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How CJMR Helped Kazeem Ayinde Regain Freedom After 25Years in Jail
Published
1 year agoon
By
Eric
By Hezekiah Deboboye Olujobi
“Wrongful accusation, wrongful arrest, wrongful detention, wrongful prosecution, and wrongful conviction. Don’t blame the judge who passed the judgment; blame the police and the false witnesses. The prosecution can only work based on the evidence supplied to him by the police, the judge can only work based on the evidence before him.”
It was the week following our successful efforts in securing the freedom of Olushina Ajayi after 21 years when Ejire, one of our associates, approached us to share another heartbreaking case.
Ejire: “Sir, there is a man in Kirikiri Maximum Security prison, the oldest on death row, sentenced to death for a crime he did not commit.”
Me: “How do you know he is innocent?”
Ejire: “We were together in Agodi prison before he was condemned, and we met again on death row in Ibara, Abeokuta. Every day, he cursed his accuser for sending him to the gallows unjustly.”
Me: “How long has he been imprisoned?”
Ejire: “He has been on death row for 18 years.”
Me: “18 years on death row!”
This revelation compelled me to delve deeper into the legal battle of those ensnared in the web of injustice. As a layperson, faced with such a claim of innocence, where does one begin to seek justice?
When someone not versed in the law is approached with a plea for help, how does one navigate the complexities of the legal system to right a wrong? As we worked on securing his release, more individuals with similar grievances sought our assistance.
The next day, I received a call from Kirikiri Maximum Prison; it was the man in question. He shared his story and pleaded his innocence. I promised to visit him but stressed the importance of hearing his wife’s account. Shortly after, his brother, Honorable Malruf, and other family members visited our office to share their side of the story.

During the meeting, his wife recounted the events that led to her husband’s unjust imprisonment for 23 years. The gravity of their ordeal became apparent as we listened to their heartbreaking tale.”
The woman said, “My husband was not in Ibadan on the day the night guard was killed. He went to Lagos with my second wife to see her brother who had an accident. The murder incident happened on February 16, 1998. My husband traveled to Lagos with his second wife on the morning of February 16, 1998, and returned on February 17, 1998. The police came to arrest him on the morning of February 18. I provided all these statements to the police and before the judge, yet my husband was sentenced to death. My husband had a previous misunderstanding with Kehinde Ilori, the woman who owns a shop opposite our house. It was the same police in charge of that case who came to arrest my husband. My husband did not kill the night guard, Kareem Ayuba. He had no quarrel with him. My husband was a victim of circumstances.”
I was emotionally moved by the story of this woman. How can someone be maltreated in this way? Emotions must be set aside. Let me have the court record to enable me to study it and verify the truth of the woman’s statements.
This was how I began my voyage of discovery to unravel the truth about Kazeem Ayinde’s story. I applied for the certified true copy of the judgment and the case file from the High Court Registry on Ring Road. It was shocking to hear that the record had not yet returned from the Court of Appeal. I went to the Court of Appeal with my application and discovered from the records that it was transmitted to the Supreme Court on June 17, 2017, and has not yet been returned. Can I have the judgment of the Court of Appeal? I applied and it was made available for my reading. I have a contact person at the Supreme Court whom I contacted to help me confirm the status of the case. She said the case has not yet been assigned. Ah! This is 2019.
It is the state’s practice that before one can be granted amnesty, they must have exhausted the appeal to the Supreme Court or withdraw their further appeal. However, in this case, this man has spent a solid 18 years waiting for his appeal to be completed at the Supreme Court. From the day of his conviction to the Court of Appeal judgment, it took 15 solid years. I went through the judgment of the Court of Appeal, which provided insight into the case file and the trial of the lower court. It is quite possible to deduce the facts of the matter in this case.
Based on the information provided from the appeal court judgment:
1. There was a previous misunderstanding between the complainant PW3 and Kazeem Ayinde, which led to a wrongful accusation.
2. The deceased, a night guide, was also wrongly accused and arrested in a previous case with the appellant by the complainant in this case.
3. The appellant raised an alibi that he was not in Ibadan on the day of the incident but the police did not investigate his claim.
4. Kazeem Ayinde was sentenced to death solely based on the dying declaration statement of the deceased.
5. The court relied on the evidence of PW1, PW3, and PW4 to convict the appellant.
6. The appellant maintained his innocence throughout the trial.
7. The appellant spent a total of 23 years in prison before his death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment and later granted total amnesty after 24 years and 10 months behind bars.
ROOT OF BITTERNESS
As the investigation into Kazeem Ayinde’s case continued, it was revealed that a previous misunderstanding with PW3 Kehinde Ilori in November 1997 had led to false accusations against him. Kazeem was wrongly accused of breaking into Kehinde’s shop and stealing a bag of rice. Kehinde, utilizing her connections to the police, reported the alleged theft to the Iyaganku Police Station.
The following day, a senior police officer visited the station and questioned the detainees about the reasons for their arrests. Kazeem explained the circumstances that led to his arrest in Oje, prompting the senior officer to challenge the arresting officer, pointing out that Oje was not under the jurisdiction of Iyaganku. With no evidence linking Kazeem to the alleged crime, he was subsequently released from Iyaganku Police Station.
However, the aftermath of this incident would set off a chain of events that would have far-reaching consequences for Kazeem.
Following Kazeem Ayinde’s release from the false allegations at Iyaganku Police Station, a significant turn of events unfolded. A week later, a thief was apprehended at a crime scene in a different location. Initially suspected of armed robbery, the thief confessed to the police that his criminal specialty was breaking into houses and shops when the owners were absent. He admitted to various past criminal activities, including the burglary at PW3 Kehinde Ilori’s shop where the bag of rice was stolen.
The thief led the police to Kehinde’s shop and confessed to breaking in and stealing the rice. Interestingly, prior to this revelation, Kehinde had already taken action by arresting the night guard under suspicion of being involved in the burglary. This crucial information was documented in the Certified True Copy of the judgment of the Court of Appeal.
Upon learning of the thief’s confession and arrest, someone informed Kazeem about the developments. Fueled by a mix of vindication and frustration, Kazeem confronted Kehinde at her shop, pointing out the injustice he had faced and implying that divine judgment would prevail.
In response to Kazeem’s confrontation, Kehinde, unwilling to admit her wrongdoing, took drastic action. She collaborated with a police officer, PW4, who had testified against Kazeem previously, to implicate him as a co-perpetrator in the crime. This marked the beginning of a new chapter in Kazeem’s tumultuous journey, as he found himself ensnared in a web of deceit and false accusations that would cast a shadow over his life for the next 24 years.
Our visit to Kazeem Ayinde in Kirikiri
To every man crying persistently on the claim of the innocence of the crime behind the bar there is another side of his story
During our visit to Kazeem Ayinde in Kirikiri prison, Apapa Lagos, he shed more light on what actually transpired. Here is an excerpt of his own side of the story: “When I was informed in the evening that the police had arrested the real perpetrator of the crime, I went and challenged her on the need to apologize for defaming my character. Moreover, why should you keep quiet after the police have arrested the real perpetrator of the crime? I told her, ‘May God judge you.’ The following day, I challenged her (Kehinde Ilori). She brought the police to come and arrest me. This same police officer, PW4, locked me up in the cell with the criminal along with the same night guard who was later killed. The criminal and I were charged in court, and the night guard was released from the police station. When we got to court, my lawyer applied for my bail, and I was granted bail by the court.” The night guard never made any statement against me. What could have been the reason for me to kill him?
When the murder of Kareem Ayuba occurred, PW3 also played a significant role in advocating for the case. She suggested that I should be arrested again and implicated in the murder of Kareem Ayuba, who was a night guard on the street. While I was attending court for the shop burglary case, the police arrived at my house three days after Kareem Ayuba’s murder, resulting in me facing two separate cases.
1. The case involving the shop of Kehinde Ilori, where she was the complainant.
2. The murder case of Ayuba Kareem, the night guard on the street.
The authorities claimed that the night guard mentioned my name, Kazeem Pele, because I have three marks (Pele). The question arises: if he truly mentioned my name before his death, why did the police wait until the third day to arrest me?
As a result, I was remanded in Agodi prison facing two cases with the same complainant and the same Investigation Police Officer. As the legal proceedings unfolded, I was eventually discharged and acquitted in the first case, while the actual perpetrator received a three-year prison sentence. I maintain that I had no motive to harm Ayuba and am innocent of the accusations against me.
After reviewing the judgment of the Court of Appeal, it is evident that there are significant concerns regarding the reliance on dying declarations as evidence. The law stipulates specific criteria that must be met before an accused person can be convicted of murder. These include proving beyond a reasonable doubt that the deceased has died, that the accused unlawfully killed the deceased, and that the death was a direct result of the accused’s actions to the exclusion of other probable causes.
Key questions arise from this case: Was it indeed the appellant who killed the deceased? Can the death of the deceased be directly linked to the appellant? Were there witnesses who saw the appellant inflicting the fatal injury on the deceased? Did anyone hear the deceased cry out or mention the appellant’s name during the incident? What was the surrounding environment like at the time of the incident? And most crucially, what could have been the motive for killing the deceased?
Regarding the motive, the Court’s ruling is based on the lack of direct evidence linking the appellant to the killing. Instead, the trial judge relied on statements made by the deceased to witnesses PW1 and PW2 while he lay injured, implicating the appellant as his assailant. These statements, combined with previous threats attributed to the appellant, were considered as a motive and used to connect the appellant to the death of the deceased.
The reliance on dying declarations and circumstantial evidence raises doubts about the fairness and accuracy of the judgment. The absence of concrete proof directly linking the appellant to the crime calls into question the validity of the conviction. It is essential to thoroughly examine all aspects of the case to ensure justice is served and the truth is revealed.
It is crucial to address the discrepancies and inconsistencies in the case, particularly concerning the death of the night guard and the evidence presented during the trial. The following points highlight the key issues raised:
1. Night Guard’s Role: The night guard was not a personal guard or employee of Kehinde Ilori, as portrayed in the court proceedings. He served as a guide for the community and was tragically murdered on a street junction in Oje, not in front of Kehinde Ilori’s house. There was no indication of a specific clash or conflict between the appellant and the deceased, making the motive for the alleged crime unclear.
2. Lack of Shop Break-in Reports: Contrary to the narrative presented, there were no reports of shop break-ins in the vicinity that night, which could have led to the night guard witnessing the appellant committing a crime. The absence of such incidents raises doubts about the circumstances surrounding the night guard’s death and the alleged involvement of the appellant.
3. Evidence of PW4: The testimony of PW4, Sgt Adeyera Adegoke, played a significant role in the conviction of the appellant. His account of the dying declaration made by the deceased, implicating the appellant in the attack, was a crucial piece of evidence. However, questions arise about the reliability of this testimony and whether it was the sole basis for the conviction.
4. Witness Testimonies: Prior to PW4’s evidence, testimonies from PW1, PW2, and PW3 indicated that they heard the deceased mention the appellant’s name during the incident. The consistency of this claim among multiple witnesses raises concerns about potential biases or inaccuracies in the accounts provided.
5. **Court’s Decision**: The Court’s ruling, based on the dying declaration and testimonies, concluded that the appellant was responsible for the fatal injuries inflicted on the deceased. This decision was influenced by the statements made by the deceased before his death, as reported by witnesses and the police officer.
In light of these discrepancies and uncertainties surrounding the case, further scrutiny of the evidence and a comprehensive review of the circumstances leading to the night guard’s death are necessary to ensure a fair and just assessment of the appellant’s involvement in the alleged crime.
HOW CREDIBLE ARE THESE EVIDENCE?
If detail matters in any trial, reasoning, logic and analysis must follow. The scenario here according to the record of the court is very clear; We shall replay it.
1. Lack of Threats: The court questioned whether the appellant had threatened to harm the deceased due to his role as a witness in a previous case. The court’s assertion that the appellant terminated the life of the deceased to destroy evidence against him is undermined by the fact that the appellant was discharged in the Magistrate Court. This raises doubts about the motive attributed to the appellant and weakens the prosecution’s case.
2. Scene of the Crime: A visit to the scene of the crime revealed important details about the proximity of the appellant’s house to the incident location, the shop of PW3, and the nearby hospital and police station. The practical considerations of transporting the wounded victim to the hospital or the police station raise questions about the actions taken by witnesses and law enforcement officers in response to the incident.
3. Community Response: The reluctance of people in the community to volunteer information or cooperate with the police, as observed during the fact-finding mission, sheds light on the challenges of gathering accurate and reliable evidence in such cases. The lack of thorough investigation and engagement with witnesses by law enforcement further complicates the case and raises doubts about the integrity of the evidence presented in court.
4. Appeal Process: The court’s criticism of the appellant’s counsel for not effectively challenging the prosecution’s case through cross-examination highlights potential shortcomings in the defense strategy. Despite the purpose of the appeal being to seek redress and correct any miscarriage of justice, the failure of the appeal, even up to the Supreme Court, underscores the challenges faced in overturning convictions.
5. Freedom and Gratitude: After 24 years and 10 months behind bars, Kazeem Ayinde finally gained his freedom through the intervention of the Board of Mercy and the recommendation to the Executive Governor of Oyo State. His release and expression of gratitude to Governor Seyi Makinde and the CJMR team signify a glimmer of hope and justice after enduring 24 years and 10 months of injustice.
The case of Kazeem Ayinde serves as a poignant reminder of the complexities and flaws within the legal system, emphasizing the importance of thorough investigations, fair trials, and avenues for redress to ensure that justice prevails.
My advice for the lawyer is to make an effort to visit their client in prison, and for the judge to carefully weigh the evidence before making a conviction. This conviction has not only affected me but also my entire family and my children.
Prov 31:8-9. Speak up for those who cannot speak for themselves,
for the rights of all who are destitute. Speak up and judge fairly;
defend the rights of the poor and needy.”
Don’t keep quiet.
Reach out to us on phone call or whatsapp: +234-8030488093
Visit our website at www.cjmr.com.ng
To Donate to our work 1012189729 Zenith Bank Plc. Centre for Justice
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Ribadu’s Office Denies Arming Miyetti Allah in Kwara
Published
16 hours agoon
December 19, 2025By
Eric
The National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC), under the office of the National Security Adviser Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, has refuted claims that it armed members of the Miyetti Allah group for counter-terrorism operations in Kwara State.
The Head of Strategic Communication at NCTC, Mr. Michael Abu, issued the rebuttal on Wednesday in Abuja.
Abu described the reports circulated by some online platforms as false and misleading, saying they misrepresented ongoing security operations in forested areas of the state.
He said that in line with the Terrorism Prevention and Prohibition Act, 2022, it continued to coordinate and support law enforcement, security and intelligence agencies in countering all forms of terrorism across the country.
NCTC spokesman explained that Nigeria’s counter-terrorism efforts guided by the National Counter Terrorism Strategy (NACTEST), involved the deployment of hybrid forces comprising regular security personnel and trained auxiliaries such as hunters and vigilante elements, particularly in difficult terrains.
According to him, the hybrid approach, which was previously deployed with the Civilian Joint Task Force in the North-East, is currently being applied in parts of the North-West and North-Central, including Kwara State, and has recorded several successes against banditry and other criminal activities.
He stressed that the Federal government was not conducting kinetic operations with any socio-cultural group, adding that claims that the Office of the National Security Adviser provided arms to such organisations are unfounded and should be disregarded.
According to him, all auxiliary personnel involved in hybrid operations were recruited directly by authorised security and intelligence agencies after due diligence, and that all operations were conducted strictly in line with the law and established standard operating procedures.
He urged the media to exercise responsibility by protecting sensitive security information and seeking clarification through designated official spokespersons, while advising the public to ignore unverified reports capable of undermining ongoing operations.
He reaffirmed the centre’s commitment to transparency and stakeholder engagement to deepen public understanding of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism efforts.
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Respite As Court Stops Police, IGP from Enforcing Tinted Glass Permit Nationwide
Published
19 hours agoon
December 19, 2025By
Eric
A Delta State Court sitting in Orerokpe has restrained the Inspector General of Police (IGP) and the Nigeria Police Force from resuming the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy nationwide.
Justice Joe Egwu, while ruling on a motion ex-parte in a suit marked HOR/FHR/M/31/2025 filed by Isreal Joe against the IGP and two others, through his counsel, Mr. Kunle Edun (SAN), who led other lawyers, restrained, stopped and barred the respondents from resuming the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy nationwide.
The order was sequel to the announcement by the Nigeria Police of its decision to resume the tinted glass permit enforcement on January 2, 2026.
Aside from the IGP, the court also restrained the Nigeria Police Force and the Commissioner of Police, Delta State Police Command, from resuming the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy nationwide.
Justice Egwu also barred the police from harassing, arresting, detaining or extorting citizens and motorists on account of the said policy, pending the hearing and determination of the substantive suit.
The case has also reignited a dispute between the Nigeria Police and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). The NBA has maintained that the matter remains before the courts and warned that enforcement could constitute contempt.
The association said a suit challenging the constitutionality of the policy had been filed at the Federal High Court, Abuja, and that a judgment had been reserved following the conclusion of hearings.
The NBA further cited a Federal High Court order in Warri directing parties to maintain the status quo pending an interlocutory injunction. The association accused the police of disregarding the rule of law and urged President Bola Tinubu to intervene. “Any contrary executive action amounts to overreaching the Court and undermines the rule of law,” NBA President Mazi Afam Osigwe (SAN) said.
The police, through Force Public Relations Officer CSP Benjamin Hundeyin, insisted that no court order barred enforcement and defended its planned resumption on grounds of public security. Hundeyin noted a rise in crimes facilitated by vehicles with unauthorised tinted glass, citing incidents ranging from armed robbery to kidnapping.
“The Inspector-General of Police, out of respect and understanding, temporarily suspended enforcement to give Nigerians additional time to regularise their tinted glass permits.
That decision was not based on any court order but was a discretionary move to accommodate public concerns,” he said.
The announcement prompted warnings from the NBA that enforcement could trigger committal proceedings against the IGP and the Force spokesperson. The police, however, maintained that enforcement continues until directed otherwise by a court, highlighting recent incidents in which occupants of vehicles with tinted glass allegedly attacked officers.
The ruling by the Delta State High Court now legally bars the police from implementing the tinted glass permit policy nationwide while litigation on the policy’s constitutionality continues.
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Operation Wetie of the Western Region in Sweet Retrospect: Its Metaphors and Lessons
Published
21 hours agoon
December 19, 2025By
Eric
By Hon. Femi Kehinde
History, it has been said, is a reflection seen through the eyes of others into events of the past.
The world rotates around its history, and the universality of its lessons and constancy. Like beauty, history is in the eyes of the beholder.
In the old Western Region, attempts were made to stifle democracy, and give the region a government she did not vote for; that really drove the people wild, and justifiably so.
The disturbance was confined to the floor of the House; it did not extend to other parts of the city, and all other parts of the region were completely at peace and were not in the least aware of what was happening in the House of Assembly, until they heard the broadcast of the Prime Minister from Lagos.
The trail that started from the crisis in the Action Group went on to cause at the federal level, a major crisis between the coalition partners that destabilized the Western Region, ultimately leading to the intervention of the military and the collapse of the First Republic. The ramifications and scars of that crisis are still visible today.
The crisis in the Action Group was in retrospect, a watershed in the course of Nigeria’s journey to nationhood. All countries that became Nation-states have their watersheds, which at the time they were happening looked insignificant. Their significance is usually realized long after they have happened. The storming of the Bastilles in France was a spontaneous reaction to the excesses of the monarch and his wife, but it led to a revolution. This revolution, which caused the death of Louis the sixteenth and his wife – Marie Antoinette.
The Action Group crisis which started as a localized brawl, catalyzed into a bloody civil war and much more. During the debate on the motion which was to authorize the state of emergency in the western region, Chief Anthony Enahoro warned against setting in motion a chain of events, the end of which nobody could see or desire. What a prediction! So prophetic, so profound and so historic. He was not taken seriously then. The protagonist of the state of emergency could not see through their noses. They forgot to take to heart the lessons of history.
Ibadan is anything but far away, in fact below 100 miles to Lagos. Just about three years later, not only the prime minister, but two regional premiers, several civilians and military leaders lost their lives. Had the warning of Chief Anthony Enahoro been heeded and had there been no precipitous rush to declare state of emergency in the region, the course of Nigerian history might have been different and certainly less bloody.
A French philosopher, Paul Valery said “History is the science of things which do not repeat themselves”. History does not repeat itself. It is fools who are forced by their folly to repeat history.
The West was demonized and the plot to create disorder was hatched to give a pretext to take over running of the government and use that period to install a puppet government.
Nigeria has always suffered for lack of courage and conviction on the part of those whose duty it is to advise and counsel. Sycophancy, spinelessness, and lack of moral courage, intellectual dishonesty in the ivory tower are commonplace characteristics in all echelons of life in the country and the leadership has to be acutely focused, courageous and discerning not to fall victim.
The leaders did have moments to pause and reflects on the catastrophe they were about to unleash on themselves, but they failed to utilize these opportunities because they were blinded by their own self-interest and personal aggrandizement. They walked into the trap set for them with their eyes wide open. It was a tragedy of errors.
The Western Region, gradually going into the abyss, formally inaugurated the Egbe Omo Olofin, as against the well known Egbe Omo Oduduwa at the Mapo hall, Ibadan. Very prominent dignitaries and first class Yoruba Obas, Oba Akran, Oba Olagbegi, Oba Gbadegbo, the Alake of Egba Land, Oba Abimbola, the Oluwo of Iwo, were very prominent. Chief S.L.A Akintola and the highly partisan Chief Justice of the Federation- Justice Adetokunbo Ademola were the host. The leader of the opposition, Alhaji D.S Adegbenro, a man with few words, regarded these developments as “a sad mistake”. It should be well noted that the Supreme Court of Chief Justice Adetokunbo Ademola had in 1964 affirmed the treasonable felony jail sentence imposed on Obafemi Awolowo by Justice George Sodeinde Sowemimo in 1963.
The Federal Cabinet in its super belief of being all in all, accepted the census result and asked NCNC members, unwilling to accept the result to resign.
The Ogunde Concert Party organized a theatre tour of the Western Region, to show Yoruba Ronu, its new play from March 28 to April 25, 1964. The concert was to kick off at Ile-Ife and thereafter, move to Abeokuta, Ibadan, Oyo, Owo, Shagamu, Ilesha Ikare, Oka, Osogbo, Gbongan, Iwo, Ado-Ekiti, Ijebu Ode. In the midst of this Concert Tour, the epic play, Yoruba Ronu, was banned by the Government of the Western Region and thus, another gradual descent into anarchy.
Earlier, on the 27th of March, 1964, Kola Balogun lost his seat as a special member of the House of Chiefs, following the withdrawal of recognition of his Chieftaincy title as Jagun of Otan Ayegbaju, by the NNDP Government of the Western Region. Kola Balogun had lost face with the Akintola Government. The electioneering campaign towards the 1965 election had started. The Premier, Samuel Ladoke, was on tour of Ijesha Division on Saturday, the 4th of April, 1964. At Ilesha, in front of Ilesha Grammar School, the Premier and his entourage were booed by students of Ilesha Grammar School, perhaps with the encouragement of their principal – Rev. Josiah Akinyemi, a staunch member of the Action Group and father of Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi.
Rev. Akinyemi was the following morning, transferred to Oyo to replace Bishop Seth Kale as Principal of St. Andrews College, Oyo. An NNDP Chieftain in llesha and a member of the Western House of Assembly- Barrister Oladiran Olaitan, had his car severely damaged and in an attempt to escape the onslaught, bottles and stones were thrown at him.
Ilesha Grammar School was eventually shut down and was only reopened after the intervention of prominent Ilesha elites, like Chief S.T Adelegan, the Deputy Speaker of the House of Assembly and also Principal of Ipetu-ljesha Grammar School, the Attorney-General, Chief Olowofoyeku and the Governor, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi.
Also in April, 1964, a scion of the Agbaje Family, Mojeed Agbaje, was removed as Minister for Information and the Odemo of Isara, Oba Samuel Akisanya, a first class Oba, was removed as a member of the House of Chiefs.
On the 8th of June, 1964, Chief SLA Akintola, the Premier, was driving to Mapo hall, when a pregnant woman hopped her head out of the crowd and shouted, “SLA OLE! SLA THIEF!” The visibly disturbed Premier, ordered his driver to detain the woman, who was put in the Land Rover that carried the Premier’s Body guards. The accused, Kehinde Arowolo, a native of Ikenne, was charged before the Ibadan Magistrate Court for conduct likely to disturb public peace. The accused pleaded not guilty, and she denied the charge. The case was subsequently adjourned to the 4th of November, 1964.
Alhaji Busari Obisesan for the defence said, “don’t forget to bring Chief Akintola to court as his evidence would be vital to the case!” What an audacious statement.
Around this period, an Oba in one of the Ijebu towns was burnt to ashes for being sympathetic towards Akintola’s cause. Ayo Rosiji, an Akintola apologist in July 1964, had his car stoned at a car park in Marina Lagos. His confidant in his constituency, Shittu Bamidele, had also been killed by thugs, who drove a six-inch nail through his forehead. Rosiji eventually lost the Federal Election in 1964.
When there is a quarrel, even ordinary songs would have added meanings and political songs, drums, its coinages and interpretations were now being stronger than even bazooka guns. To Awolowo’s loyalist, the popular sing song was “Se lo lo ko ogbon wa o hee, Se lo lo ko ogbon wa haa, Awolowo, baba layinka i.e. Awolowo has gone to the Prison to be fortified. Interestingly, Awolowo had no child by the name Layinka.
The Federal General Election of 1964 conducted by E. E. Esua as Federal Electoral Commissioner had showed that the Government had lost control of the Western Region, but it also introduced violence throughout the electioneering campaign, arson and assault featured throughout the election. It was a precursor of what was to be expected at the Regional General Elections coming up in 1965.
In some towns and communities, arson visited upon dwelling houses, and public buildings were also added to public roasting of government supporters in the so called “operation weti e”.
The petrol poured on human beings, and such individuals were left to be burnt to death. Indeed, law and order had broken down and perhaps irretrievably and yet, NNDP was declared the winner of a massively rigged general election and his leader, was called upon by the Governor of the Western Region, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi to form the new government.
Undoubtedly, the region was in an uproar and tumoil. Security had broken down and no one was safe on the road. There were several unofficial road blocks, everywhere and the high level of fear, indignation and security was heightened. When the Chief Justice of the Federation, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola was manhandled on the road between Abeokuta and Lagos, the gravity of the situation became very apparent to all. It became urgent that something must be done to restore law and order to the Western Region. The NNDP was a member of the COALITION – the Nigerian National Alliance (NNA), which it had formed with the ruling NPC and so it was difficult for the Federal Government to intervene to remove a regional Government formed by its surrogate, the NNDP. Yet, something must be done.
The events in the Western Region was certainly laying the foundation to the apocalypse, that was to engulf the country. The Premier of the Eastern Region, Dr. Michael Okpara told his counterpart in the Western Region, Chief SLA Akintola, that he was coming on a visit to Ibadan. SLA Akintola told him he would not be welcome, because he could not guarantee his safety.
The visit took place nevertheless, and as an act of defiance, Premier Michael Okpara still went ahead to visit the Premier at the Premier’s lodge, Iyaganku, Ibadan. The host Premier, SLA Akintola, was nowhere to be found. Michael Okpara nonetheless, signed the visitors register and left.
It was an irony of circumstance, that Premier Ladoke Akintola, who in 1962 was prepared to defile his Party, to welcome a Northern Premier and aristocrat, on the grounds of protocol and hospitality, could not do the same thing for the Premier of the Eastern Region, who was his ally not too long ago. It would be recalled that Okpara had now joined forces with the Action Group, led by Chief (Mrs) H.I.D Awolowo and Alhaji D.S Adegbenro to form UPGA.
In the north, in the west, and in the mid-west, all was confusion. A team of lawyers sent to northern Nigeria by the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA) for the purpose of looking after the legal interest of AG members was not allowed to function.
In the Western Region, trenches were dug, all in order to prevent political opponent the freedom of expression and movement. In October 1965, the Western Region went to the polls to elect a new House of Assembly, the first regional election since the Action Group crisis, an opportunity for Chief Akintola to test his popularity.
The conduct of the election caused wide spread anger which resulted in so much incidence of arson, murder, rioting and general insecurity that the army was sent to the region to maintain law and order. More than 2000 people were killed during and after the election.
After winning the 1965 election, Samuel Ladoke Akintola was called by the governor, Sir Odeleye Fadahunsi to form the new government in October 1965. His taped recorded acceptance speech and message to the people of western region to be rebroadcast by the Nigerian broadcasting corporation (NBC) had been removed and replaced with another recorded message by a mystery gunman who had stepped into the studio and made his own broadcast, denouncing Akintola. This popular gunman was later alleged to be a popular playwright, Wole Soyinka.
On the 15th of October, the newsroom of the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) was more fortified than ever. It was a fortress which was armed to the teeth. In the newsroom was a cubicle where the whole activity normally took place. That evening, the occupants of the cubicle, apart from the leader of the crew were Lajide Ishola, Stephen Oyewole and John Okungbona. The crew men had in their possession the recording of the speech of the Premier of the western region of Nigeria, Chief Ladoke Akintola, which had earlier been recorded at the premier’s lodge at lyaganku. The recordings which contained the message of the premier were made in both English and Yoruba. The premier had finished with the recording a few minutes before 7 o’clock in the evening and he was looking forward to listening to his speech which he had regarded as a masterpiece that will explain the situation of things in the western region.
At about quarter past 7 in the evening, Oshin breezed in into the studio cubicle with his crew men, taking with him the 2 recorded tapes which contained the premier’s speech i.e. both the English and the Yoruba version. Funnily and interestingly, just as Oshin was about to slot in the first tape, a bearded man appeared at the door, and suddenly from nowhere produced a gun and held it to Oshin’s head. There was an abrupt silence. The gunman, goatee-bearded and unmasked, demanded that the radio technician hand over the two tapes he was holding. Oshin quietly handed over the tapes to him, while the other three men in the cubicle, watched the unfolding drama with apparent shock and disbelief.
The gunman handed a tape over to Oshin and ordered him to play it. For fear of his life, Oshin slotted in the gunman’s tape and played it. The gunman listened to part of the content and quietly disappeared as mysteriously as he had come in. The whole operation was swift, brief, effective and decisive.
Pandemonium broke in as soon as members of the public heard the recording on air. Oshin had apparently run out of the studio and the gunman was nowhere to be found. The other three occupants of the cubicle were arrested and taken to the police station, where they made statements to the effect that they had no clue to who the gunman was. They had a clinical description of what exactly happened and the near unanimity about the description of the unmasked mystery gunman. The mystery gunman was eventually arrested and brought before a newly appointed Judge of the High Court, Justice Kayode Esho, sitting in High Court 6. Justice Esho was a stern, disciplined and incorruptible judge. Before the trial, the Chief Justice of the western region, Justice Adeyinka Morgan called Kayode Esho, and straight to the point said, “I have an assignment for you. It is this very important case of the hold-up of the radio station and the robbery of the premier’s tapes. It is a very sensitive assignment, which I would have undertaken myself, having regard to the importance and sensitivity, but the accused person, Wole Soyinka, is a relation of mine. I have full confidence that you will handle it very well’.
Interestingly, the Chief Justice further said, “by the way” and in a measured tone said “they are already saying you will not be able to jail this man”, Justice Kayode Esho wondered ” who are the “they”, “they” “they”. Who are those that the pronoun “they” represent.
According to Esho, why should those “they” be talking to the Chief Justice? why according to Esho? If the “they” talked to the Chief Justice, should he mention it to me while I was trying such a sensitive case, or even any case, for that matter? I got up, pretending not to have been ruffled by the statement, thanked the Chief Justice again, and left for my chambers.”
On the 26th of October, 1965, i.e exactly two weeks after the general election, Akintola lost his most cherished daughter and confidant, Omodele. Omodele died as a result of an overdose of sleeping pills.
After Omodele’s death, Akintola was beginning to have a second thought about his ability to continue with the crisis, and asked rhetorically “whether the whole warfare was worth it at all”. It was apparent then that Ladoke Akintola was greatly distressed.
According to one of the sentries at the Government house, Mr Olabode, a regional police officer attached to the government’s lodge, the premier was in a state of utter confusion, and after meetings, however late, will still travel to Ogbomoso to sleep, and come back to Ibadan in the morning. The Premier’s driver confided in the young police officer, Olabode, that the premier was fond of this trip, because the late night trip from Ibadan afforded him the opportunity of a thoughtful silence and a deep sleep.
Prince Adewale Kazeem, another known confidant of the Premier, also noticed a premier whose hands were shivering and could no longer append his signature on a straight line. Prince Adewale noticed this again and advised the premier, “Baba, why don’t you resign?” and the soberly premier replied “Adewale, O ti bo, iku lo ma gbeyin eleyi- Adewale, it is too late, it is only death that will end this feud.”
Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola was in this state of disillusionment when on the 14th of January 1966, he asked his aide, R.A Obaleke, upon resumption of duty to get prepared for a trip to Kaduna. There was a plane already waiting for them at the Ibadan Airport, arranged from Lagos. On the premier’s entourage to Kaduna were Chief Lekan Salami, Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu, R. A. Obaleke, N.A.B Kotoye and a host of others, to meet with the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello. At this meeting at the Premier’s lodge in Kaduna, the two premiers went into a long private session. Before the commencement of the meeting, Premier Ladoke Akintola had given some money to his Personal assistant, R.A Obaleke to buy some books for him at the bookshop.
After a long while, Obaleke came back to still find the two premiers in a very serious dialogue. Obaleke informed the premier of the need to go back to Ibadan in a good time, because there was no night landing facility at the Ibadan Airport. Premier Ladoke Akintola immediately proceeded to the Kaduna airport and was seen off by his host- the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello. On arrival in Ibadan, the Premier and his entourage proceeded to the premier’s lodge. The cook, Effiong, a Calabar man, provided dinner for the premier, before their departure. On the 14th of January 1966, the Premier had earlier told his wife, Faderera to proceed to Ogbomoso to prepare their Ogbomoso residence for a private visit of Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. In the Premier’s lodge were Yomi, his eldest son and his wife Dupe, and their son, Akinwumi, and Gbolahan Odunjo, Omodele’s son, and the visiting Tokunbo Akintola, who came in on holidays from Eton College London. It will be recalled once again, that the British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Conference in Lagos in January 1966, warned the host of the conference of an impending military insurrection and offered the Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa, asylum in one of the British frigates on the Atlantic water.
The Prime Minister rebuffed this intelligence report and Akintola’s report, fears and apprehensions, as mere hearsay and unfounded.
In the early hours of January 15, at about 2am, and as predicted, the army struck like a thief in the night. The army mobilized from the Alamala Abeokuta Garrison of the Nigerian Army. It was led by Captain Nwobosi, to effect a change of government in the Western Region.
The Military officers after picking Deputy Premier, Fani Kayode, moved to the Premier’s Lodge. At the Premier’s lodge, with their Military trucks, they forcibly entered the lodge. The head of sentries/Police security, Chief Inspector Sokunbi, an Ijebu man, immediately put off the flood light and was chased by the soldiers. The officer manning the back of the premier’s lodge, Police Corporal Bernard Olabode, a native of Gbongan, was equally chased, but was not discovered inside the drainage where he hid.
The Military officers, immediately put off the electricity supply to the Premier’s lodge. The officer from the ministry of works, posted to the Premier’s lodge, and whose responsibility was maintenance of the two generators at the Premier’s lodge, thought it was a power outage and immediately went to put on the manual generator, since the automatic generator could not come up immediately after the power outage. He was shot on the forehead by one of the officers and he died instantly.
The leader of the Military officers, shouted the name of the Premier, “Akintola come out you are under house arrest.” They also asked his Deputy, already in their custody, to call him, “Sir, Ladoke Akintola, it is me Fani Kayode please come out.” After hearing this voice, the Premier who had immediately upon the arrival of the army officers moved his family through the walkway from the official residence, to his office in the Premier’s lodge, knew there was real danger.
A maid of one of his children, started crying saying “E jo woooo E jo woooo” meaning “please please.” The outcry of this maid exposed the location of the Premier. There was then a gunshot from the Premier to the rampaging soldiers.
According to the Police Officer, Bernard Olabode, in his hiding location he saw bullet shots going towards the Premier’s Office. One of the shots, hit the Premier on the wrist and the Officers were still insisting that he must come out of hiding. They had promised to finish the entire family.
For the Safety of his children, the Are Ona kankanfo of Yoruba land had no choice, but to come down. He was instantly arrested by the soldiers. The leader of the group according to PC Olabode, asked Fani Kayode to identify the Premier. Apparently, they didn’t even know him. Fani Power identified him as the Premier.
According to Olabode, two Officers were placed on his right and left hand, as if facing a firing squad and volley of bullets were hurled at him. The first shot hit the Premier on his forehead, some on his chest and later the Premier gave up.
When he fell down, the leader of the group placed his leg on the Premiers forehead and asked some of his soldiers to rain further bullets on the lying Premier. The group leader, speaking in various languages, said according to Olabode, “he is a juju man, perforate him further with bullets” and thus the end of Are-Ona Kankanfo, who had fought a bitter struggle with his tongue, pen and strength.
The army had also arrested Lt. Col Largemma of the Ibadan Garrison and killed him. Col. Largemma was very close to the Premier of the Western Region, and also Premier of Northern Region. The Federal Brigade of Guards Commander in Lagos, was also killed. Major Okafor had ordered the abduction and eventual murder of the Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa, the Minister of Finance, Okotie-Eboh, whilst Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu, also invaded the Premier’s lodge in Kaduna and killed Sir Ahmadu Bello, one of his wives, Hafsat and some Military Officers, like Brigadier Ademulegun, Col. Ralph Sodeinde and several other officers and thus the end of Civil Government in Nigeria and the beginning of Military interregnum, that did not end effectively until the 29th of May 1999, when another Military man and former Head of State, Olusegun Obasanjo, became President of the Civilian Government.
In retrospect, the state of emergency on the Western Region was declared on the 29th of May 1962 by the Federal Government of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa. No wonder, George Santyana rightly said- “those who do not know history are doomed to repeat its failures”. The “operation weti e” of Western Region certainly left its metaphors and lessons for the discerning minds!
Hon. (Barr.) Femi Kehinde is the
Principal Partner, Femi Kehinde & Co (Solicitors), and Former Member, House of Representatives, National Assembly, Abuja, representing Ayedire/Iwo/Ola-Oluwa Federal Constituency of Osun State, (1999-2003).
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