Headline
Nnamdi Kanu: The Making of a Sweet Victory
Published
4 years agoon
By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
The Appeal Court has agreed that Nnamdi Kanu’s extradition was illegal and as such, robbed any court necessary jurisdiction to entertain the suit. It has therefore granted the leader of the IPOB leader freedom from all counts against him.
For as as many that were following the trial of the leader of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, in a case brought against him by the Federal Government of Nigeria, it was obvious that the President Muhammadu Buhari-led federal government was pursuing a white elephant project. This is considering the merits of the case as has been postulated by renowned legal entities, most especially the legal team of the Biafran leader, led by Barrister Ifeanyi Ejimofor and the indefatigable luminary, who recently bagged a CON national honours, Mike Ozekhome.
The story of Nnamdi Kanu, revered by thousands of his followers, mostly of Southeast extraction, is a story of destiny and fate at work.
Basking from the near collapse of the Movement for the Actualisation of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) under the leadership of Ralph Uwazuruike, Kanu out of the blues flouted the IPOB organisation, to fight for the restoration of the Biafran state, which was clipped after 30 months of civil war between July 1967 and January 1970.
Kanu’s ordeal started when he was arrested October 14, 2015 by the Buhari administration following a sting operation led by a DSS operative, Temisan John. The operative said Kanu was arrested in the company of a woman at the Golden Tulip Essential Lagos Airport Hotel located at 42/44, Murtala Mohammed International Aiprot Road, Ikeja, Lagos.
“On arrival at the hotel, the staff denied having Kanu there or having any knowledge of him, even when showed his photograph. The guest manifest, for about five days, was also printed and the name was not found on any.
“However, relying on accurate intelligence, the team decided to conduct a physical search on all the rooms and Kanu was arrested in Room 303 while hibernating with a young girl, Maryam Ibezimakor, with all his broadcasting and communication gadgets set for use.
“It was then discovered that Kanu checked in under the name Nwanekaenyi Ezebuiro. He was subsequently arrested and taken to the command headquarters,” the Service narrated in 2015.
He was thereafter charged for treasonable felony by the Federal Government, and detained at the DSS facility.
However, with cases and counter cases proved in court, Kanu was finally granted bail with stringent conditions in April 2017 by Justice Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court, Abuja.
Also, he must not be seen in a crowd or gathering of more than 10 people. And that he must not grant interviews of any kind. Senator Eyinnaya Abaribe, a senator from Abia south; Immanuu El-Shalom, an Igbo Jewish leader, and Tochukwu Uchendu, a businessman, stood in as sureties for Kanu, and his bail was facilitated.
But a few months later in September 2017, the Nigerian army during Operation Python Dance II, invaded his country home in Afaraukwu, Ibeku, Umuahia, where it was alleged that massive destruction and killings took place. Kanu escaped in a way that has yet to be proved till date, and was declared missing. He was however, to resurface in Jerusalem, Israel in October, 2018, over a year after the incident, and after much speculations about his whereabouts.
But on June 29, 2021, Nigerians woke to a shocking news that Kanu has been arrested and extradited to Nigeria. A statement by the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, confirmed that Kanu was in the custody of the DSS, and appear in court soon.
Speaking from detention through his counsel, Aloy Ejimakor, Kanu said he was held incommunicado and chained to a bare floor for eight days in a nondescript private facility in Kenya.
Ejimakor explained further: “The people that abducted him said that they were told by their sponsors that Kanu was a Nigerian terrorist linked to the Islamic terrorists in Kenya, presumably Al-Shabab.
“But after several days when they discovered his true identity, they tended to treat him less badly. Despite that, they told him they felt committed to hand him over to those that hired them.”
“In my assessment of how the case now stands, I wager that before any court can subject Kanu to trial for any offenses, it has to first conduct a trial within trial on the grievous incident that forced him to leave Nigeria and the equally grievous incident that forced him back to Nigeria.
The counsel also argued that no matter the charges the government slam on Kanu, the law will not overlook the incidents that led his escape from Nigeria, and the matter he was bundled back.
“No court of law, conscience and equity will overlook those two supervening incidents and proceed to trial,” he said.
Much as the Nigerian government accused Kanu of ‘orchestrating’ the killings of about 60 people, including security officials in the South-east. the IPOB, which was later proscribed, denied the allegations.
The government had slammed a 15-count charge including terrorism and treasonable felony against Kanu, but the trial judge, Mrs Nyako had in a ruling delivered on April 8, 2022,struck out eight of the 15 counts, leaving the IPOB to answer to only seven.
Nyako, in her ruling, threw out counts 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12,13 and 14 which she ruled were repetitive and invalid.
But she approved counts 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8 and 15, under which the trial of Kanu has been premised since then much as he pleaded not guilty to the charges with his lawyer, Ozekhome reiterating that Kanu has no case to answer.
In the course of the trial, a high court in Umuahia, Abia State, ordered the federal government to pay N1 billion to Nnamdi Kanu for violating his rights.
Kanu had filed the application from the DSS custody through his counsel, Ejimakor against Abubakar Malami, attorney-general of the federation (AGF), and the Department of State Services (DSS) for allegedly violating his fundamental human rights.
Aside from the AGF and the DSS director-general, other respondents were the federal government of Nigeria (first), chief of army staff (third), inspector-general of police (fifth), and three others.
Amongst other reliefs sought in the suit marked HIH/FR14/2021, Kanu asked the court to compel the respondents to pay him N5 billion in damages as monetary compensation for the “physical, mental, emotional, psychological and other damages” suffered as a result of the alleged infringement on his fundamental rights.
Delivering judgment, Benson Anya, the judge, described the invasion of Kanu’s Afaraukwu residence as notorious and brazen.
The judge also ordered the federal government to issue a public apology to Kanu in three national dailies. He also advised the federal government to adopt a political resolution in dealing with issues involving Kanu.
While the Kanu team awaited the Federal government to toe the line of the court’s recommendations, the trial took another twist on Thursday; a twist that forced the government and security chiefs to go into an urgent meeting. The Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal discharged Nnamdi Kanu, of the remaining 7-count terrorism charges brought against him by the federal government. The appellate court, in a unanimous decision, faulted the process through which Kanu was brought before the Federal High Court to answer to a 15-count terrorism charges.
The appeal court ruled that the arrest, abduction and subsequent arraignment of Kanu before a Federal High Court violated international convention on terrorism and, thus, robbed any court of law in Nigeria necessary jurisdiction to entertain the suit. Justice Adedotun Adefope-Okijie, who read the judgement of the three-man panel, noted that there was nowhere the federal government showed it complied with the procedures for the extradition of the IPOB leader from Kenya last year.
The appellate court listed the conditions, according to the Organisation of Africa Unity (OAU), which a state must meet to include a formal application for extradition to the host country, permission from court, and statement of the alleged offences in connection with the extradition request amongst others. The court explained that the requirements were aimed at ensuring that people were only extradited after full conviction of alleged committal of an offence and not for any other purpose.
The judge berated Nigeria, saying the country must learn to play by the rules and that the courts owed the country and people a duty to ensure that the executive abided by the law at all times particularly, when the country was a signatory to such laws.
While noting that the court might not have the powers to dictate to the executive, Adefope-Okijie said it could prevent the executive from abusing the law, adding that courts should not be shy to always call the executive to order.
The appellate court, in its judgement, further held that the trial court ought to have evaluated the circumstances under which Kanu was brought into the country to continue his trial. The three-man panel said the issue of jurisdiction raised by the appellant was one that was critical to the case, which the court ought to have resolved first. While stating that the issue of jurisdiction was properly raised before the trial court, Adefope-Okijie observed that the trial court turned a blind eye to it.
She stated, “The lower court must pronounce properly on all issues presented before it. The trial court ought to have made findings on the issue raised regarding the extradition.”
The judge added that the lower court had no jurisdiction to try the respondent in the retained charges.
“No court can try him going by the circumstances of the extraordinary rendition,” the court held.
According to the judgement, the federal government violated international convention on terrorism, which it was a signatory to, when it illegally arrested Kanu in Kenya and extraordinarily brought him to Nigeria for trial.
The appellate court held that the warrant of arrest issued against Kanu was not enough reason or excuse for the government to violate international convention and charters.
Narrating the sequence of events, Ozekhome explained that agents of the federal government (the respondent) had launched a military operation, code-named “Operation Python Dance” at the appellant’s home town in September 2017, which forced him to escape out of the country, to Israel, then London.
The senior advocate recalled that on June 27, 2021, “The federal government forcefully arrested Kanu in Kenya and renditioned him back to Nigeria ‘in most cruel and inhuman manner”.
He therefore, contended that by section 45 (a) of the Federal High Court Act, with regard to criminal charge, the trial court does not have “global jurisdiction”.
But while jubilations filled the air over the court judgment, There was Malami, through a statement signed by his media aide, Dr Umar Gwandu, stated that the detained IPOB leader was only discharged and not acquitted by the court, hence the federal government could still explore other options to prosecute him.
“The appropriate legal options before the authorities will be exploited and communicated accordingly to the public,” he said, noting that the decision handed down by the Court of Appeal was on a single issue that borders on rendition.
But whichever way the case goes at the Supreme Court, which may be the next port of call, it remains obvious that as Kanu’s legal team had maintained, there’s no way a trial can be conducted without considering the two events that led to Kanu’s escape from Nigeria, and his forceful rendition back from Kenya.
Meanwhile, the IPOB leader remains incarcerated!
Related
You may like
Headline
Dickson Defends NDC Registration, Dismisses Irregularities Allegations
Published
4 hours agoon
May 5, 2026By
Eric
National Leader of the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), Seriake Dickson, has defended the legitimacy of the party’s registration, dismissing allegations of irregularities and urging Nigerians to ignore what he described as propaganda.
Dickson, a former Bayelsa State governor, in a X post on Monday said the party’s formation was the result of a long-standing process dating back to 2017, contrary to claims that it was recently granted recognition without due procedure.
“For the record, the annexures show that we initiated the registration process for the NDC as far back as 2017 and that INEC granted approval at that time before the process was halted,” he said.
He added that the party revisited and updated its application when the Independent National Electoral Commission resumed registration of political associations.
Dickson’s comments come amid controversy triggered by allegations from Umar Ardo, convener of the League of Northern Democrats and promoter of the All Democratic Alliance, who accused the electoral body of unlawfully registering the NDC in violation of constitutional provisions and its own guidelines on DCL Hausa.
Ardo claimed that while his group and others met all requirements for registration, they were ignored, whereas the NDC was allegedly recognised under questionable circumstances.
“The reason is that NDC obtained registration without applying, without meeting the requirements set by law, without meeting the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, and without meeting INEC’s guidelines,” Ardo said during an interview.
“With my experience in politics, I am fully aware that an ambitious project of this nature will attract distractions—rumours, gossip, propaganda, and even blackmail,” he said.
He urged Nigerians to remain focused on what he described as the party’s broader vision of national renewal.
The development comes amid growing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections, following the defection of key opposition figures including Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso to the NDC.
Dickson described their entry into the party as part of a broader coalition-building effort aimed at creating a strong ideological platform.
“What we are witnessing is a powerful convergence: my role as a party organiser and builder, alongside two political heavyweights with immense grassroots support, popularity and political experience,” he said.
He added that the party aims to build a durable political institution comparable to established global parties.
“As I have consistently stated, our goal in the NDC is to build an ideological political party, one that can be compared to the ANC in its finest years in South Africa, as well as established political parties across Europe, America, India and even the Communist Party of China,” he said.
Dickson also highlighted the party’s focus on youth and women, describing the NDC as a platform designed to promote inclusion and mentorship.
“The NDC is a party with a special place for young people and women, one that prioritises mentorship and prepares citizens for service,” he said.
He called on Nigerians to join the party and participate actively in its activities, including contesting elections.
“I call on all Nigerians to join the NDC, register, participate, and contest elections. Together, let us reclaim and rebuild our country,” he added.
Related
Headline
Peter Obi Only Had Interest in Presidential Ticket, Not in Party’s Policies – Abdullahi
Published
4 hours agoon
May 5, 2026By
Eric
The National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, Bolaji Abdullahi has accused Peter Obi of showing no interest in the party’s policy positions during his brief membership, saying he was only interested in obtaining the presidential ticket.
Abdullahi made this known on Monday during an interview on Arise News’ Prime Time programme, the same appearance in which he earlier described Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso’s departure from the ADC as a setback but not a fatal blow.
Abdullahi said the party had invested months in developing a manifesto with clear policy positions, but Obi never engaged with the process.
“You may invite His Excellency Peter Obi and ask him, what is the ADC position on fuel subsidy? What is the ADC’s framework on security? He doesn’t know, because he’s never been interested. They are just waiting for the tickets to be handed to them,” he said.
Abdullahi appeared to place Obi in the first category, contrasting his conduct with the party’s expectations.
“If you say you want to contest election, and you believe in the country, in changing the country, you should know what your party stands for,” he said.
He also pushed back against suggestions that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar had become the frontrunner for the ADC’s presidential ticket following the departures.
“This party ADC is not going to be an SPV for anybody,” he said, adding that former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi remained among the contenders.
Obi and Kwankwaso joined the ADC in March 2026 as part of a broad opposition coalition aimed at challenging the APC in the 2027 general elections.
Both men quit the party on Sunday, citing internal crises, court cases, and what they described as deliberate efforts to frustrate their participation in the electoral process.
They have since joined the Nigeria Democratic Congress, where they have called for an end to litigation-driven politics.
Obi had said his decision to leave was not driven by personal ambition but by the need to rescue Nigeria, describing the pattern of internal crises as one he had also encountered in the Labour Party.
Related
By Eric Elezuo
Those, who are of the impression that the Nafiu Bala Gombe factor is the only crisis bedeviling the major opposition party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), should probably begin to rethink. The reasons are obvious; the cankerworm of treachery, me, me and me factor, wings of undemocratisation, and loss of focus have continued to haunt the nascently developing party, and observers are of the agreement that the process may again go the way of 2023 if the constant bickering of who takes what continue to fester.
It is noteworthy that the Supreme Court has been judicially lenient to the ADC, in its judgment regarding leadership, where the popularly advocated David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola leadership was sustained. But the judgment, much as it brought a temporary relief, did not in any way drive away the crisis that the party has continued to ‘bring upon itself’ since its elaborated second launch in July, 2025.
While Nigerians had seen the ADC as a veritable alternative, a much better option to the existing ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) with its attendant and alleged failed policies, which have subjected the Nigerian people to untold hardship from day one when the ‘subsidy is gone’ declaration was made, it has hitherto failed to reciprocate the confidence reposed on them by putting their house in order and jettison person desires fir Nigerianism.
But from every indication it’s beginning to appear that the ADC came, not unprepared, but under-prepared, creating loopholes that have energized the infiltration of elements of destruction bent on ensuring that the party is not on the ballot paper come 2027. The Nafiu Bala Gombe angle is consistently fighting to ensure that the agenda comes to pass. The ADC has however, pointed accusing fingers at the President Tinubu-led Federal Government and the APC as the brain behind the crisis, and the general muffling and muscling of the opposition, as the window of election contest continue to open wider.
But beyond the alleged hand of Tinubu in the brouhaha, there’s the in-house dispute, not just among the superweights that joined the party, but also among their supporters.
The super politicians include former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, two-terms governor of Rivers State, and two-terms Minister of Transport, Mr. Rotimi Chibike Amaechi; two-terms governor of Kano State and former Minister of Defence, Alhaji Rabiu Kwankwaso and two-terms governor of Anambra State and business man, Mr. Peter Obi.
Till date, none of these prolific politicians has agreed to step down for another, creating a situation where the only door open to the aspirants is a transparent and all-agreeable primary election to determine who flies the party’s flag. But that is not to be again as the duo of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday ditched the party, enroute the newly formed Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC). Observers say that Obi has an unexplained phobia for primary elections.
But observers have wondered if the opposition leaders are really interested in ousting the administration of Bola Tinubu, which they unanimously agreed has not impacted positively on Nigerians. They have dismissed the coalition as a gathering of highly ambitious politicians, whose real agenda is to grab power for themselves, otherwise they could have done everything within their power to settle for and support one individual if the intention is to actually dethrone Tinubu, and give Nigerians to good they deserve.
As part of the disagreements that have threatened to pull down the very fabrics of opposition plans, and drag the nation back to the mistakes of 2023, the existence of ego; a certain type of ego that analysts have described as ‘Big Ego’, has played a crucial roll.
From Atiku to Obi to Amaechi and to the newest entrant, Kwankwaso, none is willing to settle for the other to fly the party’s flag. Everyone of the candidates wants to be president .And much as Tinubu has been blamed for most the crises in many major political parties, it is still not known if Tinubu could be blamed for the inability of these political juggernauts to settle for a consensus candidate to wrest power from the present administration, that not a few Nigerians have condemned.
From various camps, especially the ‘Obidients’ (supporters loyal to Peter Obi), the slogan has remained it’s either Obi or nothing, a move that has made it impossible for the agreement towards consensus or primaries to be reached. The Obidients maintained that Atiku has no right to contest, and shouldn’t contest, citing excuses including that he is of northern extraction, and it’s not the turn of the North to produce a president.
However, the Atiku camp has countered the notion saying that there’s no constitutional provision to whoever should contest for the presidency at a particular time, stressing that the presidential contest is opened to all Nigerians of 40 years and above irrespective of tribe, religion or region. They therefore, wonder why the Obi supporters would insist that Atiku drops off without a legitimate primary election.
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION FOR PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST
According to Section 131 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended), a person must be a citizen by birth, at least 40 years old, a member of a political party, sponsored by that party, and educated to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent.
The same section mentioned that disqualification of any aspirant would be based on allegiance to another country, previous two-term service as president, lunacy, or criminal conviction.
The Constitution did not at any section impose legitimacy on tribe, region or rotation. Atiku is eligible to stand for election.
Another angle Atiku’s detractors have tried to capitalise on is his stewardship as the Vice President.
However, a member of the Atiku, who prefers anonymity, explains that the Waziri Adamawa performed his functions as vice president creditably, and executed assignments as instructed. He added that at no time did the former sold any assets, rather he supervised privatization, which is the hallmark of development for any capitalist environment
The source said, “Sold national assets to who and as who? Was Atiku the president because as far as I know, he was the vice president and could not have acted without the consent of Mr President. Atiku never sold anything, those things were privatized and people, who wanted them, applied.”
Speaking on the most qualified of all the presidential aspirants, the source clarified that “having been a vice president for eight years, sustained credible institutions and businesses, none could compare to Atiku. He is the most senior, and most experienced”, he said
On the permutation of the likely winner of the 2027 election, the source dismissed Kwankwaso, whose over million votes came largely from Kano State, and Peter Obi, who could not win any state in both the North East and West. He advised that Obi’s chances are slim in contrast to Atiku, who won across the five regions except Southeast.
He said, “Atiku, won election as the Governor of Adamawa State before he was selected as gor the vice president position by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and he served for two-terms of eight years.
“Atiku, has since contested for president on the tickets of ACN, APC (primaries 2014), PDP, (2019 and 2023). He wants to be president, no doubt. That is not a man that can be hounded out of a race or intimidated by a small and vocal group.
“It is worthy of note that Peter Obi’s six million votes in the last election didn’t come strictly from the ‘Obidients’. In fact, not up to 30% came from them. The majority of the votes came from silent supporters of Obi who are members of other parties and from people not identified with any political party. Atiku can decide to step down for Obi or anyone, that is his choice to make. No one should hinge Obi’s success or failure on Atiku. He wants to be president too, and should not be intimidated, the source reiterated.
HISTORICAL TRAJECTORY
Without mincing words, the survival of the opposition coalition depends solely on Atiku and Peter Obi. Most men must agree to support each if there must be a headway in booting Tinubu out of power. Anyway other than that is just another rehash of the 2023 scenario.
It would be recalled that Atiku and Obi formed an alliance that challenged late former President Muhammadu Buhari in 2019. While Atiku stood asthe substantive candidate, Obi operated as the running. Buhari won with a slim margin though observers believed that the election was greatly manipulated.
But in 2023, ambitions defeated expectations. While many had expected Atiku to support younger aspirants to run, but he threw his hat in the ring. It was his constitutional right. The likes of Peter Obi, who has created a picture of himself as being afraid of primaries, left the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the Labour Party, where he picked up presidential ticket on a platter. He believed that with the completion of the Buhari era, it was the turn of the Southeast to produce a president. Even as the duo of Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi pooled a collective total of over 12 million votes, both were still defeated by the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Bola Tinubu.
A cross section of opinion molders have remained divided as to what would have happened if both had teamed up again as candidate and running mate. While a section said that the duo would have beaten Tinubu hands down, others believe that the massive voters would not have come out from their hiding if Obi had not been on the ballot paper. But the way it stands, and having known their electoral capabilities and capacities, and with one goal of removing Tinubu from office, one would have expected the two candidates to drop their egos and work together. But that has become a tall dream!
With the bickering, and subsequent defection of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, to the NDC, ostensibly to actualize the new slogan of Obi-Kwankwaso (OK), an analyst has juxtaposed the previous election in 2023, and the fast approaching one of 2027 as follows:
As the 2027 election approaches, it’s good to give a highlight of the major conditions required for any candidate to be declared winner of the election according to the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. (1) Candidates must get the majority of the votes from the entire country. (2) Candidate must get at least 25% from at least 24/36 states plus the FCT. In 2023 for example, INEC declared Bola Ahmed Tinubu the winner of the election for securing 36.7% of the total votes and 25% from 29 states. Followed by Atiku Abubakar who secured 29.9% of the votes and got 25% from 21 states. And then Peter Obi who came third with 26.1% of the total votes and 25% from 15 states. What does that mean? Tinubu was declared winner not only because of the number of votes, but also because of the 25% rule, which he secured majority from Ondo, Ekiti, Kwara, Ogun, Oyo, Niger, Kogi, Benue, Jigawa, Zamfara, Borno and Rivers. On the other hand, Atiku Abubakar won states like Osun, Yobe, Gombe, Adamawa, Katsina, Bauchi, Kaduna, Sokoto, Kebbi, Taraba, Bayelsa and Akwa-Ibom bringing it to a total of 12 states. Similarly, Peter Obi won states like Enugu, Anambra, Abia, Ebonyi, Imo, Delta, Cross-River, Edo, Lagos, FCT, Plateau and Nassarawa bringing it to a total of 12 states with none from North-West and North-East. Kwankwaso dominated Kano State with more than a million votes. Based on this highlights, who do you think will win the 2027 presidential election?
WHY PETER OBI SHOULD HAVE REMAINED WITH ATIKU AS RUNNING MATE
A lot of narratives have been peddled as to why it would been a sound political decision for Peter Obi to remain with the ADC, and seek election as running mate to Atiku Abubakar.
Many believe that Peter Obi came to limelight in 2019 courtesy of the Atiku generosity, when he was nominated as the presidential vice candidate against the wishes and to the chagrin of major political heavyweights in PDP at the time. Both made a noticeable though did not win.
Secondly, Atiku has told the public that he was only concerned with serving for only one term, and promised to support Peter Obi to take afterwards. This is highly fundamental because across the world, many politicians have effortlessly crossed over to becoming the president after serving as vice presidents.
The case of the present President of Ghana, Dr. John Dramani Mahama, readily comes.to mind. He served as vice president to John Kuffour, and took over afterwards.
There’s also Nigeria’s Goodluck Jonathan, who served as vice president to Umar Musa Yar’dua, and became president at his death, and went ahead to win another term, even when it was the proverbial turn of the North.
In the United States, Joe Biden served as vice to Barack Obama, and became president at the end of his tenure. He served for one term, and voluntarily bowed out on health grounds.
In Kenya, incumbent President Willam Ruto served loyally as vice to Uhuru Kenyatta, and is today the president of Kenya.
In Liberia, Joseph Boakai served as vice president to Ellen Johnson Sirleaf for her two-terms of 12 years (2006 – 2018) before becoming president himself.
Just as the list is endless, it is believed that a little patience by Obi can help I removing Tinubu, and making him president in 2031.
However, appearing quite upbeat about the happenstance, a chieftain of the ADC, Chief Dele Momodu, summarized as follows during a recent interview:
“I have no fear whatsoever, though there’s a bit of agitation everywhere. If you ask most people, they would tell you, Oh, Asiwaju will rig the election. They are sure Tinubu will do this and that. He has the power of life and death and so on and so forth, but I’m not bothered. As you get older in life, you begin to understand the God factor better. I believe that whatever APC likes, let them do. When it is God’s time, he will push them out and I think, this 2027, we are closer to it than ever.
“I said APC, whether they like it or not, the whole world knows that they have failed. And now the people are thinking it is political parties that chase away government? No, it is not parties; it is the people. When the people rise up and say it was the people that chased away PDP that time, it was the people. In this case, those who will chase Tinubu and APC away are not just members of ADC. They are Nigerians who are fed up, completely fed up, who will look back at the last three or four years and ask pertinent questions like, Was my life better in 2023 than it is in 2027? Was security much better in 2023 than it is in 2027? Was electricity better? Was water better? Was infrastructure better? Was our foreign policy better? Was the quality of ministers better? When you answer all those questions, you will see that the majority of the answers will be no, no, no. And that is what will determine why people will vote them out.”
With Obi now in NDC, and Atiku still in ADC, the shape of 2027 for the opposition may not be looking good because the way it stands, the OPPOSITION IS ABOUT TO BURY HOPE AGAIN, leveraging on the infamous ‘BIG EGO’.
It is now to your tent, O’ Israel. This is the real status quo ante bellum, and every candidate is now to test his own strength in isolation.
Related


Dickson Defends NDC Registration, Dismisses Irregularities Allegations
Peter Obi Only Had Interest in Presidential Ticket, Not in Party’s Policies – Abdullahi
Will ‘Big Ego’ Bury Opposition Again?
It’s Stupid to Say Only Southerner Can Be President in 2027 – Dele Momodu
A Vindicating Truth: A Factual Presentation on the Supreme Court’s Intervention in the ADC Leadership Matter
Strike: ASUU Declares Solidarity with SSANU, NASU
Xenophobia: Tinubu Orders Close Monitoring of Protests in South Africa
When Consultants Get Consulted: What McKinsey’s Two-Hour AI Breach Says About Real Cost of Moving Fast
Opinion: Big Brother Africa: A Case of Cain and Abel
FG Declares May 1 Public Holiday to Celebrate Workers Day
Leadership in Africa: Forging a New Era of Self-Reliance, Unity and Global Relevance (Pt. I)
US Threatens to Withhold 50% of Aid to Nigeria over Lapses in Security, Civilian Protection and Accountability
Strike: ASUU Declares Solidarity with SSANU, NASU
Attorney-General Asks Court to Deregister ADC, Accord, Three Other Parties
Trending
-
Tech and Humanity4 days agoWhen Consultants Get Consulted: What McKinsey’s Two-Hour AI Breach Says About Real Cost of Moving Fast
-
Opinion4 days agoOpinion: Big Brother Africa: A Case of Cain and Abel
-
National5 days agoFG Declares May 1 Public Holiday to Celebrate Workers Day
-
Opinion3 days agoLeadership in Africa: Forging a New Era of Self-Reliance, Unity and Global Relevance (Pt. I)
-
National3 days agoUS Threatens to Withhold 50% of Aid to Nigeria over Lapses in Security, Civilian Protection and Accountability
-
National1 day agoStrike: ASUU Declares Solidarity with SSANU, NASU
-
Headline5 days agoAttorney-General Asks Court to Deregister ADC, Accord, Three Other Parties
-
Opinion2 days agoKwankwaso-Obi Anti-Coalition Alliance and the Perception of the North

