Opinion
Opinion: #Gandujegate: New Telegraph, Africa Value Awards as ‘Accessories after the Fact’
Published
8 years agoon
By
Eric
By Nkannebe Raymond Esq.
The awards last week by two corporate outfits, namely The African Value Awards and the New Telegraph Newspaper respectively, to the executive governor of Kano state, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, in the wave of the controversy swirling around his person has once again put to the fore, the role of the media as gatekeepers of public morality and its suboptimal performance in the discharge of the onerous but dignifying responsibility.
It is disturbing that a time when many Nigerians are calling for the resignation and immediate probe of the geriatric public administrator with a proven voracious appetite for wads of dollars, at least from what one could infer from the numerous video clips that might become his Achilles Heel, the media, in one moment of professional hara-kiri has elected to garland and serenade the governor against its pristine and solemn role as the fourth estate of the realm which ought to hold public office holders to the highest standard of official responsibility.
And the countervailing narratives put up by these labels in defence of their professional misfeasance do not help matters at all. On the contrary, it speaks to a well rehearsed deflective vest to justify nonsense. After all, nothing should explain away the celebration of persons with dubious and questionable official character. Further, it does not accord with the spontaneous corporate reaction expected from responsible organizations in situations such as the media platforms found themselves.
Take for example the recent withdrawal by bellwether media brands such as CNN, New York Times, The Economist, Bloomberg and CNBC from covering and/or participating in the just concluded Saudi Arabia Future Initiative Conference in protest against the Kingdom for its role in the gruesome murder of renowned journalist─Jamal Kashoggi. Opportune moments such as that are veritable openings for a responsible medium to reassert its role as the protectors of public morality and the pallbearers of the conscience of state. By electing however to celebrate the governor amidst the raging controversy, the New Telegraph and their counterpart easily came across as accessories after the fact.
The case of the organizers of the Africa Value Awards is of itself a paradoxical wonder. Here is an organization which holds itself out as committed to the reorientation of African values. With such a noble cause underpinning its activities, one would have thought that it’d have nothing to do with any recipient of its prize flagged for corrupt behaviour however ‘meritorious’ the process of his/her emergence, to the extent that it prides itself on reordering African values and reorientating the minds of the people, especially youths.
But how did the organizers of this award plea? Against the run of play, it enlisted in defence of the governor, describing the allegations against him as unproven by a court of law, and hence why it would go ahead to decorate him with its laurels.
These much were the sentiments of the chairman of the award organizing committee, Ambassador Daniel Obah. Queried as to whether the organization would go ahead to honour the governor in the wake of the overwhelming evidence of corruption against him, the man was reported to have said,”meanwhile we can’t go on to remove the governor’s name because of criticisms. Many people have alleged that we collected bribe from him, but this is a lie. He won through voting. We are not the court of law to say he is corrupt. We can’t deny him the award because of that”. He went on with the conviction of say a professor of law, “we should know that no court of law has pronounced him guilty of all the allegations levelled against him”.
The question that begs consideration is: should organizers of such awards arrogate to themselves the position of judge and jury so as to investigate the veracity vel non of any allegations made against the recipients of its award and then reach a positive finding why they should go ahead? Wouldn’t a decent and disciplined organization in the circumstances write to the recipient explaining the reasons why they may not be able to confer the award at that time? Of what use is a media organization if it cannot leverage the mood of the nation to make a corporate statement in condemnation of an acerbic behaviour?
I am sure that Mr. Obah knows of such a thing as the ‘court’ of public opinion. And that in this ‘court’, the conventional rules of evidence and its oscillating movements do not come to play. But what I do not think he understands is the commanding heights of the media and civil society organizations such as his, in this ‘court’. If he knew, he wouldn’t have embarked on that lame duck excuse advanced by him in defence of his organization’s professional indiscretion.
And assuming we are to forgive the former organization for not being a mainstream media house, are we to hold same for the New Telegraph? This label has the “sanctity of truth” as its motto and is bound by the ethics of the profession part of which is making a moral contribution to society. Implicit in this corporate responsibility is the courage to flag criminal behaviour in order not to allow evil seem good by their perceived condonation or recognition of same. But when the newspaper on Saturday garlanded the kano state politician with the award of “best governor” in the areas of health and education, despite the glaring case of official corruption against him, it was obvious that they had thrown caution to the winds and would rather cavort with a kleptomaniac perhaps in a transactional bid to save him some face (in the wake of his drowning popularity) in exchange for their share of the man’s infamous $5 million that have earned him the perfect sobriquet─Gandollar.
At the time of writing, the New Telegraph has yet to issue a statement on why it awarded the governor its “best governor” prize despite mounting allegations of corruption against him. This writer however does not think it would issue any report on that; the public opprobrium from Nigerians notwithstanding. And in the unlikely event it does, there is no prize for guessing that the alibi would be the same as advanced by the African Value Award as highlighted above.
All of these speak to the increasingly compromising stance of the Nigerian media that has seen it fall short at speaking truth to power at a time when the society is in dire need of same. Certainly for New Telegraph and the Africa Value Award, it does not matter whether the governor of a state pilfers the public wealth of his state, in so far as he is able to raise few blocks of classrooms and commissions maternity wards in two to three local government areas. Such must be what amounts to “Effective Leadership” for the organizers of the African Value Awards and the very totem of leadership excellence for the Telegraph.
It is not that one harbours any ill will towards these organizations, but public awards can sometimes make their recipients seem untouchable and above scrutiny when their actions run counter to the values propagated by the society such as official corruption, hence the need for acute circumspection by organizations that give out these awards, not least the media.
Late last year, the Oxford University began the process of stripping Aung San Suu Kui of the Freedom of Oxford award she bagged in 1997 following her response to the Rohingya crisis to drive home its derision for her dilatory behaviour in the wake of the crisis. In the same vein, humanitarian watchdog─Amnesty International only two weeks ago stripped her of a similar award for the same reason amongst a host of other awards stripped off her following her acts of omission in the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar. This much is how organizations in saner climes use the instrument of their corporate awards to protest unofficious behaviour.
While it is true that Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje has not been convicted by a court of competent jurisdiction for what we saw in those odious clips whose potency have been proven by forensic experts, it does not inhere to the New Telegraph or the organizers of the African Value Awards to celebrate and decorate the man at a time when public opinion weighs heavily against him, and justifiably too. By decorating the man, they seemed to be calling the bluff of Nigerians especially indigenes of Kano whose common wealth is directly in issue, and at its extremes celebrating criminal and corrupt behaviour. Their roles aptly fit into those of an accessory after the fact in criminal jurisprudence, and if this move is calculated to launder the image of the man in the wake of the raging controversy, judging from the timing of the awards, let it be known to the organizers of the tokunboh awards that the public mood is writ large of its death on arrival.
Nkannebe Raymond, a Public Affairs analyst wrote in from Lagos. Comments and reactions to raymondnkannebe@gmail.com
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Opinion
When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection
Published
10 hours agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Shakirat Akintola
For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.
Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.
Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.
To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.
A Referendum on Lived Realities
The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.
The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.
Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.
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Opinion
Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet
Published
22 hours agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Michael Abimboye
As the African Democratic Congress, ADC, gradually consolidates its coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election, attention has inevitably shifted from the emergence of Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate to the more delicate and strategic question of his running mate.
Several names have surfaced in political calculations and media speculation: Rotimi Amaechi, Emeka Ihedioha, and Dele Momodu, among them. Yet, beyond the noise of conventional political arithmetic lies a deeper electoral question: who among these options best expands Atiku’s coalition beyond traditional structures and into the modern political battlefield Nigeria has become?
Increasingly, the answer may well be Dele Momodu.
For years, Nigerian politics has operated under an outdated assumption that electoral victory is secured merely through governors, party leaders, and regional strongmen. The 2023 election disrupted that orthodoxy. The emergence of Peter Obi demonstrated that digital momentum, perception management, emotional resonance, and transregional appeal can significantly alter the political equation. Obi’s strongest weapon was not necessarily party structure. It was narrative dominance.
That reality has permanently changed Nigerian politics.
And in the current ADC coalition conversation, Dele Momodu may be one of the few figures who intuitively understands this new political environment.
Unlike many career politicians whose influence remains confined to state structures or elite caucuses, Momodu operates in multiple political ecosystems simultaneously: media, diplomacy, youth engagement, elite networking, pan-African influence, and digital communication. In modern electoral politics, that multidimensional relevance matters enormously.
One of Momodu’s most understated assets is his continental reach. Through decades of media work, political engagement, and elite interaction across Africa, he has cultivated relationships with presidents, former presidents, business leaders, diplomats, and intellectual figures across the continent. His network is not speculative mythology. It is publicly visible and historically documented through his long-running engagements as publisher of Ovation International and participant in high-level African political circles.
At a time when Nigeria seeks to reassert itself diplomatically and economically within Africa, such soft-power capital becomes politically valuable. A vice-presidential candidate today is no longer merely a ceremonial electoral appendage. He must also communicate competence, cosmopolitanism, and international legitimacy.
Momodu fits that profile more naturally than many conventional politicians. There is also the geographical intelligence behind his potential candidacy.
Though widely perceived nationally as a South-West figure because of his strong Yoruba cultural identity and media dominance in Lagos and the South-West, Dele Momodu is fundamentally from the South-South axis through his Edo roots. Politically, this creates a rare advantage. It allows the ADC to potentially tap into two strategic regions simultaneously without provoking the sharp regional anxieties that often accompany vice-presidential selections.
Amaechi, for instance, undoubtedly possesses political experience and administrative depth. But his polarising history in Rivers politics, coupled with his own presidential ambitions, complicates the chemistry required of a running mate. Indeed, reports have repeatedly suggested Amaechi has little interest in a vice-presidential role.
Ihedioha, meanwhile, brings stability and technocratic moderation, but lacks the national media visibility and emotional connection necessary for a fiercely competitive national election. Elections are not won only by competence. They are won by energy, narrative, symbolism, and visibility.
Dele Momodu possesses all four.
Then comes perhaps the most important factor of all: communication.
The 2027 election is unlikely to resemble previous Nigerian elections. It will be heavily digitised, media-driven, youth-influenced, and psychologically contested online. The political establishment still underestimates how profoundly social media has altered electoral mobilisation. The Obi movement in 2023 proved that online enthusiasm can shape national conversation, pressure traditional media, influence undecided voters, and energise urban youth demographics.
Momodu enters this terrain with an already established digital infrastructure.
Unlike many politicians who outsource communication to media aides, Dele Momodu himself is a communication institution. He understands headlines, optics, timing, public emotion, narrative construction, and audience psychology. His social media platforms command enormous engagement across demographics that traditional politicians often struggle to reach organically.
That matters.
In a coalition environment where ADC must unify disillusioned PDP voters, attract soft Obidients, retain Northern numerical strength, and penetrate urban youth constituencies, communication sophistication becomes central to survival.
Momodu also carries an outsider-insider advantage. He is politically experienced enough to understand power, yet sufficiently detached from the toxic baggage of conventional Nigerian political warfare. He has not governed a state, which critics may see as a weakness, but which supporters may frame as insulation from corruption controversies and governance fatigue associated with many old political actors.
In an anti-establishment electoral climate, that distinction could become useful.
Perhaps most importantly, Dele Momodu brings cultural elasticity. He can comfortably engage traditional rulers in Kano, intellectuals in Abuja, media elites in Lagos, young digital audiences in Port Harcourt, diaspora professionals in London, and political moderates in the South-East. Very few Nigerian political figures possess that adaptive national reach without appearing artificial.
And politics, ultimately, is the management of coalitions.
Atiku’s greatest challenge is not merely winning Northern votes. He already possesses substantial Northern recognition. His real challenge is rebuilding emotional trust across sections of Southern Nigeria while simultaneously energising younger demographics sceptical of establishment politics.
A conventional politician may help him consolidate structures.
Dele Momodu, however, may help Atiku reshape perception. And in modern politics, perception is often the first battlefield victory.
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Opinion
Dele Momodu: The Bridge Between Politics and the People
Published
1 day agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Adeoye Inioluwa
Across the Nigerian nation today, conversations have become remarkably similar. Whether in the crowded markets of Lagos, the farms of the North, the commercial centres of the East, or the towns and villages of the South-West and South-South, many Nigerians are asking the same questions. When will life become easier? When will the economy improve? When will businesses regain stability? When will citizens begin to feel safer and more secure in their daily lives?
The concerns are understandable.
The cost of living remains one of the most dominant issues confronting ordinary Nigerians. Food prices have become a source of daily anxiety for many families. Small businesses continue to struggle with rising operational costs. Young graduates face uncertainty about employment opportunities. For millions of citizens, conversations about economic indicators and policy reforms often feel distant from the realities they encounter every day.
Alongside these economic concerns are persistent security challenges. While progress may have been recorded in some areas, many communities still desire greater stability and peace. For ordinary citizens, security is not merely a policy issue. It is the ability to travel safely, conduct business confidently, and live without fear.
These realities inevitably shape the nation’s political mood.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office at a time when difficult economic decisions were already looming over the country. His administration has argued that several of its reforms are necessary steps toward long-term economic recovery and sustainability. Supporters maintain that difficult transitions are sometimes required to achieve lasting change.
However, politics rarely rewards intentions alone.
Citizens ultimately judge governments through their lived experiences. They assess leadership not only through policy announcements but through the practical impact of those policies on their everyday lives. As Nigeria gradually moves closer to another election cycle, public perception of the economy, security, and governance will inevitably influence political conversations.
This reality presents both a challenge and an opportunity for the opposition.
Among the leading opposition figures remains former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a politician whose name has become deeply woven into Nigeria’s democratic journey. Over the years, Atiku has built a reputation as one of the country’s most enduring political figures, participating in some of the most consequential electoral contests in modern Nigerian history.
Yet the challenge before Atiku today is different from the challenge he faced in previous elections.
Recognition is not the issue. Nigerians know who Atiku Abubakar is. They are familiar with his political history, his public service record, and his positions on national issues. The real question is whether opposition politics can successfully connect with the frustrations, hopes, and aspirations of ordinary Nigerians in a way that feels genuine and convincing.
For many citizens, the next election may not simply be a contest between political parties or personalities. It may become a referendum on who best understands the realities confronting everyday Nigerians.
This is why politics must move beyond publicity.
In a period marked by economic pressure and public anxiety, voters are becoming increasingly resistant to carefully crafted political narratives that appear disconnected from their lived experiences. What they seek are leaders who understand their concerns and individuals capable of translating those concerns into meaningful political engagement.
For Atiku, this may require something more valuable than conventional image management.
It requires access to voices that understand the mood of the nation.
It requires people who can move comfortably between boardrooms and marketplaces, between policy discussions and community conversations, between political strategy and public sentiment.
It requires individuals who possess not only influence but perspective.
This is where Aare Dele Momodu enters the conversation.
Perhaps what makes Aare Momodu’s position unique is that politics was never originally his defining platform. Unlike many public figures who built their reputations entirely within political structures, Momodu’s journey was shaped through journalism, publishing, entrepreneurship, and public engagement.
For decades, he cultivated relationships across various sectors of society. Through his work in the media, he interacted with presidents, governors, business leaders, diplomats, entertainers, academics, professionals, and ordinary citizens. His network was built long before his deeper involvement in political affairs.
That distinction matters.
Because it means his influence extends beyond party structures and political loyalties. It is rooted in years of listening, observing, documenting, and engaging with people from different backgrounds and perspectives.
In many ways, Momodu represents an increasingly rare asset in contemporary politics: someone capable of understanding both elite conversations and grassroots realities.
Perhaps this explains why a man who was never primarily known as a politician now finds himself at the forefront of some of the country’s most important political conversations.
His relevance is not merely a product of political ambition. It is the result of decades spent building relationships, understanding public sentiment, and maintaining connections across different segments of Nigerian society.
As the political landscape begins to evolve ahead of 2027, such qualities may become increasingly important.
The next election will not be won solely through campaign slogans, social media strategies, or political advertising. It will be influenced by trust, credibility, and the ability to connect with citizens who are searching for answers in uncertain times.
For President Tinubu, the challenge is to convince Nigerians that current sacrifices will ultimately lead to meaningful progress.
For Atiku Abubakar and the opposition, the challenge is to persuade Nigerians that they offer a credible and compelling alternative.
And for those who operate around the corridors of political influence, the challenge is to ensure that leaders remain connected to the people whose lives are affected by every policy decision.
Nigeria’s future will not be determined by image management alone. It will be shaped by ideas, solutions, trust, and meaningful engagement with the concerns of ordinary citizens.
In a nation yearning for reassurance, leaders need more than advisers who can polish their public image. They need people who can help them hear the voices that matter most.
Those voices are not found in political echo chambers. They are found in the markets, the classrooms, the farms, the offices, and the communities where Nigerians continue to navigate the realities of everyday life while hoping for a better future.
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