Opinion
Public Intellection and the Future of Nigeria by Wale Adebanwi
Published
5 years agoon
By
Eric
What I will like to do is to attempt to take forward the critical role of public intellection through the authors reflections in the book under review.
But first a short story. In July 2019, I visited His Highness at the Gidan Rumfa in Kano to seek his views on a research project on the politics of austerity measures. At the end of the interview, we got talking briefly about Nigeria as His Highness rearticulated some of the developmental plans he had for Kano while also mentioning some of the challenges he was facing. In response, I accused him of abandoning Nigeria for the Kano throne. He disagreed. He explained that apart from taking up the mantle of his heritage, there were important and urgent developmental challenges that needed to be addressed in Kano, in particular, and the north of Nigeria, in general, for which his position as the Sarkin Kano was critical. But I insisted that the more important and urgent developmental challenges in Nigeria, for which his likes were needed, would not allow him, in the long run, to accomplish most of the goals he set for himself as the Emir of Kano.
The national body-politic was afflicted with multiple sclerosis, trying to save one of the limbs was therefore inadequate. What Nigeria needed were treatments that could ensure a speedy recovery from the attacks to the national brain and the central nervous system of the body-politic in order to modify the course of the disease and manage the symptoms. The problem in Kano and the north were manifestations of the fundamental problems of the Nigeria state. Thus, what needed saving first was not Kano; it was Nigeria. The appalling leadership in the state was only a reflection of the headship of the Nigerian state.
The book that is being presented today in an affirmation that, despite his position on Kanos urgent salvation, the author has always recognised that Nigeria not only needed to be saved but that, correspondingly, as poet and humanist, Odia Ofeimun, insists Nigeria was eminently saveable. Though there is no question that time is running out on Nigeria, especially so in a moment of our national history when utter cluelessness mixed with mindless indifference has been turned into a matter of regime pride and even governmental swagger, there are still many who hold out some hope for Nigeria. For the Good of the Nation: Essays and Perspectives, which includes essays, conference papers, and three interviews, published over the last two decades is not only a kind of manifesto by the author about Nigerias problems and possibilities, it is also a testament to the authors prodigy as well as a demonstration of his eclectic, even if polemical, take on the most critical issues of our time. More significant is the fact that the book is a testimony to the authors faith in Nigerias possibilities and our collective future as a people. Whether he is reflecting on the debates on the restructuring of the federation, redistributive justice and radical democratic imagination, interrogating Muslim political thought in the modern world, the intellectual sources of Islamist identities, or engaging with Foucauldian philosophy in probing Muslim history and the discursive trends in Islamic law in the context of Nigerias ethno-regional and ethno-religious tensions, including the struggle among Nigerias ruling and ruining class, the authors specific liberal spirit and commitment to Nigeria is strongly reflected in this book. For instance, this spirit and commitment lead the author to embrace the liberating and liberationist ethos of Thomas Paine and Betrand Russell, even while rejecting their atheism.
As my late friend, Pius Adesanmi, so able captures it in his Foreword to this book, the author demonstrates the core obligations of public intellection, not just in speaking truth to power, but also in stubbornly confronting, headlong, some of the complex or difficult issues of the Nigerian union, including those regarding the precept, nature and future of the union, the character of ethno-regional relations as well as elite politics, religion and the politics of piety, and also the uncomfortable question of gender equality in northern Nigeria. This stubborn devotion to confronting uncomfortable questions leads the author, in Adesanmis words, to a humanising synthesis of disparate political traditions (p. xxxi) as a praxis of intervention which seeks to create a middle ground of mutual sympathies and comprehension in a national oasis of acrimony and misunderstanding (ibid). Thus, it is important in this review to foreground the authors critical commitment to public intellection about the most important questions of the age.
Against this backdrop, the authors critical examination of these issues – including his intellectual orientation, his praxis, his ethno-regional location, his royal pedigree and privilege also constitutes a veritable ground for further contention. However, while the authors background and location define him, these essays show that they do not exhaust the authors intellectual, socio-economic as well as political orientations and convictions. A man of noble convictions does not have to be a nobleman. Therefore, that intellectual nobility is combined with the nobility of birth in this case is not natural. It is obvious from the essays that the authors social convictions developed over a lengthy period of both fascination with philosophical reflections from different historical eras as well as open mindedness towards the world. It is striking that the man who has since become the leader of the Tijaniyya movement is also, in this book, the non-sectarian advocate for religious tolerance.
There are a range of issues, ideas, and praxis for the reader to engage with in this almost 500 page thought-provoking and in some cases, provocative book. I can only mention a few as I do not have the time and the space to deal with the sheer complexity of the issues here. However, I will point to two of these issues as illustrations of the authors deep reflections, fine intellection, as well as profound, even if contentious, declamations about the Nigerian condition.
The first is about the political conditions of Nigeria. I place this under the episteme of national survival that is, in Foucauldian terms, “the implicit [and explicit] rules of formation which governs what constitutes legitimate forms of knowledge about the essential character of the Nigerian state in this age. This includes ethno-regional and ethno-religious relations and tensions, the structure of the federation, and the nature and process of recruitment for national leadership. The author who dismisses the Afenifere and Ohaneze, and following Balarabe Musa, accuses “the Yoruba bourgeoisie” of representing “the greatest problem to nation-building” (p. 23) in the first year of Obasanjos presidency, is the same who affirms that Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe were, unlike Sir Ahmadu Bello, right in pursuing a strong centre within a federal structure, while concluding that “The Northern bourgeoisie and the Yoruba bourgeoisie have conspired to keep the Igbo out of the scheme of things” (p. 24). While he rejects the attempts to make all Northern Muslims to take responsibility for what he describes as the un-Islamic actions of past northern leaders (p. 37), and rejects a crude and cruel caricature of the Northern Muslim, the author concedes that it is a caricature that finds credibility in the abundance of evidence (p. 227) even while adding in another essay that if there is anything [about] which the political leadership of the North stands guilty as charged, it would be its contemptible and cowardly silence, its tolerance of evil and its open fraternisation with despots. As an example, the silence of Emirs and many notable political and religious leaders in the face of the injustice to which Chief M.K.O. Abiola was subjected is inexplicable” (pp. 37-38). It is no wonder he didnt keep silent when he also became an emir. (Although, the reigning emirs might respond that no wonder he is no longer an emir!”) Also, the author agrees with most of what northern Christians have to say about northern Muslim elite (p. 55) even while insisting that the northern Muslim poor, perhaps more so than northern Christians, have been visited with adversity by the northern elite.
One of the most significant goals of this volume, it seems to me, is how to ensure national survival. While the reader may not agree with the author about his diagnosis or prognosis, I suspect that most people across the political and ideological spectrum who are committed to national survival including both the proponents and opponents of restructuring or national conference will agree with the part of the book which speaks powerfully to the spirit of the theme of this book: For the Good of the Nation. I will quote the author: there is a second, perhaps more fundamental reason, for discussing the structure of the federation. It is the reality that the elite merely exploit or manipulate the secondary contradictions in our polity. They neither created nor concocted them. The historical process which brought together these heterogeneous groups was never destined to achieve a magical and immediate erosion of their histories and a total submersion of their identities into a common national milieu. [Thus] the task of nation-building does not lie in ignoring these differences, as the military have tried to do. Unity is not necessarily synonymous with uniformity. But it also does not lie in a defeatist attitude of despair or a return to a nihilist era of ethnic agendas and tribal warfare. The tragedy of Nigeria does not lie in its diversity, nor in its population, nor in its resources. Our tragedy lies in the lack of a truly nationalist and visionary leadership, an elite that harnesses the diverse streams that flow into the melting pot called Nigeria (p. 5).
Against this background, I strongly recommend that you read the authors take on federalism and state creation as well as his take on the experiences of the northern minorities and the Igbo in the post-Civil War era.
The second is about the explication, explanation and/or reconsideration of Islam, the role of Islam in Nigerias history as well as the philosophical reflections on Islam and modernity and the implications of theocratic praxis for the future of Nigeria. In his role as an explainer and defender of Islam and Islamic theology and even Islamic jurisprudence in order to achieve rationality within and outside the Islamic world towards achieving inter-cultural understanding and inter-faith dialogue, the author, as the book shows, has been assailed by doctrinaire Islamists as well as non-Muslims. But as a polymath who is also a theologian, one who is as confident about his knowledge in Islamic jurisprudence as well as the arcane philosophy of ancient Greece, the author competently takes on both the adherents and outsiders or traducers of Islam on different issues, including the Shariah, gender relations within Islam and in the larger contemporary society. One of the key issues that the author attempts to settle in this book is the conflation of culture/tradition with Islam. He engages in an intricate analysis of tradition and culture in ancient Arabia and tradition and culture in Northern Nigeria in order to separate out both from Islamic religion. This is in response to the religious precepts mobilized ignorantly, in his view, by the clerics for instance, in the treatment of women.
For all his intellectual exertions in explicating the conditions of egalitarian national life, particularly his virulent critique of the conditions of poverty in the north and the misinterpretations of Islamic doctrines, the author has been a target of critics. As he writes in the book, “My interventions have been received with not a little discomfort, but truthful discourse is no respecter of sensibilities” (p. 226). Some, as he acknowledges, have even described him as an arrogant secularist who claims to destabilize the noble edifice of Northern Muslim society, a pretender to being a reformer in the league of Dan Fodio, an agent of the West and dealer in usury, a Marxist who places reason above revelation (p. 330). In a sense, the author wears this criticism as a badge of honour. Why? Because it reveals the kind of misunderstanding and denunciation that serious public intellection exposes one to. I will add that it is significant that the author has been accused of all these. Despite the irony of accusing the caliph of the Tijaniyya Movement of being a secularist, I think that what these collection of essays show is the complex nature of the thought and praxis of the author.
An able and nimble mind and one of the most cerebral and controversial Nigerians of his age, the author, as this book again demonstrates, remains a compelling puzzle even in a sense, an oxymoron: a Nobleman Rebel, or Rebel Nobleman. He is as fierce and committed a defender of the tradition and privilege of royalty as he is a fiery and unhampered instigator of dissent and discontent among the underprivileged; he is as comfortable in a pinstripe suit with bow tie or a Chairman Mao suit as he is in the long flowing gown and regal costume of Kano royalty complete with a veil over his face; he is as suave in the company of global and local aristocrats, billionaires and leaders as he is as unpretentious among the “commoners” and poor pupils learning the tarteel. This compelling puzzle is partly why he attracts the kind of criticism referenced above and also partly why this book recommends itself for close attention. But the cardinal reason why this book is important is not merely because of the tension between nobility and rebellion that the author represents; in my view, it is because of the cardinal concern of the reflections on the future of Nigeria. And what a fitting moment to reflect again on the future of what many from one extreme of Boko Haram would-be theocrats to the other extreme of ethno-regional secessionists regard as Lugards bastard child.
One key question that the author does not address in this book, which I will suggest he needs to take up in the volume that will follow the book he is now completing at Oxford on his Central Bank years, is on the practical steps necessary in producing the kind of leadership that he preaches for in this book. If indeed the fundamental problem of Nigeria, as he argues, is leadership, what is to be done, particularly about ensuring that people of goodwill who have the needed capacity are able to be at the helm of affairs in Nigeria? What is to be done to ensure that the electorate themselves stop recruiting one incompetent man after another?
Let me conclude on what we might call a “hopeful” note. The author was conscious of the implications of some of his dark prognosis about the Nigerian condition. Therefore, in the first essay, Issues in Restructuring Corporate Nigeria, he writes, But the audience may ask, is there any hope for this country? My answer is yes. One of the reasons for his position was because of his generation of young, educated Nigerians ready to take up the gauntlet, and ignite the hopes, for a renewed Nigeria. When he wrote this, he was 38. The author is no longer that young. At 60, does he retain this hope? If he does, the hope is not shared by many contemporary young people from those lining behind Nnamdi Kanu and those behind Sunday Adeyemi (Sunday Igboho) to the Boko Haram aspiring theocrats. What is to be done about those who have given up on Nigeria including the millions who may not be organising for another country but are truly sick of the existing one? What is the role of public intellection in responding to this moment that appears like the eve of the tragic denouement in Nigerias history? This is where the authors harsh judgement on the Nigerian elite is relevant. Many believe that if Nigeria collapses, the masses will suffer most. That is true. But it is also true that members of the parasitic Nigerian elite cannot survive in any space on planet earth other than Nigeria. It is therefore in their paramount interest to ensure the good of the nation. Hence, in this moment in our national history when the future of Nigeria appears hazy, this collection of essays and perspectives leads us back to that important but underappreciated epic song by Sonny Okosuns, Which Way Nigeria?
That song speaks directly to the theme of this book. I believe that beyond the polemics of the essays in the book, beyond the matters we agree or disagree on, beyond the authors pedigree, his philosophical engagements with politics, religion and society, and his intellectual fascination with contrarian praxis, beyond all these, is the faith, as the book affirms, that binds us together in this potentially great but much abused polity. Against this backdrop, I leave you with the core message of this book which is captured in Sonny Okosuns’ charge: Lets save Nigeria, so Nigeria won’t die!
I thank you for your attention.
Adebanwi, until recently, the Rhodes Professor of Race Relations, University of Oxford, United Kingdom, is the Presidential Penn Compact Professor of Africana Studies, University of Pennsylvania, United States.
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Opinion
The Inherited Fracture: Escaping the Divide-and-Rule Instinct Across Board
Published
12 hours agoon
July 4, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke
“The old empire did not bequeath us a map; it bequeathed us a reflex. We are the first generation with the tools to see the fracture, and therefore the first with the moral chore of mending it—not through the erasure of difference, but through the deliberate weaving of it into a load-bearing fabric. The shackle was never iron; it was a story we mistook for our skin. The task, therefore, is not to break free, but to finally tell a truer one, and in the telling, become whole enough to bequeath wholeness.”
Introduction: The Quiet Inheritance
No child is born with a map of enemies. No infant instinctively divides the world into “us” and “them.” Yet by adolescence, most of us have unconsciously inherited a vivid cartography of division—lines drawn long before our first breath, tracing the borders of tribe, class, ideology, and nation. This inheritance is not accidental. It is the meticulously preserved residue of a strategy so ancient and so effective that it has become woven into the invisible fabric of how we organize our families, our work, and our geopolitics.
The strategy is “divide and rule,” and its enduring victory is not that it conquered past civilizations, but that it continues to conquer future ones before they are even born. The shackle from the past is not a rusty iron chain we can see and cut; it is a psychological operating system, a default setting of fragmentation that tells us difference is dangerous, that another’s gain is our loss, and that solidarity is a naïve dream. This write-up is an inquiry into how that inherited mantle still drapes itself over the three great arenas of human life—Peoples, Corporates, and Nations—and, more crucially, how we can finally, generationally, set it down.
Part I: Tracing the Original Wound
To understand why division feels so instinctive, we must first recognize that it was carefully taught. The imperial architects of history—from the Roman Senate setting Gallic tribes against each other to the colonial census offices that rigidly codified fluid identities into immutable castes—were not mere conquerors of land. They were engineers of human psychology. Their profound insight was chilling in its simplicity: a people busy fighting each other over manufactured scarcities of dignity, resources, and recognition will never marshal the collective strength to question the structure of the room they are all trapped in.
This method did not fade with the lowering of colonial flags. It shape-shifted. It flowed seamlessly into the architecture of modern politics, where wedge issues and culture wars create passionate, performative tribes that exhaust public energy on symbolic combat while systemic questions go unasked. It entered the economic realm, where labor is pitted against labor across borders, and the workplace is structured into competing fiefdoms. It found its ultimate amplifier in the digital age, where algorithms, optimized not for truth but for engagement, feed us a personalized diet of indignation, continuously redrawing the lines between “our” fact and “their” fiction.
The deepest shackle, therefore, is not an external policy but an internalized reflex. The generational problem we face is that we parent, manage, and govern with the inherited assumption that a cohesive whole is a dangerous fiction, and that a controlled, managed division is the safest form of stability. We have mistaken a centuries-old psychological warfare tactic for human nature itself.
Part II: Peoples – From Inherited Suspicion to Chosen Solidarity
The most intimate theater of the divide-and-rule legacy is the community, where the human need for belonging is manipulated into a weapon against other belonging. We inherit not just our grandmother’s recipes but also her historical wounds, her curated list of historical betrayals by “the others.” When identity becomes a fortress, and every interaction across difference is framed as a potential siege, society unravels into a zero-sum competition of grievances. One group’s acknowledgment becomes another’s perceived erasure, and the common ground—the very earth we all need to survive on—becomes a forgotten abstraction.
The Generative Pivot: The Loom, Not the Mosaic
The conventional metaphor for unity is the mosaic—distinct tiles fixed in place. But a more dynamic, human solution is the loom. In weaving, distinct, colorful threads do not merely sit beside each other; they actively interlace under creative tension to produce a fabric far stronger and more beautiful than the loose pile of individual strands. This is the generational work: to weave a social fabric where difference is not merely tolerated but is the essential, structural component of collective strength.
1. The Alchemy of Shared Enterprise: Nothing dissolves manufactured mistrust like sweating together for a common purpose invisible to ideology. When a neighborhood of diverse faiths and backgrounds collaboratively designs a green space, starts a community-owned energy cooperative, or builds a multi-generational playground, something alchemical occurs. The direct, felt experience of shared competence and mutual reliance creates a counter-narrative to the inherited one. A child watching a Sikh father and a Muslim mother co-chair a local river cleanup does not just learn tolerance; they learn the tangible truth of interdependence. This solves the generational problem of social fragmentation not through lectures on unity, but by providing the real, material evidence that we live better, safer, and richer lives when we are bound together in practical projects. It transforms the public from an audience of divided spectators into a collaborative cast of problem-solvers.
2. Re-narrating the Past Together: The past is often a weapon, parceled out in separate, conflicting memories. A generational solution is the community-wide re-narration project—a collective, facilitated process where a town’s entire history, including its moments of deep division and injustice, is documented and acknowledged not by one side for its own vindication, but by all sides for the purpose of a shared, complex inheritance. When a painful historical event ceases to be “their crime against us” and becomes “a tragedy in our shared story from which we must all learn,” the emotional charge is diffused. The next generation inherits not a selective, incendiary pamphlet, but a full, somber, and ultimately uniting library of shared experience.
Part III: Corporates – From Fiefdoms of Turf to Ecosystems of Flow
The modern corporation, for all its talk of disruption, is often a deeply conservative feudal structure. The inherited mantle here is the cult of the silo. Departments become sovereign nations with their own languages, rituals, and guarded borders. Marketing and Sales engage in a cold war of blame; Product and Engineering view each other as obstacles. This is internal divide-and-rule in its most mundane, daily form: a management inheritance that subconsciously fears a truly unified, cross-functional workforce because a fluidly collaborating team is harder to control than a set of competing baronies.
The generational cost is the “perfect department, failing company” paradox, where each unit optimizes for its own narrow metrics—sales volume, lines of code, ad impressions—while the living, breathing organism of the enterprise, the thing that actually delivers value to a human customer, atrophies.
The Generative Pivot: The Symphony, Not the Org Chart
The solution is a fundamental shift in structural metaphor from a static hierarchy to a living symphony. An orchestra does not succeed because the brass section beats the strings. Every musician has a completely different, highly specialized instrument and a distinct musical line to play, yet all are integrated by a single unifying element: the full score.
1. The Shared Score of Radical Transparency: The corporate “score” is a single, universally accessible, real-time operating system that visualizes all work, all customer feedback, all financial flow. When a junior developer can see exactly how her code latency impacts customer churn in a chart viewable by the CEO, the informational hoarding that powers silo politics evaporates. Power no longer comes from guarding a border of knowledge but from contributing to the visible whole. This solves the generational problem of corporate sclerosis by ensuring that the enterprise inherits a nervous system, not a suit of armor. An organization that sees itself whole can act whole.
2. Mission-Driven, Ephemeral Teams: Instead of permanent departments, work flows to ephemeral, mission-specific teams that form, solve a problem, and dissolve back into the organizational fluid. A sustainability initiative, for example, is staffed not by a permanent “Green Department” that everyone else ignores, but by a temporary swarm pulling in a supply chain veteran, a materials chemist, a brand storyteller, and a frontline retailer. Their shared KPI is a unified, real-world outcome. When a professional identity is no longer “I am a Marketing person defending my turf” but “I am a problem-solver who brings marketing insight to the mission,” the inherited mantle of internal division is finally unwoven. The company’s grandchildren—its long-term future products and culture—are protected by this fluid, adaptive resilience.
Part IV: Nations – Beyond the Westphalian Straitjacket
The nation-state system is the most monumental and seemingly immovable of the inherited mantles. Born from the idea of absolute, internally homogenous sovereignty, it creates a world of hard containers where the most critical threats we face—a warming atmosphere, a migrating virus, the existential risk of ungoverned artificial intelligence—flow like water across borders we treat as concrete. We are trying to solve planetary-scale, networked problems with a batch of standalone, disconnected operating systems. An election-cycle-driven leader performing national interest for a domestic audience is structurally incentivized to prioritize a 2% short-term domestic gain over averting a 20% long-term global disaster.
This is the ultimate gerontocracy of concepts: an inherited 17th-century political structure mismanaging 21st-century existential threats. The shackle is a logic that says global cooperation is a zero-sum sacrifice of sovereignty, rather than a strategic extension of it.
The Generative Pivot: The Bioregion and the Commons Trust
The generational escape is not a single world government—that is just the old divide-and-rule hierarchy scaled to a terrifying, monocultural extreme. The human-scale solution is a layered, functional network where sovereignty is not abolished but intelligently pooled for specific planetary survival missions.
1. The Bioregional, Not Just National, Identity: The most profound counter to artificial national division is the cultivation of a bioregional consciousness. A person living in the Nile Delta has a more fundamental, generational relationship with someone upstream in the Ethiopian highlands than with a fellow citizen in a distant desert city of the same nation. The flow of water, the health of soil, the migration of pollinators—these create a natural, non-negotiable community of fate. The generational solution is to elevate these bioregional governance bodies—river basin authorities, regional seas commissions—to full political stature, granting them real, binding legal power co-equal to national parliaments on issues within their ecological domain. An upstream dam project would no longer be just a national prerogative; it would be subject to the legal authority of a bioregional commons trust in which the downstream nation is an equal partner. This solves the problem of resource conflict by changing the unit of political identity itself.
2. The Global Mandate for the Global Commons: For the atmosphere, the high seas, and the polar-regions, nations must charter autonomous, science-driven Global Commons Trusts with a sliver of strongly delegated sovereignty. Imagine an Atmospheric Integrity Agency, governed not by political negotiation but by a fiduciary duty to a set planetary threshold. It monitors, sets a global price on carbon extraction, and distributes the proceeds back to every human on Earth as a universal basic dividend. The division of a global “us vs. them” on climate collapses when a family in Indonesia and a family in Canada receive the same quarterly check from their shared atmospheric trust. It transforms a zone of geopolitical conflict into a zone of shared, inheritable wealth. A child born into such a world inherits a planet managed by a logic of collective trusteeship, not competitive looting.
Conclusion: The Task of the Living
The mantle of divide and rule is weighty because it is lined with the lead of fear: fear of the stranger, fear of irrelevance, fear of a future that demands we think in wholes while our institutions are built in pieces. Yet it is a mantle we have woven and placed upon our own shoulders, generation after generation, mistaking it for the very fabric of reality.
The profound, hopeful truth is that it is a garment, not our skin. We can shed it. The human capacity for direct, unmediated connection, for the fierce protection of our children’s future, and for the intuitive understanding that a forest is not a war of trees but a symphony of mutual nourishment—these are not new inventions. They are our original inheritance, buried under the heavy, historical robes of empire and distrust.
The generational task is not to fight the darkness with weapons it has forged. It is to quietly, persistently, and structurally build the new loom, learn the new score, and chart the new watershed. By weaving a social fabric of chosen interdependence, by organizing work into symphonies of shared value, and by governing the planet as the single, breathing commons it actually is, we finally fulfill the obligation we hold to the future. We bequeath not the cold chains of an imperial past, but a living, breathing inheritance of wholeness—one that equips our grandchildren not for a life of perennial conflict, but for the magnificent and ongoing project of building a single, richly varied human world.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Opinion
A Cry from the Creeks: A Daughter’s Plea for the Niger Delta
Published
5 days agoon
June 29, 2026By
Eric
By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)
The water does not lie. It carries no political allegiance, no corporate agenda, and no capacity for deception. It simply mirrors the truth of what we have allowed to be done to it.
A deeply disturbing video recently shared by veteran actress and social justice advocate Hilda Dokubo has laid bare the agonising reality facing communities in the Niger Delta. In the footage, filmed in Bille Kingdom, Rivers State, clean water is drawn from a private borehole. Within less than sixty seconds, under the pressure of underground gas, the clear liquid undergoes a sickening transformation. It darkens, thickens, and pours out as pitch-black crude oil. This is not a scientific curiosity. It is a damning indictment of a systemic humanitarian catastrophe hiding in plain sight.
As a daughter of the Niger Delta, that video did not merely break my heart. It ignited in me the ancestral fury of a people who have been poisoned, marginalised, and forgotten while the rest of this nation prospers on the wealth extracted from our soil.
For generations, the creeks, wetlands, and rivers of the Niger Delta were our sanctuaries, our markets, and the very foundation of our identity. As Hilda Dokubo rightly recalled, our people once walked to the riverbank whenever they needed to provide for their families. Fishing was not merely a livelihood; it was a covenant between our communities and the natural world that sustained them.
Today, that covenant has been shattered. Our fishermen have abandoned their nets because the rivers are fouled with oil. Our young people, stripped of the traditional occupations their fathers and mothers once practised, are channelled into the grinding machinery of poverty, idleness, and despair.
The Niger Delta has been reduced to an ecological ruin. Crude oil has saturated underground aquifers. Contaminated seafood and poisoned water are now daily realities for millions of people whose only crime is living above one of the most oil-rich territories on earth. International oil companies have abandoned corroded infrastructure that leaks without ceasing, transforming the very resource that was meant to be our salvation into a slow and methodical death sentence. We have raised this alarm for decades. Yet successive administrations have treated our suffering as an acceptable cost of doing business, a tolerable footnote so long as the petrodollars continue to flow to Abuja.
The veteran activist Annkio Briggs has devoted her life to making this injustice visible. For decades, she has documented with precision and moral clarity how the collusion between international oil interests and Nigerian state institutions has systematically dismantled the future of Niger Delta communities. She has shown how pipelines laid through our mangroves, and gas flared across our skies, have become instruments of slow violence, causing respiratory diseases, cancers, and developmental disorders in children who should never have known such afflictions. Annkio Briggs has also exposed a deeply troubling double standard; the disparity between how oil spills are handled in the industrialised world and how they are managed in Nigeria is not a matter of oversight. It is a calculated display of environmental injustice.
When a spill occurs in a Western nation, governments mobilise emergency responses and demand full remediation to international standards. In the Niger Delta, contaminated sites are patched with sand, filed away in bureaucratic reports, or left entirely unaddressed. The regulatory agencies established to protect us have been rendered impotent through underfunding, political interference, and sheer institutional neglect. Meanwhile, oil corporations exploit these weaknesses, leaving communities such as Bille suffocating beneath toxic soot and eruptions of subterranean gas. Grief, in these communities, is not a passing season. It is a permanent condition. And we refuse to allow the slow death of our homeland to be buried beneath corporate disclaimers and government platitudes.
Nigeria cannot claim to be a nation at peace with itself while one of its most productive regions is being chemically erased. We will not stand aside as these foreign companies divest their interests, collect their profits, and depart, leaving our land irreparably damaged. This is not a complaint. It is a demand, issued by a daughter of the Niger Delta who refuses to watch her homeland perish in silence. We are not data points in a corporate environmental impact assessment. We are human beings who breathe poisoned air and draw crude oil from our taps. I am therefore calling on every authority with a mandate and the power to act, to do so immediately, and to end the unconscionable treatment of the Niger Delta as a sacrifice zone.
To the President and the Federal Government of Nigeria; we demand the immediate declaration of an environmental state of emergency in Bille Kingdom and all affected riverine communities across the Niger Delta. The administration must enforce without equivocation the principle that those who pollute bear full responsibility for remediation. The era of negotiations that protect corporate balance sheets at the expense of human lives must end.
To the Niger Delta Development Commission; the mandate for which this agency was created demands urgent renewal. The Commission must redirect its priorities, without delay, toward meaningful environmental remediation, the delivery of reliable infrastructure, and the immediate provision of emergency water purification systems to communities that are drinking poison today.
To the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and NNPC Limited; the continued extraction of national wealth from Niger Delta soil, while leaving communities with nothing but fire and contamination, is morally indefensible. Every abandoned wellhead must be identified, securely decommissioned, and fully removed. There can be no further tolerance of neglected infrastructure that poisons the ground beneath our children’s feet.
To the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency; your regulatory authority must be exercised with rigour and without compromise. International clean-up standards are not aspirational; they are the minimum obligation owed to our communities. Any multinational corporation that attempts to exit the Niger Delta without fully restoring the damage it has caused must face enforceable legal and financial consequences.
To international environmental bodies and development partners; the hydrocarbon saturation of freshwater sources in communities across the Niger Delta has reached a scale that demands independent technical intervention and comprehensive ecological auditing. We ask that you bring your expertise and your authority to bear, not in the conference rooms of Abuja and Geneva, but in the creeks and villages where people are dying.
To the multinational oil corporations and local operators who have enriched themselves from Niger Delta resources; you will not walk away from what you have destroyed. No company should be permitted to divest, restructure, or withdraw from this region without having first restored our land, rehabilitated our waterways, and made full and fair reparation to the communities whose lives and livelihoods they have dismantled over decades of irresponsible operation.
Look at the black water pouring from our taps and understand what it represents. Every oil slick that spreads across our rivers is the grief of a mother unable to feed her children. Every gas flare that burns through the night is the laboured breath of a child whose lungs have never known clean air. Bille is in crisis.
The Niger Delta is bleeding. And its waters are bearing witness to crimes that have gone unpunished for far too long. The season of committees, communiqués, and hollow summits is over. We are not asking for sympathy. We are demanding accountability. Give us back our clean water. Restore our ancestral creeks. Save the daughters and sons of the Niger Delta before there is nothing left to save.
Related
Opinion
The Deluge We Built: Rain Does Not Create Catastrophe, It Reveals It
Published
5 days agoon
June 29, 2026By
Eric
By Richard Dablah
At 1:00 a.m., the rain began. By dawn, Accra had become a familiar theatre of submerged roads, stranded commuters, flooded homes, interrupted livelihoods, and the ritual exchange of outrage across television screens and social media. By tomorrow, we will have identified the usual villains: plastic waste, choked drains, irresponsible citizens, climate change, and inadequate enforcement. By next week, the water will have receded, but so too will our memory.
The rain did not surprise us.
Our surprise is the most astonishing part of the story.
Perhaps we have misunderstood what a flood actually is.
A flood is not the moment water overflows its banks. It is the moment decades of invisible decisions become visible. Rain merely serves as the auditor.
The deluge begins long before the first cloud gathers.
It begins when wetlands are described as “vacant land.” It begins when streams disappear beneath concrete because they interrupt commercial ambition. It begins when planning permission becomes more negotiable than hydrology, when maintenance budgets become political opportunities instead of engineering necessities, and when urban expansion is celebrated without asking whether the land itself consented to becoming a city.
Every signature placed on a permit inside a floodplain becomes a future tributary.
Every neglected drain becomes a future river.
Every compromised inspection becomes tomorrow’s emergency.
The rain simply connects decisions that were never meant to meet.
We have become accustomed to describing flooding as a natural disaster. It is an intellectually comforting phrase because it transfers responsibility from institutions to nature. Nature, however, is remarkably innocent in this story.
Water is perhaps the most honest element on Earth.
It negotiates with no political party.
It ignores campaign promises.
It does not recognise ministerial authority.
It simply obeys gravity.
When water returns to places it once occupied centuries ago, we accuse it of invading our communities. Yet rivers have never invaded cities. More often, cities have quietly occupied rivers.
Hydrologists understand something politicians rarely acknowledge: every river possesses memory. A watershed remembers its ancient channels. A floodplain remembers where excess water belongs. Wetlands remember how to absorb storms. We imagine that maps redraw geography. Water disagrees.
Concrete cannot erase memory.
It merely postpones its expression.
We therefore continue to debate blocked drains while ignoring blocked landscapes. We widen roads while narrowing waterways. We celebrate visible infrastructure while dismantling invisible infrastructure—the wetlands, soils, vegetation, lagoons and natural floodplains that quietly performed engineering services long before engineers arrived.
The irony is profound.
A forest can receive extraordinary rainfall and rarely flood because every root, every microorganism, and every layer of soil participates in slowing, storing, and redistributing water. A modern city, by contrast, has replaced absorption with acceleration. Asphalt rejects rainfall. Concrete hastens runoff. Buildings compress the earth. Heat hardens the soil. Every improvement intended to modernise the city simultaneously reduces its ability to behave like land.
The city has become hydraulically impatient.
Perhaps that is our greatest misunderstanding.
We believe cities are machines.
They are not.
Cities are living metabolisms. Like every living organism, they must balance what they consume with what they can process. Accra continuously consumes land, population, vehicles, plastics, concrete, energy, and waste faster than it expands its ecological capacity to absorb them. The consequence is not merely congestion or pollution. It is systemic metabolic failure.
Flooding is one of its symptoms.
Yet the problem extends even beyond engineering.
It is temporal.
Nature operates on geological time. Wetlands require centuries to mature. Rivers evolve over millennia. Soil develops patiently. Aquifers recharge slowly.
Politics operates on electoral time.
Four-year cycles reward ribbon-cutting ceremonies, not invisible maintenance. The culvert that no one notices receives less attention than the flyover everyone photographs. Maintenance loses elections. New construction wins them.
The result is predictable.
Infrastructure quietly accumulates entropy while governments accumulate announcements.
Physics teaches that every system naturally drifts toward disorder unless energy is continually invested to preserve order. Cities obey the same law. Drains clog. Roads crack. Regulations weaken. Institutions decay. Maintenance postponed is entropy invited.
The flood is not merely an engineering failure.
It is entropy-defeating governance.
Then there is the uncomfortable question we seldom ask.
Who benefits from recurring disasters?
Disaster creates contracts.
Emergency procurement.
Reconstruction projects.
Political visibility.
Institutional relevance.
Entire bureaucracies become more active after a catastrophe than before it.
This observation is not an accusation against individuals. It is an invitation to examine incentives. A society that consistently invests more in responding to disaster than preventing it eventually normalises catastrophe as part of governance itself.
The deluge becomes an administrative season.
History offers another warning.
Civilisations rarely collapse because nature suddenly becomes hostile. More often, they ignore environmental feedback until it becomes impossible to negotiate. Rivers shift. Forests disappear. Soils degrade. Cities overreach. Institutions mistake temporary resilience for permanent immunity.
Every civilisation eventually discovers that nature does not negotiate deadlines.
It only delivers consequences.
Perhaps that is what Accra experienced between 1:00 a.m. and dawn.
Not simply rainfall.
Not merely flooding.
But an examination.
An examination of our planning philosophy.
An examination of our political incentives.
An examination of our ecological literacy.
An examination of whether we still understand the land upon which we continue to build our future.
The biblical deluge was remembered not because water fell from the heavens, but because it exposed the moral condition of a civilisation. Whether one reads that account as theology or metaphor, its enduring lesson remains unsettling: catastrophe often reveals what prosperity successfully concealed.
Our modern deluge performs the same function.
It reveals that resilience cannot be legislated after rivers overflow. It must be designed before foundations are poured. It reveals that environmental stewardship is not an aesthetic concern but a constitutional obligation to future generations. It reveals that engineering cannot indefinitely compensate for ecological illiteracy, and that governance detached from geography eventually becomes governance against geography.
Tomorrow the skies will likely clear.
The floodwaters will retreat.
Traffic will resume.
Life will continue.
Until the next storm.
Unless we finally recognise the uncomfortable truth.
.
.
.
R.D
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