suit some States have admitted there is a dispute. This Court in Attorney- General of Bendel State V. Attorney-General of The Federation; Attorney-General of The Federation V. Attorney-General of Imo State, set out clearly what is a dispute to the extent of using authoritative English dictionary. To my mind, a dispute involves acts of arguments, controversy, debate, and claims as to rights whether in law or fact, varying opinions, whether passive or violent or any disagreement that can lead to public anxiety or disquiet.’”
The same Belgore, J.S.C. (as he then was) had earlier in A.G, OF THE FEDERATION v. A.G OF ABIA STATE, & 35 ORS held, inter alia, that the term dispute as used in section 232(1) of the 1999 Constitution “…Involves acts of arguments, controversy, debate, claims as to rights whether in law or fact, varying opinions, whether passive or violent or any disagreement that can lead to public anxiety or disquiet.”
To be continued…
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Opinion
When Men in Power Feel Threatened: Obiageli Ezekwesili vs Senator Nwebonyi
Published
17 hours agoon
March 25, 2025By
Eric
By Oyinkan Andu
Nigerian politics has never been a bastion of decorum, but even by our standards, the recent Senate committee hearing was a spectacle. What was supposed to be a forum for governance quickly devolved into a verbal brawl, with Senator Nwebonyi launching into a tirade against former Minister of Education, Obiageli Ezekwesili The exchange—filled with name-calling and personal insults—was as telling as it was embarrassing.
If there’s one thing that rattles the political establishment in Nigeria, it’s an outspoken woman who knows what she’s talking about. And that’s exactly what Ezekwesili represents.
Power and Gender
This was not just a disagreement over policy. If it were, we would have seen a spirited debate backed by facts and counterarguments. Instead, we witnessed what has become a predictable pattern: a powerful woman challenging the system and being met not with logic but with derision.
Ezekwesili has built a career on holding power to account. From her time in government to her role in the Bring Back Our Girls movement, she has consistently pushed for transparency and justice. She is not known for being timid. But in Nigeria, confidence and competence in women are often seen as provocation rather than virtue.
Senator Nwebonyi’s outburst was not just about a disagreement—it was a performance. A warning. A reminder that no matter how qualified or respected a woman is, the political boys’ club will not hesitate to put her “in her place.”
A System Built to Humiliate Women in Power
We’ve seen this before. The Nigerian political arena is no stranger to public humiliations aimed at female leaders.
Dora Akunyili faced relentless attacks for daring to reform NAFDAC.
Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was branded a “foreign agent” when she pushed for economic reforms.
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan was suspended after speaking out against the Senate President.
It is the same old playbook: when women hold power to account, the response is not to engage—it is to attack.
The Spectacle Over Substance Problem
What makes this clash even more concerning is how quickly our political discourse is degenerating into theatre. Instead of focusing on policy, lawmakers are turning committee hearings into reality TV auditions, complete with shouting matches and insults. This is more than just bad optics—it’s dangerous.
One would expect that a senator, tasked with shaping the laws of a country, would at least have the intellectual stamina to engage in a meaningful debate. But apparently, that’s asking for too much.
Instead of challenging Ezekwesili on substance, Senator Nwebonyi opted for personal attacks—an age-old trick used by those who have run out of ideas. It’s almost as if logic took one look at the Senate chamber that day and quietly excused itself.
How does a man get elected to the highest lawmaking body in the country, only to behave like a schoolyard bully? Shouldn’t there be an entrance exam for basic reasoning before handing out Senate seats? Or at the very least, a crash course in How to Argue Without Embarrassing Yourself 101?
Perhaps the real problem is that Senator Nwebonyi was simply outmatched. In a battle of wits, he brought a dull spoon to a sword fight. And when words failed him, he defaulted to insults—because nothing exposes intellectual bankruptcy faster than resorting to name-calling.
The sad reality is that few will be surprised by what happened between Senator Nwebonyi and Obi Ezekwesili. Many will even justify it. But the question is: will we ever demand better?
Will we insist on a political culture where disagreements are debated, not reduced to playground insults?
Will we support women who dare to challenge the status quo instead of letting them be shouted down?
Will we hold those in power accountable for their actions instead of treating these moments as entertainment?
If we do not demand better, we will continue to see our political institutions degrade into arenas of ego and pettiness rather than governance. And if that happens, we can not act shocked when the country remains in a perpetual state of dysfunction.
The real scandal is not that a senator insulted Ezekwesili—it’s that this is what governance in Nigeria has become.
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Opinion
President Tinubu’s Silence on Wike: A Calculated Gambit or Political Oversight?
Published
2 days agoon
March 24, 2025By
Eric
By Oyinkan Andu
Hours after the March 18 explosion on the Trans Niger Pipeline – which threatened to upend the transportation of 245,000 barrels of crude oil daily – President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took decisive action by declaring a state of emergency in Rivers State. The move was undeniably bold, but also deeply ironic.
Flashback to 2013, when Tinubu, then opposition leader, furiously condemned former President Goodluck Jonathan’s declaration of a state of emergency in parts of Northern Nigeria. He decried it as a “ploy to subvert constitutional democracy” and warned of its destructive consequences. While the 2013 emergency was aimed at addressing a genuine humanitarian crisis in the face of Boko Haram insurgency, the context now is starkly different – politically motivated turmoil in Rivers State, driven by the power struggle between President Tinubu’s allies.
The Dangers of a State of Emergency in the Niger Delta
Looking back at Nigeria’s history, it’s hard to ignore the dark shadows of military rule, where states of emergency were routinely invoked as political tools. Under military regimes from the 1960s to the 1990s, emergency powers were used to quell dissent and assert control, often at the cost of democratic freedoms. From General Yakubu Gowon’s administration, which invoked emergency rule during the Civil War, to Ibrahim Babangida’s deployment of the same tactic to suppress electoral uprisings, Nigeria has seen firsthand the dangers of turning to emergency rule in times of political unrest.
These authoritarian precedents have often led to deeper divisions and instability, fostering environments ripe for corruption and manipulation. President Tinubu’s potential misuse of the state of emergency in Rivers State echoes this troubling past, underscoring how history could repeat itself if Nigeria’s political elites continue to prioritise personal alliances over democratic principles.
History teaches that such measures often spark unintended consequences: renewed piracy, cultism, and an uptick in kidnappings. It threatens to undermine the peace painstakingly fostered by the Niger Delta Amnesty Program since 2009. The real danger? A resurgence of inter-militant warfare, as the Wike and Fubara factions, already drawing lines in the sand, could plunge the region into a new cycle of chaos and vendettas.
The real irony? Tinubu’s deafening silence on Nyesom Wike’s role in this mess. The man at the heart of the Rivers crisis, Wike, remains untouched by the political fallout, and yet his actions remain a looming shadow over the state’s governance. Why?
The Rivers State Crisis
To get a sense of the stakes, one must understand the underlying political drama that’s been unfolding in Rivers State. It all began with Wike’s choice of Siminalayi Fubara as his successor in 2023. What seemed like a smooth transition turned into an intense clash of egos and ambitions. Fubara, instead of toeing Wike’s line, started flexing his independence, particularly by resisting Wike’s influence from Abuja.
What followed? Political warfare.
Wike’s loyalists in the Rivers State House of Assembly attempted an impeachment of Fubara. In response, Fubara dissolved the assembly, triggering a constitutional crisis. Then, the Rivers House of Assembly complex mysteriously caught fire, sparking accusations of foul play. Fubara, in a rash display of misguided impunity, demolished the complex, citing safety concerns, but fuelling allegations of erasing evidence.
The more this drama unfolded, the more one figure remained untouchable: Wike.
Tinubu’s Selective Accountability
President Tinubu, however, has opted for a peculiar kind of selective accountability. He swiftly reprimanded Fubara, yet remained silent on Wike’s clear interference in the affairs of Rivers State. His silence is deafening, especially when PDP Governors openly criticised Wike’s destabilising influence. Why? Is Wike above reproach?
The silence, coupled with the fact that civil society groups and opposition figures have questioned President Tinubu’s inaction, has raised critical questions about whether Tinubu is playing favorites.
Nyesom Wike – The Untouchable
A plausible explanation for President Tinubu’s reluctance to confront Wike may lie in the realm of political debt. In the 2023 elections, Wike defied his own party, the PDP, and backed Tinubu’s presidential bid. This defection was pivotal in securing Rivers State for Tinubu. In return, Wike secured the cushy post of Minister for the Federal Capital Territory, further entrenching his influence.
The question now is whether President Tinubu is unable to hold Wike accountable due to this political debt. President Tinubu may view Wike’s support as indispensable for his broader 2027 political ambitions, particularly in neutralising the PDP and bolstering his hold in the South-South. But this kind of political manoeuvring is a dangerous gamble. By selectively punishing Fubara while allowing Wike to go unchallenged, Tinubu risks institutionalising a culture of impunity which directly challenges his Hope Renewed agenda.
Wike’s Troubling Track Record
Wike is no stranger to accusations of overreach and intimidation. During his tenure as Governor of Rivers State, his administration was plagued by Allegations of using security forces to silence opposition and undue influence over judicial matters to maintain his grip on power.
This history of excess, combined with President Tinubu’s blind eye, raises serious concerns about the future trajectory of governance in Rivers State—and Nigeria at large.
From Lagos to Rivers, powerful figures who control the strings of political fortunes in their states have often used this leverage to demand loyalty from political protégés. Wike’s unchecked influence could very well be a continuation of this political tradition, where the state apparatus bends to the will of the godfather, rather than the people.
The Broader Implications for Nigerian Democracy
The turbulence of Nigeria’s post-1999 civilian government era remains a cautionary tale. Though Nigeria made strides in its return to democracy, its political stability remains fragile. Many of the challenges faced in the post-1999 era — rigged elections, systemic violence, and political manipulation still persist and appear to be directly incompatible with the promised “Renewal” we voted for in the 2023 election, so why maintain the status quo? The failure to hold Wike accountable continues this troubling tradition of weak governance and selective justice. When Nigerian leaders are continuously carte blanche to act without consequence, it escalates a negative trajectory in an environment where impunity already flourishes. It also sets a dangerous precedent for other politicians, who might see the president’s inaction as an endorsement of their own ambitions, no matter how disruptive.
If President Tinubu continues to shield Wike from accountability, it could further erode the public’s trust in the rule of law and democratic institutions and the “hope” that’s already on life support might flatline entirely.
The longer he withholds action, the greater the cost—both for his credibility and for the future of Nigeria’s democracy.
As Nigeria watches, one thing is clear: silence in this case is not neutrality—it is complicity.
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Opinion
Akpoti-Uduaghan vs The System: A Battle for the Soul of Nigeria
Published
2 days agoon
March 24, 2025By
Eric
...Examining the Court’s Ruling on Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s Recall
By Oyinkan Andu
The Federal High Court’s decision to vacate the order restraining INEC from receiving recall petitions against Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan might seem like another legal technicality. But in Nigeria, where democracy often functions like a high-stakes chess game, it’s far more than that.
Yes, the ruling reaffirms the constitutional right of constituents to recall elected officials. But it also raises a pressing question: is this a legitimate expression of voter dissatisfaction or just another political tool wielded to neutralise opponents?
In a political landscape as ruthless as Nigeria’s, recall mechanisms can be easily weaponised. Imagine a system where every ambitious politician, backed by well-oiled interests, could trigger a recall simply to distract, destabilise, or discredit an opponent. That’s not democracy—that’s guerrilla warfare.
The courts, therefore, carry the weighty responsibility of ensuring that recalls serve the people, not political vendettas. While this ruling allows the petition process to proceed, INEC must still verify whether it meets legal standards. The real challenge? Ensuring the recall process remains a tool of accountability, not an instrument of sabotage.
A Battle Beyond the Courts
There’s an unspoken rule in Nigerian politics: women must play by different rules or risk being destroyed. Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is learning this the hard way.
When she accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment, the expected reaction should have been outrage, an investigation, something. Instead, she was swiftly suspended for six months—punished for daring to speak out in a system meticulously designed to silence women like her.
The backlash followed a familiar script. Yet, something unprecedented happened: many Nigerians rallied behind her.
For a country where high-profile accusations of sexual misconduct have historically met women with more backlash than justice, this shift was remarkable.
Consider Busola Dakolo’s case against Pastor Biodun Fatoyinbo—the backlash was so severe that she eventually fled the country briefly. The playbook is always the same: discredit, dismiss, destroy.
Yet, despite the growing support Akpoti-Uduaghan has received, scepticism remains.
Some immediately doubted her claims—not just out of political distrust, but because the truth can be too unsettling to confront. What if she’s pulling back the curtain on something too ugly to acknowledge? What if this is just the tip of the iceberg—a world where male politicians have long wielded power with unchecked impunity, protected by silence, complicity, and fear? Or worse still, what if some female politicians, past and present, have been coerced into submission, while others—women who could have reshaped Nigeria’s political landscape for the better—were cast aside and destroyed simply for refusing to play along?
Others dismissed her as yet another ambitious politician playing the game. They scrutinised everything—her privileged background, her past as a single mother, even her audacity to be politically ambitious.
But did they stop to ask: what if she’s telling the truth?
Her allegations don’t exist in a vacuum. Investigative reports from The Guardian and Al Jazeera have hinted at murmurings—and even documented claims—about Akpabio’s conduct. Former aides and political insiders have whispered about inappropriate behavior for years. But like so many before, these allegations were swept under the rug.
The same forces that fuel scepticism today—patriarchy, political self-interest, and distrust of authority—are the ones that have allowed such claims to be ignored in the past.
If history teaches us anything, it’s that impunity thrives in silence. And yet, silence is precisely what is expected of women in Nigerian politics.
Speaking Out Isn’t Just Hard—It’s Dangerous
Calling out powerful men in Nigeria doesn’t just lead to public humiliation—it’s a battle for survival. If Akpoti-Uduaghan is telling the truth, she isn’t just fighting for justice; she’s fighting for her future.
Women across Africa who challenge power rarely escape unscathed:
Fatou Jagne Senghore (Gambia) was persecuted for pushing gender rights.
Stella Nyanzi (Uganda) was jailed for calling out misogyny.
Joyce Banda (former President of Malawi) endured relentless smear campaigns simply for daring to lead.
Nigeria is no different. The system is designed to make women regret speaking up.
Why Is It So Hard to Believe Women?
Scepticism toward Akpoti-Uduaghan follows predictable lines. She’s a politician. In a system riddled with corruption, people assume any claim is a power move.
She’s privileged. Many believe wealth should shield a woman from harassment. In reality, privilege just makes her easier to discredit.
She’s a single mother. Nigerian society weaponises a woman’s personal life. Being unmarried or divorced is treated as a flaw, making her an easy target.
She’s up against a powerful man. This isn’t just any politician—Akpabio is the Senate President. This is a battle between an insider and an inconvenient woman.
In a system that prioritises the status quo, it’s always easier to believe a woman is lying than to confront the reality that a powerful man might be guilty.
A Nigerian #MeToo Moment?
Nigeria has dodged its #MeToo reckoning for years.
In 2017, the U.S. saw powerful men fall as women spoke out. In Nigeria, women who speak up are ridiculed, threatened, or erased.
Now, with Natasha’s case, we stand at a crossroads:
If she is lying, let the evidence prove it.
If she is telling the truth and is destroyed for it, what does that say about us as a society?Let’s us also give her the benefit of the doubt that she may not have planned to reveal this issue if her hand was not forced by the Senate presidents petty actions against her while undergoing her duties.
This isn’t just about Natasha. This is about every Nigerian woman who has been afraid to speak.
It’s why women’s groups chant “We Are All Natasha.” It’s not just a slogan—it’s a demand for change. If a senator can be silenced, what hope do ordinary women have?
Beyond Politics: This Is About Justice
Forget party lines. Forget personal opinions about Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. This is about justice.
What allegedly happened to her could happen to any woman—any woman who dares to say, “Enough.”
So will Nigeria listen? Or will we continue silencing women until they stop speaking altogether?
A Shifting Demographic Tide—And A Hopeful Future
There’s something the system isn’t ready for: women are becoming the majority.
Demographic studies show that across Africa, female populations are growing faster than male populations due to socio-economic factors. This shift could fundamentally change power dynamics.
A growing female electorate will demand better representation.
As women gain economic power, traditional gender roles will evolve.
A society that values female leadership is more likely to embrace justice, collaboration, and reform.
But change is never welcomed by those who benefit from the status quo. The very trend that could lead to a more equitable Nigeria is already provoking backlash.
The Real Battle: Will Nigeria Listen?
At its core, this is a battle over Nigeria’s future.
Will we continue a culture where speaking up comes at a cost too high to bear? Or will we seize this moment to redefine the standards of justice and power?
The courage of women who speak out must be celebrated, not condemned. Because if a senator, armed with privilege and power, can be silenced—what chance do the millions of silenced women stand?
And so, the question remains: Will Nigeria listen?
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