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Opinion: #Gandujegate: New Telegraph, Africa Value Awards as ‘Accessories after the Fact’

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By Nkannebe Raymond Esq.

The awards last week by two corporate outfits, namely The African Value Awards and the New Telegraph Newspaper respectively, to the executive governor of Kano state, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, in the wave of the controversy swirling around his person has once again put to the fore, the role of the media as gatekeepers of public morality and its suboptimal performance in the discharge of the onerous but dignifying responsibility.
It is disturbing that a time when many Nigerians are calling for the resignation and immediate probe of the geriatric public administrator with a proven voracious appetite for wads of dollars, at least from what one could infer from the numerous video clips that might become his Achilles Heel, the media, in one moment of professional hara-kiri has elected to garland and serenade the governor against its pristine and solemn role as the fourth estate of the realm which ought to hold public office holders to the highest standard of official responsibility.

And the countervailing narratives put up by these labels in defence of their professional misfeasance do not help matters at all. On the contrary, it speaks to a well rehearsed deflective vest to justify nonsense. After all, nothing should explain away the celebration of persons with dubious and questionable official character. Further, it does not accord with the spontaneous corporate reaction expected from responsible organizations in situations such as the media platforms found themselves.

Take for example the recent withdrawal by bellwether media brands such as CNN, New York Times, The Economist, Bloomberg and CNBC from covering and/or participating in the just concluded Saudi Arabia Future Initiative Conference in protest against the Kingdom for its role in the gruesome murder of renowned journalist─Jamal Kashoggi. Opportune moments such as that are veritable openings for a responsible medium to reassert its role as the protectors of public morality and the pallbearers of the conscience of state. By electing however to celebrate the governor amidst the raging controversy, the New Telegraph and their counterpart easily came across as accessories after the fact.

The case of the organizers of the Africa Value Awards is of itself a paradoxical wonder. Here is an organization which holds itself out as committed to the reorientation of African values. With such a noble cause underpinning its activities, one would have thought that it’d have nothing to do with any recipient of its prize flagged for corrupt behaviour however ‘meritorious’ the process of his/her emergence, to the extent that it prides itself on reordering African values and reorientating the minds of the people, especially youths.

But how did the organizers of this award plea? Against the run of play, it enlisted in defence of the governor, describing the allegations against him as unproven by a court of law, and hence why it would go ahead to decorate him with its laurels.

These much were the sentiments of the chairman of the award organizing committee, Ambassador Daniel Obah. Queried as to whether the organization would go ahead to honour the governor in the wake of the overwhelming evidence of corruption against him, the man was reported to have said,”meanwhile we can’t go on to remove the governor’s name because of criticisms. Many people have alleged that we collected bribe from him, but this is a lie. He won through voting. We are not the court of law to say he is corrupt. We can’t deny him the award because of that”. He went on with the conviction of say a professor of law, “we should know that no court of law has pronounced him guilty of all the allegations levelled against him”.

The question that begs consideration is: should organizers of such awards arrogate to themselves the position of judge and jury so as to investigate the veracity vel non of any allegations made against the recipients of its award and then reach a positive finding why they should go ahead? Wouldn’t a decent and disciplined organization in the circumstances write to the recipient explaining the reasons why they may not be able to confer the award at that time? Of what use is a media organization if it cannot leverage the mood of the nation to make a corporate statement in condemnation of an acerbic behaviour?

I am sure that Mr. Obah knows of such a thing as the ‘court’ of public opinion. And that in this ‘court’, the conventional rules of evidence and its oscillating movements do not come to play. But what I do not think he understands is the commanding heights of the media and civil society organizations such as his, in this ‘court’. If he knew, he wouldn’t have embarked on that lame duck excuse advanced by him in defence of his organization’s professional indiscretion.

And assuming we are to forgive the former organization for not being a mainstream media house, are we to hold same for the New Telegraph? This label has the “sanctity of truth” as its motto and is bound by the ethics of the profession part of which is making a moral contribution to society. Implicit in this corporate responsibility is the courage to flag criminal behaviour in order not to allow evil seem good by their perceived condonation or recognition of same. But when the newspaper on Saturday garlanded the kano state politician with the award of “best governor” in the areas of health and education, despite the glaring case of official corruption against him, it was obvious that they had thrown caution to the winds and would rather cavort with a kleptomaniac perhaps in a transactional bid to save him some face (in the wake of his drowning popularity) in exchange for their share of the man’s infamous $5 million that have earned him the perfect sobriquet─Gandollar.

At the time of writing, the New Telegraph has yet to issue a statement on why it awarded the governor its “best governor” prize despite mounting allegations of corruption against him. This writer however does not think it would issue any report on that; the public opprobrium from Nigerians notwithstanding. And in the unlikely event it does, there is no prize for guessing that the alibi would be the same as advanced by the African Value Award as highlighted above.

All of these speak to the increasingly compromising stance of the Nigerian media that has seen it fall short at speaking truth to power at a time when the society is in dire need of same. Certainly for New Telegraph and the Africa Value Award, it does not matter whether the governor of a state pilfers the public wealth of his state, in so far as he is able to raise few blocks of classrooms and commissions maternity wards in two to three local government areas. Such must be what amounts to “Effective Leadership” for the organizers of the African Value Awards and the very totem of leadership excellence for the Telegraph.

It is not that one harbours any ill will towards these organizations, but public awards can sometimes make their recipients seem untouchable and above scrutiny when their actions run counter to the values propagated by the society such as official corruption, hence the need for acute circumspection by organizations that give out these awards, not least the media.

Late last year, the Oxford University began the process of stripping Aung San Suu Kui of the Freedom of Oxford award she bagged in 1997 following her response to the Rohingya crisis to drive home its derision for her dilatory behaviour in the wake of the crisis. In the same vein, humanitarian watchdog─Amnesty International only two weeks ago stripped her of a similar award for the same reason amongst a host of other awards stripped off her following her acts of omission in the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar. This much is how organizations in saner climes use the instrument of their corporate awards to protest unofficious behaviour.

While it is true that Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje has not been convicted by a court of competent jurisdiction for what we saw in those odious clips whose potency have been proven by forensic experts, it does not inhere to the New Telegraph or the organizers of the African Value Awards to celebrate and decorate the man at a time when public opinion weighs heavily against him, and justifiably too. By decorating the man, they seemed to be calling the bluff of Nigerians especially indigenes of Kano whose common wealth is directly in issue, and at its extremes celebrating criminal and corrupt behaviour. Their roles aptly fit into those of an accessory after the fact in criminal jurisprudence, and if this move is calculated to launder the image of the man in the wake of the raging controversy, judging from the timing of the awards, let it be known to the organizers of the tokunboh awards that the public mood is writ large of its death on arrival.

Nkannebe Raymond, a Public Affairs analyst wrote in from Lagos. Comments and reactions to raymondnkannebe@gmail.com

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Opinion

Rivers or Wike House of Assembly?

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By Eric Elezuo

Anybody that knows what Barr Nyesom Wike, who is now the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) stood for prior to the events leading to the 2023 General Elections would be highly shocked, surprised or even disappointed at the trend of events in Rivers State, which boldly has the signature of the former and immediate past governor on it.

To the political watchers, observers and practitioners alike, Wike has been an epitome of deliver good governance, shine as much as you can when it’s your turn, and bow out respectfully when you conclude your tenure, leaving your successor, irrespective of the part you played in his emergence, to perform as he could without interference. But that notion seems to have exited through the backdoor since Wike’s political godson, Siminalayi Fubara, became governor of Rivers State on May 29, 2023.

Though feelers of high handedness or excessive demand of state’s resources against Fubara by Wike has not been officially confirmed, the fact that is starring everyone in the face has remained the governor’s inability to perform maximally as a result of Wike breathing uncomfortably down his neck, and using the instrumentality of the state House of Assembly, which is unequivocally loyal to him, making it difficult to further address the House as Rivers House of Assembly

From reports, the travails of Fubara in the hands of Wike and his House of Assembly dated back to the period around August 2023, barely three months into the administration. Events suggested that Fubara was choking under Wike’s stranglehold, and attempted a self-rescue. It backfired as Wike came after him with the full strength of his controlled-Assembly, and then the full federal might.

In a nutshell, the Assembly has on three occasions attempted to impeach Fubara with the third right now domiciled with the judiciary amid court injunctions.

What is more tiring in the renewed fights between Fubara and Wike-House of Assembly, lies in the fact that both the governor and members of the Assembly, who are giving voice to Wike’s songs, just came back from a six-month suspension occasioned by President Bola Tinubu’s State of Emergency declaration.

One would have thought that lasting peace has arrived even as all the state political institutions including the executive and legislative arms have joined the All Progressives Congress (APC), but the reverse seems to be the case. The House of Assembly has invoked Section 188 of the Nigerian Constitution to begin an impeachment proceedings against the governor. They accused him of Gross Misconduct, spread into eight grievous crimes.

But much as the House of Assembly is speaking through the Speaker, Martin Amaewhule, the real voice being heard by Nigerians is the voice of Wike, who controls almost all elected officers in the state.

Rivers State revel in the reputation of being the treasure of the nation, yet in close to three years, no meaningful development has been witnessed as a result of squabbles and skirmishes between the executive and the legislature with Wike in the driver’s seat.

At a time in his history, Wike denounced and condemned godfatherism in politics. It is sad that he is the one playing the intimidation card today after all he has been through in his political life, and all he has confessed with his month.

While it is imperative that Fubara should acknowledge his political godfather, Wike should understand that he has played his part in Rivers State, and is obligated to allow Fubara play his, or wait for the next election to mobilise to vote him out. But the fact from all indication says the bone of contest is on political agreement more than constitutional infraction. And that renders the whole process more shameful.

The pride of Rivers State, not those of individuals, is at stake, and needs to be salvaged. Wike should shealth his sword, and let peace reign.

The House of Assembly belongs to Rivers people, and not Wike.

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Opinion

Re-engineering the Mind: A Pathway to Freedom for Peoples, Corporates and Nations

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By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD

“The most formidable borders we must cross are not geographic, but cognitive. True sovereignty—for peoples, corporates, or nations—begins with the courageous act of dismantling the internal architectures of limitation and rebuilding with the materials of our own authentic possibilities.” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD

We live in a world shaped by history, yet our future is not predetermined by it. One of the most profound challenges facing individuals, corporations, and nations, particularly in contexts like Nigeria and Africa—is the legacy of mental colonialism. This isn’t merely a historical discussion; it’s about the unconscious frameworks that continue to dictate how we think, what we value, and what we believe is possible. Decolonizing oneself from this “mental slavery” is the essential first step toward delivering genuine, self-determined possibilities. This process requires honesty, courage, and a deliberate reclamation of thought.

Understanding the Invisible Chains

Mental slavery is the internalization of a worldview where the former colonizer’s culture, systems, and standards are seen as inherently superior, universal, and the sole benchmark for progress. It manifests in subtle ways: the devaluation of local languages and knowledge, the preference for foreign goods and credentials over local ones, and the persistent narrative that real solutions must always come from outside. This mindset creates a ceiling on imagination, fostering dependency and a crippling doubt in one’s own innate capacity to innovate and lead.

The Personal Journey: Reclaiming Your Inner Narrative

For the individual, decolonization is a deeply personal journey of unlearning and rediscovery. It starts with critical self-reflection.

  • Questioning Knowledge: It asks, “Whose history am I learning? Whose definition of beauty, success, and intelligence have I accepted?” It involves actively seeking out and valuing indigenous philosophies, like the Ubuntu concept of “I am because we are,” not as folklore but as viable, sophisticated frameworks for living.
  • Redefining Value: It means measuring personal success not only by proximity to Western lifestyles but by contributions to community, by cultural continuity, and by personal integrity aligned with one’s own roots.
  • Language as Liberation: It recognizes the power of language to shape reality. Embracing one’s mother tongue in thought and creative expression becomes an act of resistance and a reconnection to a distinct way of seeing the world.

The Corporate Transformation: From Extraction to Ecosystem

Businesses and organizations are often perfect mirrors of colonial logic, built on hierarchical control, resource extraction, and the standardization of Western corporate models. Decolonizing the corporate sphere requires a fundamental shift in purpose and practice.

  • Beyond Exploitation: It moves from a model that extracts value (from people, communities, and the environment) for distant shareholders to one that generates and circulates value within local ecosystems. It prioritizes regenerative practices and community equity.
  • Innovation from Within: It rejects the mere copying of foreign business playbooks. Instead, it looks inward, developing uniquely African management styles, products, and solutions that respond to local realities, needs, and social structures. It sees the informal sector not as a problem, but as a reservoir of resilience and ingenuity.
  • Partnership Over Paternalism: It abandons the “savior” complex—the idea that development is “delivered” from the outside. A decolonized corporate entity positions itself as a humble partner, listening to and amplifying local agency and existing expertise.

The National Project: Reimagining Governance and Identity

For nation-states like Nigeria, the legacy is etched into the very architecture of the state: borders that divide ethnic groups, economies structured for export of raw materials, and educational systems that glorify foreign histories.

  • Institutional Reformation: True decolonization necessitates the courageous reform of institutions. This means auditing legal systems, constitutions, and national curricula to root out colonial biases and integrate indigenous knowledge and juridical principles.
  • Economic Sovereignty: It demands a strategic, deliberate reduction of dependency. This involves prioritizing regional trade (like the African Continental Free Trade Area), adding value to natural resources locally, and investing in home-grown technology and manufacturing. It is a pivot from being a primary commodity exporter in a global system designed by others to being an architect of one’s own economic destiny.
  • Cultural Agency: On the global stage, a decolonized nation defines itself. It conducts diplomacy based on its own historical experiences and philosophical foundations, not merely by aligning with blocs formed by colonial histories. It tells its own stories, controlling its narrative.

Nigeria and Africa: The Crucible of Challenge and Promise

Africa, with Nigeria as its most populous nation, is the undeniable focal point of this global conversation. The continent’s challenges are real, but they are too often diagnosed through the very colonial lens that contributed to them. Nigeria’s specific struggle—to forge a cohesive national identity from its stunning diversity, to manage resource wealth for the benefit of all, and to overcome governance failures—is a direct engagement with its colonial past.

The “African Renaissance” envisioned in frameworks like Agenda 2063 is, at its heart, a decolonial project. It seeks an Africa integrated by its own people’s design, powered by its own intellectual and cultural capital, and speaking to the world with confidence and authority.

A Universal Call: Why the Wider World Must Engage

This is not a project for the formerly colonized alone. The wider world, including former colonial powers and global institutions, has a responsibility to engage.

  • Acknowledgment and Equity: It begins with a sincere acknowledgment of historical injustices and their modern-day economic and political echoes. It requires moving from a paradigm of charity and aid to one of justice, fair trade, and equitable partnership.
  • Enriching Humanity: Ultimately, decolonizing the mind enriches all of humanity. It frees everyone from the limitations of a single, dominant story about progress and human achievement. It opens the door to a world where multiple ways of knowing, being, and creating can coexist and cross-pollinate, leading to more resilient and innovative global solutions.

Conclusion: The Freedom to Imagine Anew

In this moment of global reckoning and transformation, the work of mental decolonization is not a luxury; it is an urgent necessity. It is the hard, internal work that must precede lasting external change. For the individual, it delivers the profound possibility of wholeness. For the corporation, it unlocks sustainable innovation and authentic purpose. For nations like Nigeria and for the African continent, it is the non-negotiable foundation for true sovereignty and transformational progress.

The ultimate deliverable is freedom—the freedom to imagine a future unbounded by the past, and the agency to build it.

Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke is a Distinguished Ambassador For World Peace (AMBP-UN); Nigeria @65 Leaders of Distinction (2025); Recipient, Nigerian Role Models Award (2024); African Leadership Par Excellence Award (2024). 

He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.comglobalstageimpacts@gmail.com

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Opinion

Dele Momodu’s Arrival: Day ADC Became Heavier

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By Dr. Sani S a’idu Baba

What does loyalty mean to you in friendships, family, or work? To me, loyalty is staying true, honest and supportive even when it’s hard. That truth defines my relationship with Chief Dele Momodu, whom I more often refer to as the pride of Africa. My loyalty to him is non-negotiable. It is not seasonal, transactional, or driven by convenience. It is rooted in conviction. So, the moment he collected his membership card of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) in his hometown of Ihievbe, Owan East, Edo State, I did the same in Kano. In that instant, distance dissolved, and purpose aligned. What happened yesterday was not just a decamping; it was a declaration. A declaration that the long, hard road to Rescue, Recover and Reset Nigeria has gained one of its most formidable travellers.

This is indeed a remarkable day for the ADC. While many defections into political parties come and go with the tides of ambition, Dele Momodu’s entry stands apart, loud in meaning, deep in symbolism, and heavy with consequence. For the ADC, this is not merely the acquisition of a new member; it is the embrace of a movement-builder, a conscience-keeper, and a bridge across Nigeria’s fractured divides, and these qualities are evident in his record.

First, Dele Momodu’s political pedigree is rare and refreshing. In an environment where political loyalty often bends toward power, he has never been part of the ruling party throughout his entire political life. This is not stubbornness; it is principle. It means he understands opposition not as noise-making, but as nation-guarding. He knows how to put governments on their toes firmly, intelligently, and fearlessly. The ADC has gained a man perfectly schooled in democratic vigilance, one who knows that true progress is sharpened by principled opposition.

Second, the ADC has gained a tested pro-democracy fighter in Dele Momodu. He paid a personal price during the military era for resisting dictatorship and standing firmly for democratic rule in the Third Republic. That history of sacrifice now translates into a major advantage for the ADC: a leader with the moral authority, experience, and courage to constitutionally, peacefully and intellectually confront the growing threat of a one-party state and one-man dictatorship. With Dele Momodu in its fold, the ADC is better equipped to defend democracy and lead the national effort to recover Nigeria from authoritarian drift.

Third, he is widely recognized as one of the most principled and loyal politicians Nigeria has produced. When Dele Momodu commits, he commits fully. No half-measures. No double games. No conditional loyalty. If he belongs to a party, he supports it wholeheartedly and unconditionally. For the ADC, this is priceless. In a time when political parties struggle with internal contradictions and wavering allegiances, here is a man whose word is his bond and whose presence strengthens internal cohesion.

Fourth, the ADC has attracted not just a member, but a truth-teller. Dele Momodu derives pleasure in saying the truth as it is, without varnish, without fear, without apology. Parties rise or fall not only by their slogans but by their capacity for honest self-examination. With Momodu in the ADC, the party gains its greatest advisor and most reliable mirror. He will celebrate what is right, challenge what is wrong, and insist on moral clarity. This is how serious political institutions are built.

Fifth, Dele Momodu is a magnet. He attracts highly responsible, competent, and patriotic Nigerians from every corner of the country. Many see him as a part-time and independent politician, one whose ultimate allegiance is not to party symbols but to Nigeria’s soul. That perception is powerful. It means that wherever he goes, Nigerians are ready to follow, to join, and to support. By welcoming him, the ADC has sent a clear signal to the nation: this is a home for credibility, courage, and Nigeria first politics.

Wherever Dele Momodu goes, Nigerians at home and in the diaspora admire him effortlessly. He never gets tired of engaging, mentoring, inspiring, and mobilising. Without any noise, he becomes a vehicle of mass mobilisation. With him, the ADC’s message will travel farther than billboards, deeper than rallies, and faster than propaganda. This is influence earned through decades of credibility, not imposed.

I speak from experience. I was the North-West Coordinator of the Dele Momodu Movement in 2022 when he contested the presidential primaries under the PDP. I later served as his agent at the primaries held at the Moshood Abiola Stadium, Abuja, on May 28, 2022. I went round with him all over Nigeria, and from that experience, I came to truly understand the perception of the ordinary Nigerian about the extraordinary pedigree of Dele Momodu, how people see him as consistent, authentic, accessible, and genuinely committed to Nigeria’s progress.

Sixth, the ADC has attracted a great promise-keeper in Dele Momodu. Let me back this claim with facts. I was among those who accompanied him to the screening before the PDP presidential primaries. When he came out and journalists asked him questions, his response was characteristically clear and sincere: it is totally about Nigeria, nothing personal. He went further to announce the promise he took during the screening, that he would support whoever emerged as the party’s candidate to victory, and he kept that promise. As great globetrotter that he is, no one can easily recall when last Dele Momodu stayed in Nigeria for months, working assiduously for the success of his party and its candidate, His Excellency Atiku Abubakar. While many others who took the same promise were busy throwing tantrums, he was on the field, mobilising, advocating, and delivering. That was a promise kept.

But beyond politics lies the most compelling asset Dele Momodu brings to the ADC: his story. The turbulent but triumphant journey of his life can draw tears not only from the over 140 million Nigerians living in extreme poverty today, but from anyone who understands struggle. It is a story that melts hearts across class, age, and geography. Relatable. Poignant. Edifying. It speaks directly to the Nigerian who feels forgotten by birth or battered by circumstance. It tells you that you may be a rejected stone today, penniless, down and out but you can become a chief cornerstone tomorrow. Not by cutting corners, but by patience, consistency, building networks of influence, embracing hard work, and staying faithful to your dream. Perhaps this is why Dele Momodu is arguably the Nigerian mentor with the highest number of mentees across every nook and cranny of this country, myself included. His mentorship culture is organic, generous, and transformational. He opens doors, builds people, and multiplies hope. For the ADC, this is a strategic advantage that cannot be overstated. A party that attracts Dele Momodu automatically attracts thousands of thinkers, professionals, youths, and patriots he has inspired over decades.

Dele Momodu is in a class of his own. Naturally unique. Authentically Nigerian. Globally respected and travels road less travel. His life proves that greatness can rise from adversity, and leadership can be forged without bitterness. With his entry into the ADC, the party has not just caught a “big fish”; it has netted a tide-changer. Yesterday, in Ihiebve, history was made. From Edo to Kano, from the grassroots to the global stage, a new chapter has begun. The ADC is no longer just preparing for the future, it is recruiting it. And with Dele Momodu on board, the mission to Rescue, Recover and Reset Nigeria has found one of its strongest voices and most trusted hands.

The journey ahead is demanding. But with men of principle, truth and influence like Chief Dele Momodu, the ADC is no longer asking Nigerians to believe. It is giving them a reason to.

Dr Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

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