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Open Talking Points for AWLA Conversations on Women and Leadership
Published
4 years agoon
By
Eric
OPEN TALKING POINTS FOR AWLA CONVERSATIONS ON WOMEN AND LEADERSHIP
1. Statistics on women’s representation in Nigeria
Women make up about 49 per cent of the Nigerian population and nearly one out of four women in sub-Saharan Africa is a Nigerian. While this presents potential human resources that can be harnessed to enhance economic productivity; the disparities in social and economic opportunities between men and women have never been starker. Nigeria has the lowest number of female parliamentarians in sub-Saharan Africa and ranks 133rd in the world for female political representation. Women own only 20 per cent of enterprises in the formal sector and only 11.7 per cent of Board Directors in the country are women. Although it must be acknowledged that the country has made some progress in closing the gender gap in certain areas ie primary school enrollment rates, gender equality still remains in a deplorable state and these statistics reveal that there is still so much work to be done.

There is an urgent need to adopt a more holistic approach to the inclusion of women that comprise various stakeholders in society. The government has to take the lead by championing initiatives and implementing polices that advance the cause of women while the private sector should adopt codes of conduct which strongly acknowledge the need for gender diversity. Civil society on the other hand has the responsibility of holding the government and private sector accountable as well as embarking on initiatives to enlighten and empower women.
The need for government to be at the forefront of the fight for gender equality can never be overemphasised. In Canada, for instance, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau sent a strong signal of his commitment by creating a cabinet with an equal number of men and women. By contrast, Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari missed this strategic opportunity as only 16 per cent of his cabinet members are women. This is in violation of the national gender policy which requires a minimum of 35 per cent female representation on the President’s cabinet. In addition to this, only 7 out of the 109 Senate seats and 14 out of the 360 House of Representative seats are occupied by women.
2. Comparative analysis of Nigeria with other African countries that have achieved adequate gender representation or affirmative action (case in hand, Rwanda).
There are multiple factors. Some are related to the political party systems and structures. For instance, the high cost of politics prevents women from standing for positions. Often women don’t have enough money to pay for the mandatory expression of interest and nomination forms required by political parties to run for positions on their platforms. In addition, election campaign costs are exorbitant. And poor access to education means poor access to gainful employment. Unpaid labour burdens, unequal inheritance rights and outright discrimination also mean that women are less likely to be able to afford to follow through the process of getting leadership positions.

There are also societal factors that impede women’s representation. They include cultural or religious norms surrounding marriage, indigeneship – a concept that recognises only ethnic groups native to a particular state – and the structures that portray women as subordinate to men.
Even educated women face hindrances. They encounter gender stereotypes that assign leadership to men, sexual assault, pay gaps and unpaid labour, including child care and housework, placing them at a disadvantage.
There is also a lack of political will and effective government action.
The media give poor coverage to female candidates. It’s not the same as the coverage men get. Women candidates are often subjected to gender related electoral violence, threats and hate speech because of the perception that women want to get what is traditionally men’s.
As about half of the population are women, their participation will create a balance of power between genders. This is an indicator of development in any society. Over the years, I’ve witnessed a rise in the number of women serving in elected and appointed political position, the world over. But that is not the case for Nigerian women.

The full and equitable participation of women in public life is essential to building and sustaining strong, vibrant democracies. When women are not participating in politics, it’s less likely that policies will benefit them. Women need to participate to bring attention to issues that uniquely affect them, and to change attitudes towards gender.
Why have attempts to get more women into leadership positions failed?
Policies, protocols, conventions and quota systems are rooted in the concept of compensatory justice: compensating specific individuals who were wronged or marginalised. But there are polarising reactions to affirmative action.
Some people argue that it is a systematic way of achieving both equality and reparation, without force. Others feel it undermines the democratic concept of equality of opportunity and argue that women should be given a chance to compete equally with men. These polarising schools of thought limit the efficiency of protocols, conventions and quota systems as ways to get women into leadership.
Also, customary laws often clash with the goals of protocols and conventions.
Countries like Rwanda and South Africa have used a quota system to pave the way for women representation in politics. In Rwanda, over 50% of political positions are held by women. Affirmative action or a quota system provides role models. Seeing women in positions of power can encourage others to confidently aspire to leadership positions.
Affirmative action also promotes diversity and increases opportunities for a disadvantaged group. It can decrease the potential for conflict as members of society begin to find themselves at the same level, politically, economically and socially.
3. Exclusion of women in decision making tables has fueled insecurity and underdevelopment in Nigeria.
There is growing recognition of the untapped capacity and talents of women and women’s leadership.
The full and equitable participation of women in public life is essential to building and sustaining strong, vibrant democracies.
Accordingly, the meaningful participation of women in national, local, and community leadership roles has become an important focus on global development policy. Still, some may ask why it matters if women become political leaders, elected policymakers, or civil society activists. Why does the world need more women involved in all aspects of the political process? Women’s political participation results in tangible gains for democracy, including greater responsiveness to citizen needs, increased cooperation across party and ethnic lines, and a more sustainable future.
Women’s participation in politics helps advance gender equality and affects both the range of policy issues that get considered and the types of solutions that are proposed. Research indicates that whether a legislator is male or female has a distinct impact on their policy priorities. There is also strong evidence that as more women are elected to office, there is a corollary increase in policy making that emphasizes quality of life and reflects the priorities of families, women, and ethnic and racial minorities.
In the words of the National Democratic Institute’s (NDI) Chairman Madeleine Albright, women in power “can be counted on to raise issues that others overlook, to support ideas that others oppose, and to seek an end to abuses that others accept.”
Around the world more than men, women tend to:
-work across party lines
-be highly responsive to constituent concerns
-help secure lasting peace
-encourage citizen confidence in democracy through their own participation, and prioritize health, education, and other key development indicators.
Women’s engagement is crucial and it is important to recognize that women are not a homogeneous group. Depending on whether women are young or older, educated or uneducated, live in rural or urban areas, they have very different life experiences that lead to different priorities and needs. Moreover, not every woman elected to parliament or another legislative body will place women’s issues or rights at the forefront of her own agenda. Clearly, women’s representation is not the only factor, but it is a critical factor for the development of inclusive, responsive, and transparent democracies.
SOLUTIONS
a) The ongoing Constitution Review Process to create gender balance and parity in political and elective offices in Nigeria.
As the supreme law of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the constitution in its current form alludes to the ‘male-as-norm’ ideology and the relegation to anonymity of the female gender.
Without the appropriate legislative provisions that mandate equity and fairness, increased women’s representation is nothing but wishful thinking!
Last year, an organization (ElectHER) submitted a memo to the Senate Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution.
The Senate President- Senator Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan announced a resolution by the Senate, to amend the Nigerian Constitution to ensure gender parity, enact laws to improve the fortunes of women and girls, and expunge provisions that infringes on their rights.
This is indeed a welcome development as we look forward to a swift, progressive, inclusive, transparent and accountable review process.
b.) Advocacy for women to support each other and demand political spaces
One of the pillars of UN Women’s work is advancing women’s political participation and good governance, to ensure that decision-making processes are participatory, responsive, equitable and inclusive. Efforts are focused through strategic entry points that can advance the status of women by catalysing wide-ranging, long-term impacts.
Support is provided to equip women to translate the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), now ratified by the majority of the world’s governments, into legal guarantees of gender equality. Another strategy is through working with multiple stakeholders, like women’s organizations, governments, the UN system and the private sector, to bring more women into government, train women leaders, and boost women’s skills to actively participate in elections as candidates and voters.
c) The need to invest in educating and empowering women and girls
A majority of the world’s poor are women, and gender inequality pervasive in countries around the world is a key reason for this occurrence. Women face barriers to obtaining education and entering the economy that men do not — globally, 33 million fewer girls than boys are enrolled in primary education, and women constitute 61 percent of the illiterate population between the ages of 15 and 24.
Empowering women through education and entrepreneurship reduces poverty by increasing their employability and enabling them to provide for their families and contribute to the economic development of their communities.
Without education, girls are more likely to be trafficked or become child brides; it is also more likely that women and their families will live in poverty. Education is crucial to the reduction of poverty, as it enables women to acquire jobs, help provide for their families and contribute to their local economy.
Women’s incomes rise between 10-20 percent per year of education they receive. This rise in income can be the factor that raises families out of poverty, as women reinvest 90 percent of their incomes into their families (50-60 percent more than men do). This can improve a family’s economic status and increases its food security.
However, many women and girls do not receive the education they need to acquire good jobs. Even women who can obtain an education are not guaranteed work in some developing countries where social norms relegate women to the domestic sphere. In fact, these options can often consign women to duties of housework and childcare and discourage them from entering the workforce.
By empowering women through education and entrepreneurship, women can break down these social norms that restrict not only their own success, but also the prosperity of their communities.
d.) Mentorship programs for women who are interested in join the politics.
Promoting and supporting young women’s engagement in politics is not without challenges. Historically, patriarchal norms, electoral system structures and male-dominated political cultures have put up barriers to young women’s participation in politics. More recently, a multiplication of approaches to political action, and a diversification of the means through which this political action happens (e.g. social media), has perhaps lowered some barriers to young women’s participation while raising others. Yet, despite these challenges and developments, promoting young women in formal politics remains crucial for the vitality of democracy.
Founder MMAWT Legacy Initiative
Hajiya MMAWT
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Ribadu’s Office Denies Arming Miyetti Allah in Kwara
Published
5 hours agoon
December 19, 2025By
Eric
The National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC), under the office of the National Security Adviser Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, has refuted claims that it armed members of the Miyetti Allah group for counter-terrorism operations in Kwara State.
The Head of Strategic Communication at NCTC, Mr. Michael Abu, issued the rebuttal on Wednesday in Abuja.
Abu described the reports circulated by some online platforms as false and misleading, saying they misrepresented ongoing security operations in forested areas of the state.
He said that in line with the Terrorism Prevention and Prohibition Act, 2022, it continued to coordinate and support law enforcement, security and intelligence agencies in countering all forms of terrorism across the country.
NCTC spokesman explained that Nigeria’s counter-terrorism efforts guided by the National Counter Terrorism Strategy (NACTEST), involved the deployment of hybrid forces comprising regular security personnel and trained auxiliaries such as hunters and vigilante elements, particularly in difficult terrains.
According to him, the hybrid approach, which was previously deployed with the Civilian Joint Task Force in the North-East, is currently being applied in parts of the North-West and North-Central, including Kwara State, and has recorded several successes against banditry and other criminal activities.
He stressed that the Federal government was not conducting kinetic operations with any socio-cultural group, adding that claims that the Office of the National Security Adviser provided arms to such organisations are unfounded and should be disregarded.
According to him, all auxiliary personnel involved in hybrid operations were recruited directly by authorised security and intelligence agencies after due diligence, and that all operations were conducted strictly in line with the law and established standard operating procedures.
He urged the media to exercise responsibility by protecting sensitive security information and seeking clarification through designated official spokespersons, while advising the public to ignore unverified reports capable of undermining ongoing operations.
He reaffirmed the centre’s commitment to transparency and stakeholder engagement to deepen public understanding of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism efforts.
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Respite As Court Stops Police, IGP from Enforcing Tinted Glass Permit Nationwide
Published
8 hours agoon
December 19, 2025By
Eric
A Delta State Court sitting in Orerokpe has restrained the Inspector General of Police (IGP) and the Nigeria Police Force from resuming the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy nationwide.
Justice Joe Egwu, while ruling on a motion ex-parte in a suit marked HOR/FHR/M/31/2025 filed by Isreal Joe against the IGP and two others, through his counsel, Mr. Kunle Edun (SAN), who led other lawyers, restrained, stopped and barred the respondents from resuming the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy nationwide.
The order was sequel to the announcement by the Nigeria Police of its decision to resume the tinted glass permit enforcement on January 2, 2026.
Aside from the IGP, the court also restrained the Nigeria Police Force and the Commissioner of Police, Delta State Police Command, from resuming the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy nationwide.
Justice Egwu also barred the police from harassing, arresting, detaining or extorting citizens and motorists on account of the said policy, pending the hearing and determination of the substantive suit.
The case has also reignited a dispute between the Nigeria Police and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). The NBA has maintained that the matter remains before the courts and warned that enforcement could constitute contempt.
The association said a suit challenging the constitutionality of the policy had been filed at the Federal High Court, Abuja, and that a judgment had been reserved following the conclusion of hearings.
The NBA further cited a Federal High Court order in Warri directing parties to maintain the status quo pending an interlocutory injunction. The association accused the police of disregarding the rule of law and urged President Bola Tinubu to intervene. “Any contrary executive action amounts to overreaching the Court and undermines the rule of law,” NBA President Mazi Afam Osigwe (SAN) said.
The police, through Force Public Relations Officer CSP Benjamin Hundeyin, insisted that no court order barred enforcement and defended its planned resumption on grounds of public security. Hundeyin noted a rise in crimes facilitated by vehicles with unauthorised tinted glass, citing incidents ranging from armed robbery to kidnapping.
“The Inspector-General of Police, out of respect and understanding, temporarily suspended enforcement to give Nigerians additional time to regularise their tinted glass permits.
That decision was not based on any court order but was a discretionary move to accommodate public concerns,” he said.
The announcement prompted warnings from the NBA that enforcement could trigger committal proceedings against the IGP and the Force spokesperson. The police, however, maintained that enforcement continues until directed otherwise by a court, highlighting recent incidents in which occupants of vehicles with tinted glass allegedly attacked officers.
The ruling by the Delta State High Court now legally bars the police from implementing the tinted glass permit policy nationwide while litigation on the policy’s constitutionality continues.
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Operation Wetie of the Western Region in Sweet Retrospect: Its Metaphors and Lessons
Published
10 hours agoon
December 19, 2025By
Eric
By Hon. Femi Kehinde
History, it has been said, is a reflection seen through the eyes of others into events of the past.
The world rotates around its history, and the universality of its lessons and constancy. Like beauty, history is in the eyes of the beholder.
In the old Western Region, attempts were made to stifle democracy, and give the region a government she did not vote for; that really drove the people wild, and justifiably so.
The disturbance was confined to the floor of the House; it did not extend to other parts of the city, and all other parts of the region were completely at peace and were not in the least aware of what was happening in the House of Assembly, until they heard the broadcast of the Prime Minister from Lagos.
The trail that started from the crisis in the Action Group went on to cause at the federal level, a major crisis between the coalition partners that destabilized the Western Region, ultimately leading to the intervention of the military and the collapse of the First Republic. The ramifications and scars of that crisis are still visible today.
The crisis in the Action Group was in retrospect, a watershed in the course of Nigeria’s journey to nationhood. All countries that became Nation-states have their watersheds, which at the time they were happening looked insignificant. Their significance is usually realized long after they have happened. The storming of the Bastilles in France was a spontaneous reaction to the excesses of the monarch and his wife, but it led to a revolution. This revolution, which caused the death of Louis the sixteenth and his wife – Marie Antoinette.
The Action Group crisis which started as a localized brawl, catalyzed into a bloody civil war and much more. During the debate on the motion which was to authorize the state of emergency in the western region, Chief Anthony Enahoro warned against setting in motion a chain of events, the end of which nobody could see or desire. What a prediction! So prophetic, so profound and so historic. He was not taken seriously then. The protagonist of the state of emergency could not see through their noses. They forgot to take to heart the lessons of history.
Ibadan is anything but far away, in fact below 100 miles to Lagos. Just about three years later, not only the prime minister, but two regional premiers, several civilians and military leaders lost their lives. Had the warning of Chief Anthony Enahoro been heeded and had there been no precipitous rush to declare state of emergency in the region, the course of Nigerian history might have been different and certainly less bloody.
A French philosopher, Paul Valery said “History is the science of things which do not repeat themselves”. History does not repeat itself. It is fools who are forced by their folly to repeat history.
The West was demonized and the plot to create disorder was hatched to give a pretext to take over running of the government and use that period to install a puppet government.
Nigeria has always suffered for lack of courage and conviction on the part of those whose duty it is to advise and counsel. Sycophancy, spinelessness, and lack of moral courage, intellectual dishonesty in the ivory tower are commonplace characteristics in all echelons of life in the country and the leadership has to be acutely focused, courageous and discerning not to fall victim.
The leaders did have moments to pause and reflects on the catastrophe they were about to unleash on themselves, but they failed to utilize these opportunities because they were blinded by their own self-interest and personal aggrandizement. They walked into the trap set for them with their eyes wide open. It was a tragedy of errors.
The Western Region, gradually going into the abyss, formally inaugurated the Egbe Omo Olofin, as against the well known Egbe Omo Oduduwa at the Mapo hall, Ibadan. Very prominent dignitaries and first class Yoruba Obas, Oba Akran, Oba Olagbegi, Oba Gbadegbo, the Alake of Egba Land, Oba Abimbola, the Oluwo of Iwo, were very prominent. Chief S.L.A Akintola and the highly partisan Chief Justice of the Federation- Justice Adetokunbo Ademola were the host. The leader of the opposition, Alhaji D.S Adegbenro, a man with few words, regarded these developments as “a sad mistake”. It should be well noted that the Supreme Court of Chief Justice Adetokunbo Ademola had in 1964 affirmed the treasonable felony jail sentence imposed on Obafemi Awolowo by Justice George Sodeinde Sowemimo in 1963.
The Federal Cabinet in its super belief of being all in all, accepted the census result and asked NCNC members, unwilling to accept the result to resign.
The Ogunde Concert Party organized a theatre tour of the Western Region, to show Yoruba Ronu, its new play from March 28 to April 25, 1964. The concert was to kick off at Ile-Ife and thereafter, move to Abeokuta, Ibadan, Oyo, Owo, Shagamu, Ilesha Ikare, Oka, Osogbo, Gbongan, Iwo, Ado-Ekiti, Ijebu Ode. In the midst of this Concert Tour, the epic play, Yoruba Ronu, was banned by the Government of the Western Region and thus, another gradual descent into anarchy.
Earlier, on the 27th of March, 1964, Kola Balogun lost his seat as a special member of the House of Chiefs, following the withdrawal of recognition of his Chieftaincy title as Jagun of Otan Ayegbaju, by the NNDP Government of the Western Region. Kola Balogun had lost face with the Akintola Government. The electioneering campaign towards the 1965 election had started. The Premier, Samuel Ladoke, was on tour of Ijesha Division on Saturday, the 4th of April, 1964. At Ilesha, in front of Ilesha Grammar School, the Premier and his entourage were booed by students of Ilesha Grammar School, perhaps with the encouragement of their principal – Rev. Josiah Akinyemi, a staunch member of the Action Group and father of Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi.
Rev. Akinyemi was the following morning, transferred to Oyo to replace Bishop Seth Kale as Principal of St. Andrews College, Oyo. An NNDP Chieftain in llesha and a member of the Western House of Assembly- Barrister Oladiran Olaitan, had his car severely damaged and in an attempt to escape the onslaught, bottles and stones were thrown at him.
Ilesha Grammar School was eventually shut down and was only reopened after the intervention of prominent Ilesha elites, like Chief S.T Adelegan, the Deputy Speaker of the House of Assembly and also Principal of Ipetu-ljesha Grammar School, the Attorney-General, Chief Olowofoyeku and the Governor, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi.
Also in April, 1964, a scion of the Agbaje Family, Mojeed Agbaje, was removed as Minister for Information and the Odemo of Isara, Oba Samuel Akisanya, a first class Oba, was removed as a member of the House of Chiefs.
On the 8th of June, 1964, Chief SLA Akintola, the Premier, was driving to Mapo hall, when a pregnant woman hopped her head out of the crowd and shouted, “SLA OLE! SLA THIEF!” The visibly disturbed Premier, ordered his driver to detain the woman, who was put in the Land Rover that carried the Premier’s Body guards. The accused, Kehinde Arowolo, a native of Ikenne, was charged before the Ibadan Magistrate Court for conduct likely to disturb public peace. The accused pleaded not guilty, and she denied the charge. The case was subsequently adjourned to the 4th of November, 1964.
Alhaji Busari Obisesan for the defence said, “don’t forget to bring Chief Akintola to court as his evidence would be vital to the case!” What an audacious statement.
Around this period, an Oba in one of the Ijebu towns was burnt to ashes for being sympathetic towards Akintola’s cause. Ayo Rosiji, an Akintola apologist in July 1964, had his car stoned at a car park in Marina Lagos. His confidant in his constituency, Shittu Bamidele, had also been killed by thugs, who drove a six-inch nail through his forehead. Rosiji eventually lost the Federal Election in 1964.
When there is a quarrel, even ordinary songs would have added meanings and political songs, drums, its coinages and interpretations were now being stronger than even bazooka guns. To Awolowo’s loyalist, the popular sing song was “Se lo lo ko ogbon wa o hee, Se lo lo ko ogbon wa haa, Awolowo, baba layinka i.e. Awolowo has gone to the Prison to be fortified. Interestingly, Awolowo had no child by the name Layinka.
The Federal General Election of 1964 conducted by E. E. Esua as Federal Electoral Commissioner had showed that the Government had lost control of the Western Region, but it also introduced violence throughout the electioneering campaign, arson and assault featured throughout the election. It was a precursor of what was to be expected at the Regional General Elections coming up in 1965.
In some towns and communities, arson visited upon dwelling houses, and public buildings were also added to public roasting of government supporters in the so called “operation weti e”.
The petrol poured on human beings, and such individuals were left to be burnt to death. Indeed, law and order had broken down and perhaps irretrievably and yet, NNDP was declared the winner of a massively rigged general election and his leader, was called upon by the Governor of the Western Region, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi to form the new government.
Undoubtedly, the region was in an uproar and tumoil. Security had broken down and no one was safe on the road. There were several unofficial road blocks, everywhere and the high level of fear, indignation and security was heightened. When the Chief Justice of the Federation, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola was manhandled on the road between Abeokuta and Lagos, the gravity of the situation became very apparent to all. It became urgent that something must be done to restore law and order to the Western Region. The NNDP was a member of the COALITION – the Nigerian National Alliance (NNA), which it had formed with the ruling NPC and so it was difficult for the Federal Government to intervene to remove a regional Government formed by its surrogate, the NNDP. Yet, something must be done.
The events in the Western Region was certainly laying the foundation to the apocalypse, that was to engulf the country. The Premier of the Eastern Region, Dr. Michael Okpara told his counterpart in the Western Region, Chief SLA Akintola, that he was coming on a visit to Ibadan. SLA Akintola told him he would not be welcome, because he could not guarantee his safety.
The visit took place nevertheless, and as an act of defiance, Premier Michael Okpara still went ahead to visit the Premier at the Premier’s lodge, Iyaganku, Ibadan. The host Premier, SLA Akintola, was nowhere to be found. Michael Okpara nonetheless, signed the visitors register and left.
It was an irony of circumstance, that Premier Ladoke Akintola, who in 1962 was prepared to defile his Party, to welcome a Northern Premier and aristocrat, on the grounds of protocol and hospitality, could not do the same thing for the Premier of the Eastern Region, who was his ally not too long ago. It would be recalled that Okpara had now joined forces with the Action Group, led by Chief (Mrs) H.I.D Awolowo and Alhaji D.S Adegbenro to form UPGA.
In the north, in the west, and in the mid-west, all was confusion. A team of lawyers sent to northern Nigeria by the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA) for the purpose of looking after the legal interest of AG members was not allowed to function.
In the Western Region, trenches were dug, all in order to prevent political opponent the freedom of expression and movement. In October 1965, the Western Region went to the polls to elect a new House of Assembly, the first regional election since the Action Group crisis, an opportunity for Chief Akintola to test his popularity.
The conduct of the election caused wide spread anger which resulted in so much incidence of arson, murder, rioting and general insecurity that the army was sent to the region to maintain law and order. More than 2000 people were killed during and after the election.
After winning the 1965 election, Samuel Ladoke Akintola was called by the governor, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi to form the new government in October 1965. His taped recorded acceptance speech and message to the people of western region to be rebroadcast by the Nigerian broadcasting corporation (NBC) had been removed and replaced with another recorded message by a mystery gunman who had stepped into the studio and made his own broadcast, denouncing Akintola. This popular gunman was later alleged to be a popular playwright, Wole Soyinka.
On the 15th of October, the newsroom of the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) was more fortified than ever. It was a fortress which was armed to the teeth. In the newsroom was a cubicle where the whole activity normally took place. That evening, the occupants of the cubicle, apart from the leader of the crew were Lajide Ishola, Stephen Oyewole and John Okungbona. The crew men had in their possession the recording of the speech of the Premier of the western region of Nigeria, Chief Ladoke Akintola, which had earlier been recorded at the premier’s lodge at lyaganku. The recordings which contained the message of the premier were made in both English and Yoruba. The premier had finished with the recording a few minutes before 7 o’clock in the evening and he was looking forward to listening to his speech which he had regarded as a masterpiece that will explain the situation of things in the western region.
At about quarter past 7 in the evening, Oshin breezed in into the studio cubicle with his crew men, taking with him the 2 recorded tapes which contained the premier’s speech i.e. both the English and the Yoruba version. Funnily and interestingly, just as Oshin was about to slot in the first tape, a bearded man appeared at the door, and suddenly from nowhere produced a gun and held it to Oshin’s head. There was an abrupt silence. The gunman, goatee-bearded and unmasked, demanded that the radio technician hand over the two tapes he was holding. Oshin quietly handed over the tapes to him, while the other three men in the cubicle, watched the unfolding drama with apparent shock and disbelief.
The gunman handed a tape over to Oshin and ordered him to play it. For fear of his life, Oshin slotted in the gunman’s tape and played it. The gunman listened to part of the content and quietly disappeared as mysteriously as he had come in. The whole operation was swift, brief, effective and decisive.
Pandemonium broke in as soon as members of the public heard the recording on air. Oshin had apparently run out of the studio and the gunman was nowhere to be found. The other three occupants of the cubicle were arrested and taken to the police station, where they made statements to the effect that they had no clue to who the gunman was. They had a clinical description of what exactly happened and the near unanimity about the description of the unmasked mystery gunman. The mystery gunman was eventually arrested and brought before a newly appointed Judge of the High Court, Justice Kayode Esho, sitting in High Court 6. Justice Esho was a stern, disciplined and incorruptible judge. Before the trial, the Chief Justice of the western region, Justice Adeyinka Morgan called Kayode Esho, and straight to the point said, “I have an assignment for you. It is this very important case of the hold-up of the radio station and the robbery of the premier’s tapes. It is a very sensitive assignment, which I would have undertaken myself, having regard to the importance and sensitivity, but the accused person, Wole Soyinka, is a relation of mine. I have full confidence that you will handle it very well’.
Interestingly, the Chief Justice further said, “by the way” and in a measured tone said “they are already saying you will not be able to jail this man”, Justice Kayode Esho wondered ” who are the “they”, “they” “they”. Who are those that the pronoun “they” represent.
According to Esho, why should those “they” be talking to the Chief Justice? why according to Esho? If the “they” talked to the Chief Justice, should he mention it to me while I was trying such a sensitive case, or even any case, for that matter? I got up, pretending not to have been ruffled by the statement, thanked the Chief Justice again, and left for my chambers.”
On the 26th of October, 1965, i.e exactly two weeks after the general election, Akintola lost his most cherished daughter and confidant, Omodele. Omodele died as a result of an overdose of sleeping pills.
After Omodele’s death, Akintola was beginning to have a second thought about his ability to continue with the crisis, and asked rhetorically “whether the whole warfare was worth it at all”. It was apparent then that Ladoke Akintola was greatly distressed.
According to one of the sentries at the Government house, Mr Olabode, a regional police officer attached to the government’s lodge, the premier was in a state of utter confusion, and after meetings, however late, will still travel to Ogbomoso to sleep, and come back to Ibadan in the morning. The Premier’s driver confided in the young police officer, Olabode, that the premier was fond of this trip, because the late night trip from Ibadan afforded him the opportunity of a thoughtful silence and a deep sleep.
Prince Adewale Kazeem, another known confidant of the Premier, also noticed a premier whose hands were shivering and could no longer append his signature on a straight line. Prince Adewale noticed this again and advised the premier, “Baba, why don’t you resign?” and the soberly premier replied “Adewale, O ti bo, iku lo ma gbeyin eleyi- Adewale, it is too late, it is only death that will end this feud.”
Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola was in this state of disillusionment when on the 14th of January 1966, he asked his aide, R.A Obaleke, upon resumption of duty to get prepared for a trip to Kaduna. There was a plane already waiting for them at the Ibadan Airport, arranged from Lagos. On the premier’s entourage to Kaduna were Chief Lekan Salami, Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu, R. A. Obaleke, N.A.B Kotoye and a host of others, to meet with the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello. At this meeting at the Premier’s lodge in Kaduna, the two premiers went into a long private session. Before the commencement of the meeting, Premier Ladoke Akintola had given some money to his Personal assistant, R.A Obaleke to buy some books for him at the bookshop.
After a long while, Obaleke came back to still find the two premiers in a very serious dialogue. Obaleke informed the premier of the need to go back to Ibadan in a good time, because there was no night landing facility at the Ibadan Airport. Premier Ladoke Akintola immediately proceeded to the Kaduna airport and was seen off by his host- the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello. On arrival in Ibadan, the Premier and his entourage proceeded to the premier’s lodge. The cook, Effiong, a Calabar man, provided dinner for the premier, before their departure. On the 14th of January 1966, the Premier had earlier told his wife, Faderera to proceed to Ogbomoso to prepare their Ogbomoso residence for a private visit of Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. In the Premier’s lodge were Yomi, his eldest son and his wife Dupe, and their son, Akinwumi, and Gbolahan Odunjo, Omodele’s son, and the visiting Tokunbo Akintola, who came in on holidays from Eton College London. It will be recalled once again, that the British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Conference in Lagos in January 1966, warned the host of the conference of an impending military insurrection and offered the Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa, asylum in one of the British frigates on the Atlantic water.
The Prime Minister rebuffed this intelligence report and Akintola’s report, fears and apprehensions, as mere hearsay and unfounded.
In the early hours of January 15, at about 2am, and as predicted, the army struck like a thief in the night. The army mobilized from the Alamala Abeokuta Garrison of the Nigerian Army. It was led by Captain Nwobosi, to effect a change of government in the Western Region.
The Military officers after picking Deputy Premier, Fani Kayode, moved to the Premier’s Lodge. At the Premier’s lodge, with their Military trucks, they forcibly entered the lodge. The head of sentries/Police security, Chief Inspector Sokunbi, an Ijebu man, immediately put off the flood light and was chased by the soldiers. The officer manning the back of the premier’s lodge, Police Corporal Bernard Olabode, a native of Gbongan, was equally chased, but was not discovered inside the drainage where he hid.
The Military officers, immediately put off the electricity supply to the Premier’s lodge. The officer from the ministry of works, posted to the Premier’s lodge, and whose responsibility was maintenance of the two generators at the Premier’s lodge, thought it was a power outage and immediately went to put on the manual generator, since the automatic generator could not come up immediately after the power outage. He was shot on the forehead by one of the officers and he died instantly.
The leader of the Military officers, shouted the name of the Premier, “Akintola come out you are under house arrest.” They also asked his Deputy, already in their custody, to call him, “Sir, Ladoke Akintola, it is me Fani Kayode please come out.” After hearing this voice, the Premier who had immediately upon the arrival of the army officers moved his family through the walkway from the official residence, to his office in the Premier’s lodge, knew there was real danger.
A maid of one of his children, started crying saying “E jo woooo E jo woooo” meaning “please please.” The outcry of this maid exposed the location of the Premier. There was then a gunshot from the Premier to the rampaging soldiers.
According to the Police Officer, Bernard Olabode, in his hiding location he saw bullet shots going towards the Premier’s Office. One of the shots, hit the Premier on the wrist and the Officers were still insisting that he must come out of hiding. They had promised to finish the entire family.
For the Safety of his children, the Are Ona kankanfo of Yoruba land had no choice, but to come down. He was instantly arrested by the soldiers. The leader of the group according to PC Olabode, asked Fani Kayode to identify the Premier. Apparently, they didn’t even know him. Fani Power identified him as the Premier.
According to Olabode, two Officers were placed on his right and left hand, as if facing a firing squad and volley of bullets were hurled at him. The first shot hit the Premier on his forehead, some on his chest and later the Premier gave up.
When he fell down, the leader of the group placed his leg on the Premiers forehead and asked some of his soldiers to rain further bullets on the lying Premier. The group leader, speaking in various languages, said according to Olabode, “he is a juju man, perforate him further with bullets” and thus the end of Are-Ona Kankanfo, who had fought a bitter struggle with his tongue, pen and strength.
The army had also arrested Lt. Col Largemma of the Ibadan Garrison and killed him. Col. Largemma was very close to the Premier of the Western Region, and also Premier of Northern Region. The Federal Brigade of Guards Commander in Lagos, was also killed. Major Okafor had ordered the abduction and eventual murder of the Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa, the Minister of Finance, Okotie-Eboh, whilst Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu, also invaded the Premier’s lodge in Kaduna and killed Sir Ahmadu Bello, one of his wives, Hafsat and some Military Officers, like Brigadier Ademulegun, Col. Ralph Sodeinde and several other officers and thus the end of Civil Government in Nigeria and the beginning of Military interregnum, that did not end effectively until the 29th of May 1999, when another Military man and former Head of State, Olusegun Obasanjo, became President of the Civilian Government.
In retrospect, the state of emergency on the Western Region was declared on the 29th of May 1962 by the Federal Government of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa. No wonder, George Santyana rightly said- “those who do not know history are doomed to repeat its failures”. The “operation weti e” of Western Region certainly left its metaphors and lessons for the discerning minds!
Hon. (Barr.) Femi Kehinde is the
Principal Partner, Femi Kehinde & Co (Solicitors), and Former Member, House of Representatives, National Assembly, Abuja, representing Ayedire/Iwo/Ola-Oluwa Federal Constituency of Osun State, (1999-2003).
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