Opinion
Tinubu’s Risky Niger Gamble, Shetty’s Embarrassment
Published
3 years agoon
By
Eric
By Farooq Kperogi
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu yesterday wrote to the Senate to inform it of an impending “Military build up and deployment of personnel for military intervention to enforce compliance of the military junta in Niger should they remain recalcitrant.” This is a dangerous, ill-advised, potentially self-destructive gamble Tinubu would do well to give up because it has the potential to consume not just him but also Nigeria.
I detest military regimes because I am repulsed by any system that imposes unequal, predetermined structural limits on the aspirational compass to leadership. It is for the same reason that I despise the unearned, inherited authority that monarchies represent. Everyone should, at least in theory if not in practice, have the latitude to aspire to the highest level of leadership in the land. Military rule limits leadership to professional people, as monarchies limit leadership to bloodline.
Additionally, as someone who came of age during totalitarian military regimes, I loathe the brutality and dehumanization that accompany all military rules and wish that no country would ever have to endure the nightmare of military monocracies.
But going to war with another country because it unfortunately devolved into a system of government that, in our judgement, is abhorrent is unwarrantedly arrogant, provocative, and reckless. This is particularly more so because, at least for now, the new military junta in Niger Republic enjoys enormous goodwill among the vast majority of the citizens of the country.
I have seen massive demonstrations in support of the new military regime in rural and urban Niger— and against President Bola Tinubu whom demonstrators have rechristened “Ebola Tinubu” to signal the toxicity and unwelcomeness of his intrusion into the internal affairs of their country. Nigeriens obviously have no problems at the moment with the junta in power. When they do, they’ll find a way to deal with it. Who are we to tell them how they should conduct their affairs and whom they should prefer as their rulers?
Plus, in Nigeria, the tide of public opinion is overwhelmingly against any form of Nigeria-led military aggression to restore civilian rule in Niger. Nigeria is itself wracked by disabling internal turmoil on multiple fronts, which the Tinubu administration hasn’t yet shown any willingness to confront, much less contain. Why is Tinubu igniting a fire in another person’s home to “resolve” a squabble there instead of putting out the enduring conflagration in his?
And who is paying for this unsolicited, foolhardy misadventure? Nigerians have been pushed to the very edge of existence (and several have already fallen off the cliff) by the cruel removal of fuel subsidies, yet the Tinubu administration will expend billions (that it repeatedly says the country doesn’t have) to start a needless and avoidable war in a country that is at peace with its anomaly.
Is it the 1 trillion naira the government claimed it has saved from the removal of subsidies that it will use to fight a thoughtless war in Niger that has neither tactical nor strategic benefits for Nigeria? It makes absolutely no sense.
Nigeriens don’t want a war. Nigerians, too, don’t. On whose behalf is Tinubu starting this pointless war then? “Democracy”? Whose “democracy”?
Well, if preservation of civilian rule is the sole motivation for Tinubu’s intervention in Niger, why is he unconcerned about military rule in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea, which are also members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)?
True, Tinubu wasn’t president when these other coups took place, but what’s stopping him from adding Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea to his list of West African countries that must reinstate their ousted civilian presidents if “democracy” is his overriding concern?
The only thing that makes sense at this point is the widespread insinuation that Tinubu is doing the bidding of Western imperialist powers whose approval he seems insanely desperate for. Since his conservative, stultifying, and asphyxiating economic policies, which have paralyzed the country, are already merely a page from the World Bank and the IMF, it’s apparent that his greatest aspiration isn’t to serve Nigerians but to be a dutiful poodle of the West.
On the instructions of the West, he is killing his people with hunger. On the instructions of the same West, he wants to kill his neighbors with war.
In a private communication, famous University of Texas history professor Toyin Falola pointed out that this is France’s war. “France can give up Mali and Burkina Faso, but Niger is the only country it will not give up without a fight,” he said. “Agadez is the life wire of France, without which it will be using generators like Nigeria. No gas from Russia, and uranium is what it uses for its nuclear energy power. Nigeria cannot use its resources and army to work for France.”
Is Tinubu committing Nigeria to a violent entanglement with Niger on behalf of France because Paris is now his second home—like London used to be Buhari’s second home?
kano
Another dimension to the situation in Niger that Tinubu and his advisers seem oblivious of is that Mohamed Bazoum was a deeply unpopular president who, as Professor Falola said, didn’t win his election. “His predecessor planted him there and gave his [i.e., predecessor’s] son a cabinet appointment,” Falola said. “Niger is a democracy on paper. The mafia distributes rent. Niger has the highest number of land cruisers per capita in Africa.”
What Professor Falola describes isn’t exclusive to Niger, of course. It’s the feature of most “democracies” in Africa. But when you throw Niger’s identity politics into the mix, you are staring at a really combustible situation.
Bazoum comes from Niger’s Arab ethnic minority (with roots in Libya) who constitute less than one percent of the population.
The Hausa constitute a little over 50 percent of the population. The Zarma (whom Hausa people call Zabarma, which probably influenced the Yoruba Sabarumo) are a distant second with a little over 20 percent of the population, although they dominate Niger’s military and civil service. There are other minor groups in the country such as Dendi (whose language is mutually intelligible with Zarma but who consider themselves different from the Zarma), Tuaregs, Kanuri, Fulani, and Gurma.
Former President Mahamadou Issoufou is Hausa, but for personal gains he rigged Mohamed Bazoum, a minority Arab, as his successor. Bazoum was overthrown by Abdourahamane Tchiani who appears to be Zarma going by the region of the country he comes from, but who enjoys the support of the Hausa.
The Zarma and the Hausa (who together constitute more than 70 percent of the population) were resentful that an Arab (with a minimal command of the Hausa language and probably zero proficiency in Zarma and whose people are less than one percent of the population) was imposed as president over them without actually winning a legitimate election.
Forcing the return of Bazoum as president would be a declaration of war against more than 70 percent of the country’s population. But that’s not even my worst fear. In the event of an all-out war, there would be refugees from Niger all over northern Nigeria, which could, in fact, flare up a Yoruba-Hausa ethnic strife in Nigeria because the narrative would be that a Yoruba man is killing Hausa people.
Should that happen, that could end the Tinubu presidency. Is it worth it? I don’t think so.
Maryam Shetty’s Unexampled Ministerial Embarrassment
I had no idea who Maryam Shetty was until I saw what seemed like an unremitting cornucopia of congratulatory messages directed at her on Facebook on her appointment as a minister by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
I saw jokes about how almost every (northern) Nigerian on social media somehow found a way to establish connections to her. I was going to join the joke by saying I was connected to her, too, because she shares the same first name as my second daughter, graduated from my alma mater in Nigeria, and even got some sort of certification from Emory University in Atlanta where I live.
Then I woke up Friday morning to the shocking news that her nomination had been withdrawn. I don’t recall if there is any precedent for this kind of embarrassment. Why was her name announced when the president hadn’t made up his mind that he wanted her on his cabinet? The public ridicule she has been subjected to can’t be redeemed by any compensatory appointment.
I thought her appointment sent a symbolic message to young women that they, too, matter. Kwara State governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq has already blazed a trail in appointing everyday young women with no roots in political dynasties into commissionership—to the annoyance of political old stagers. I thought President Tinubu was following in Abdulrazaq’s lead and was going to write a full-length column to commend this.
The embarrassing but totally preventable flip-flopping of the Tinubu administration is becoming truly unsettling.
Related
You may like
Opinion
GLO and the Democratization of Communication in Nigeria
Published
4 hours agoon
June 13, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
Glo, the “Digital Oxygen” of Nigeria’s Democracy
As Nigeria marked Democracy Day on June 12, it is important to celebrate not only our democratic journey as a nation, but also institutions whose values and contributions reflect the very essence of democracy.
In Nigeria’s telecommunications industry, Glo stands out as arguably the most democratic network. Democracy thrives on inclusion, accessibility, equal opportunity, participation, and the empowerment of the people. Since its inception, Glo has consistently demonstrated these ideals through its commitment to making communication affordable and accessible to millions of Nigerians.
By pioneering competitive tariffs, affordable data services, and innovative products tailored to the needs of ordinary citizens, Glo helped break barriers to communication and brought connectivity within reach of people across different social and economic backgrounds. In doing so, it democratized access to information, knowledge, and opportunities in an increasingly digital world.
This commitment has been tested in recent times. Following the Nigerian Communications Commission’s approval of a 50 percent tariff adjustment across the telecommunications industry in 2025, operators were compelled to review their pricing structures. Yet Glo’s response reflected a people-first philosophy even amid economic pressure. Through generous data bundles, rollover benefits, value-back offers on MiFi devices, and bonus data packages, the company sought to cushion the impact on subscribers. While the industry generally moved toward higher costs, Glo worked to ensure that communication remained within the reach of ordinary Nigerians, staying true to the democratic principle that access should never be reserved for a privileged few.
Glo’s democratic approach extends beyond pricing to infrastructure development. Its 2025–2026 network modernization programme, which involved the deployment of over a thousand new 4G LTE sites, spectrum expansion, and the reconstruction of critical fibre routes, has been particularly noteworthy for its focus on underserved rural communities as well as densely populated urban centres such as markets and educational institutions. Democracy is not merely about serving those already at the centre of power; it is about extending opportunity to those at the margins. By expanding connectivity to communities that have historically been overlooked by telecommunications infrastructure, Glo has quietly been democratizing not only communication but also access to the digital future.
A key pillar of any true democracy is the protection and promotion of freedom of speech and expression. Through its reliable and affordable network, Glo has empowered millions of Nigerians to express their views, share ideas, engage in public discourse, and connect with others without being constrained by cost or access. This is not an abstract principle. It is reflected daily in the WhatsApp groups, Facebook communities, online forums, and citizen-led conversations that increasingly shape Nigeria’s political and social discourse. From grassroots town hall engagements to real-time reactions during elections and national debates, Glo provides a platform through which citizens exercise one of the most fundamental rights in a democratic society.
Furthermore, Glo’s unwavering support for local content, Nigerian talents, sports, entertainment, and entrepreneurship reflects its belief in creating opportunities for people to succeed and contribute meaningfully to national development. From its long-standing sponsorship of football competitions to its investment in Nigerian music, Nollywood, and homegrown entrepreneurial initiatives, Glo has consistently amplified Nigerian voices and celebrated Nigerian excellence. This commitment to empowering individuals mirrors the democratic principle of broad participation and shared progress.
As we honour the heroes of June 12 and reflect on the sacrifices that paved the way for democratic governance in Nigeria, Glo deserves recognition as a corporate institution that has consistently advanced the values of inclusion, accessibility, empowerment, and freedom of expression. In many respects, Glo has done for communication what democracy seeks to do for governance: place power in the hands of the people.
As Nigeria celebrates Democracy Day, Glo stands not merely as a telecom provider but as a symbol of inclusion, accessibility, and empowerment. In connecting millions of Nigerians to one another and to the world, it has helped deepen democratic participation and amplify the voices of ordinary citizens. It is more than a network. It is more than “unlimited.” It is “digital oxygen” that keeps Nigeria’s democratic conversation alive.
Happy Democracy Day, Nigeria.
Related
The morning sun streamed through the stained-glass windows of the Anglican Church of Transformation Hall, casting patches of amber and gold across the gathered crowd. Mothers clutched small bouquets—it was Mother’s Day—and children fidgeted in their seats, unaware that history was about to be made in their midst.
At the podium stood Sunny Irakpo, his hands steady on the lectern, his voice carrying the weight of nearly two decades of quiet war. Not a war of soldiers or bombs, but one fought with pamphlets, school visits, rehabilitation talks, and now—something far greater.
Before him sat bishops in clerical collars, doctors in tailored suits, community leaders in colorful Nigerian attire, and ordinary men and women who had crossed oceans for a better life. They had come to witness the unveiling of the SILEC International Magazine (SIM)—the first global media platform dedicated exclusively to reporting drug-related issues across Africa, the United States, and beyond.
“Just like a SIM device is important to a phone,” Sunny began, his voice warm yet resolute, “imagine one with a sophisticated phone without a SIM. Such a phone will be useless. Therefore, SIM is a solution provider—an enabler designed to bring value, reset mindsets, and create a global platform bold enough to revolutionize the media ecosystem.”
The room leaned in.
Three hours earlier, Revd. Canon Paul Obike had opened the ceremony with a prayer and a smile. The anchor Venerable Shola Ogbedebi , He looked out at the sea of faces—mothers, especially, whom he thanked for their invisible labor of raising children in a world saturated with temptation.
“Sunny Irakpo,” Ogbedebi had said, “is a courageous young man with strong passion and zeal, championing a worthy cause that has taken the lives of many promising youth in Nigeria, the United States, and across the globe. He is a trailblazer. A strong voice that keeps shaping policy direction.”
The audience had applauded, some wiping tears. They knew the statistics. They had buried nephews, cousins, sons.
Now, as Sunny continued his address, he moved from metaphor to mission.
“SILEC International Magazine is not just a publication,” he said. “It will drive awareness, create employment opportunities for young people, and support underprivileged students—particularly in Nigeria, where more than twenty million children remain out of school due to financial hardship.”
He paused, letting the number settle.
“Twenty million.”
A murmur rippled through the hall.
Sunny spoke of the vision conceived years ago, held in his heart like a pregnancy carried through contraction and pain. “When a child eventually escapes the womb, the mother leaps for joy,” he said. “Today, I stand in solidarity as a mother—not by pregnancy, but by conception of ideas that could help proffer solutions to the many problems confronting mankind. This is my joy: that baby SIM is birthed to the world today, in a country where dreams come through.”
He invoked Habakkuk 2:2—write the vision and make it plain—and reminded the gathering that a child’s raising belongs not only to its parents but to the entire community. “So it is for this newborn, named SIM,” he said. “I call for your collective nurturing.”
The statistics he shared were stark.
A United Nations report from 2025 stated that 316 million people worldwide were affected by drugs. Nearly half a million deaths annually. Twenty-eight million healthy years of life lost. In 2023, only one in twelve people with drug use disorders received any treatment.
In the United States, over one million people between the ages of eighteen and forty-five had died from drugs.
But it was Africa that Sunny named as the emerging frontline. “The new market,” he said quietly. “Seventy percent of young people. In Nigeria, according to UNODC, 14.4 million people aged fifteen to sixty-four abused drugs and substances as of 2018—significantly higher than the global average. Those aged eighteen to thirty-nine remain the worst users today.”
He did not shout. He did not need to. The numbers screamed for themselves.
Then came the moment the room had been waiting for.
The Chairman of the occasion, The Rt. Revd. Dr. Augustine Unuigbe—Coordinating Bishop of the Church of Nigeria North America Mission and Managing Director of Rapha Medical Group—rose from his seat. He was a tall man with gentle eyes and the steady hands of a physician.
“As a medical doctor,” Bishop Unuigbe said, stepping to the podium, “I have seen firsthand cases of drug overdose. I have watched young people slip away on hospital beds, their parents wailing in corridors. The drug problem and overdose deaths in the United States are underreported—for reasons I cannot ascertain. But time has come for the message to be louder.”
He turned to look directly at Sunny.
“My path and Sunny Irakpo crossed on social media,” the bishop continued. “I did not know Sunny from Adam. What brought us together is divine connection. In 2021, met him physically when the Primate of All Nigeria, the Most Rt. Dr. Henry Chukwudum Ndukuba, invited Sunny to present a paper at the Standing Committee meeting—the highest decision-making body of the Church of Nigeria, Anglican Communion. His presentation on ‘The Monster of Drug Addiction: A Battle for the Future’ was educative, revealing, and commendable.”
The bishop’s voice deepened. “My association and endorsement of SILEC Initiatives is based on the credible platform and the carrier of the message—Sunny Irakpo—who has shown serious commitment for nearly two decades. This young man deserves all the support and encouragement to propagate the message farther.”
He placed his hand on a tablet connected to a large screen. “I now unveil the SILEC International Magazine—electronically, with Artificial Intelligence tools for the campaign ideology—to the glory of God and benefit of humanity.”
The screen flickered to life. The magazine’s website appeared: crisp, modern, alive with stories. A video montage played—interviews with recovered addicts, profiles of resilient entrepreneurs, reports from Nigerian villages where schoolrooms stood empty. The audience watched in rapt silence.
Then they rose. They clapped. Some wept.
Dr. Inua Momodu, President of the Nigerian Community in Atlantic County, New Jersey, seized the moment. “Drug abuse affects almost every household,” he said. “Everyone must be involved in this fight to save the lives of young people. The Nigerian community under my leadership will continue to support SILEC Initiatives with effective collaboration.”
Distinguished guests nodded firmly from the front row. Besides, Angels In Motion ably represented by Laura Rhodes whispered to a colleague: We need to partner with them.
Before closing, Sunny Irakpo turned to the mothers in the room. It was, after all, their day.
“Dear mothers,” he said, “your roles in family and nation-building cannot be overemphasized. Sadly, in the cause of my advocacy, I have seen women deeply engaged in drug abuse and illicit trafficking. The most despicable act is using their most revered private parts to conceal drugs. One out of four females is now a drug abuser.”
The room grew very still.
“We urge our mothers to hold firm the values that help shape society. Tighten the home front. Help prevent our wards from this destructive path.”
He paused, and his voice softened.
“In loving memory, I remember today the sacrifices of my late parents—Pa Christopher Ewomarevia and Mrs. Victoria Adiheji Irakpo—for the value of education and godly parenting they implanted in me. They started this vision of SILEC with me in 2010. It pleased God that they did not witness this very important occasion. But I give God all the glory. May their kind souls continue to rest in peace.”
The ceremony ended with Reverend Ohio Simire offering the vote of thanks, followed by closing prayers from Bishop Unuigbe. As the crowd filed out into the New Jersey afternoon, phones buzzed with notifications—the live stream had reached thousands across three continents.
Outside, a young woman approached Sunny Irakpo. She was perhaps twenty-two, her eyes red-rimmed.
“My brother overdosed last year,” she said quietly. “He was nineteen.”
Sunny placed a hand on her shoulder. “Then we do this for him,” he said. “And for all the others.”
She nodded, and for the first time that day, she smiled.
Somewhere, a SIM card connects a phone to the world. And somewhere else, a newborn magazine called SIM began connecting broken stories to hope—one page, one life, one truth at a time. Oh, what a magazine you must get with just a click from your phone at www.sim.silecinitiatives.org.ng . SILEC is rising, SILEC International Magazine, the global light.
Article contributed by Kwame Jamal
Related
Opinion
When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection
Published
4 days agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Shakirat Akintola
For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.
Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.
Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.
To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.
A Referendum on Lived Realities
The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.
The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.
Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.
Related


GLO and the Democratization of Communication in Nigeria
Adding Value: The Power in a Name by Henry Ukazu
Tech and Humanity: Africa is Building the Future of AI; The Question is Who Will It Serve?
The Oracle: Understanding the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of Nigerians (Pt. 3)
Sowore ‘Slumps’ Amid Police Teargas During Abuja Protest
Friday Sermon: Terrorism the Curse of Islam 2
Senate Orders DSS, Police to Hunt Bandits Flaunting Crime on Social Media
All White Service of Songs As Celebrities Bid Alex Ekubo Farewell
Lessons from 2019, 2023 Elections: Why Atiku Abubakar Needs Dele Momodu As Running Mate
UBA Foundation Marks World Environment Day 2026 with Tree-Planting Initiative
The Dark Link Between the Forest Cartels and the Ballot
Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet
Tech and Humanity: The Long Walk to School
When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection
Trending
-
Entertainment2 days agoAll White Service of Songs As Celebrities Bid Alex Ekubo Farewell
-
Opinion6 days agoLessons from 2019, 2023 Elections: Why Atiku Abubakar Needs Dele Momodu As Running Mate
-
Business5 days agoUBA Foundation Marks World Environment Day 2026 with Tree-Planting Initiative
-
Opinion5 days agoThe Dark Link Between the Forest Cartels and the Ballot
-
Opinion4 days agoWhy Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet
-
Tech and Humanity5 days agoTech and Humanity: The Long Walk to School
-
Opinion4 days agoWhen Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection
-
Opinion4 days agoThe Bridge Nigeria Needs: Reflections on Leadership, National Unity, and the Ati-Dele Conversation

