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How CJMR Helped Kazeem Ayinde Regain Freedom After 25Years in Jail

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By Hezekiah Deboboye Olujobi

“Wrongful accusation, wrongful arrest, wrongful detention, wrongful prosecution, and wrongful conviction. Don’t blame the judge who passed the judgment; blame the police and the false witnesses. The prosecution can only work based on the evidence supplied to him by the police, the judge can only work based on the evidence before him.”

It was the week following our successful efforts in securing the freedom of Olushina Ajayi after 21 years when Ejire, one of our associates, approached us to share another heartbreaking case.

Ejire: “Sir, there is a man in Kirikiri Maximum Security prison, the oldest on death row, sentenced to death for a crime he did not commit.”

Me: “How do you know he is innocent?”

Ejire: “We were together in Agodi prison before he was condemned, and we met again on death row in Ibara, Abeokuta. Every day, he cursed his accuser for sending him to the gallows unjustly.”

Me: “How long has he been imprisoned?”

Ejire: “He has been on death row for 18 years.”

Me: “18 years on death row!”

This revelation compelled me to delve deeper into the legal battle of those ensnared in the web of injustice. As a layperson, faced with such a claim of innocence, where does one begin to seek justice?

When someone not versed in the law is approached with a plea for help, how does one navigate the complexities of the legal system to right a wrong? As we worked on securing his release, more individuals with similar grievances sought our assistance.

The next day, I received a call from Kirikiri Maximum Prison; it was the man in question. He shared his story and pleaded his innocence. I promised to visit him but stressed the importance of hearing his wife’s account. Shortly after, his brother, Honorable Malruf, and other family members visited our office to share their side of the story.

During the meeting, his wife recounted the events that led to her husband’s unjust imprisonment for 23 years. The gravity of their ordeal became apparent as we listened to their heartbreaking tale.”
The woman said, “My husband was not in Ibadan on the day the night guard was killed. He went to Lagos with my second wife to see her brother who had an accident. The murder incident happened on February 16, 1998. My husband traveled to Lagos with his second wife on the morning of February 16, 1998, and returned on February 17, 1998. The police came to arrest him on the morning of February 18. I provided all these statements to the police and before the judge, yet my husband was sentenced to death. My husband had a previous misunderstanding with Kehinde Ilori, the woman who owns a shop opposite our house. It was the same police in charge of that case who came to arrest my husband. My husband did not kill the night guard, Kareem Ayuba. He had no quarrel with him. My husband was a victim of circumstances.”

I was emotionally moved by the story of this woman. How can someone be maltreated in this way? Emotions must be set aside. Let me have the court record to enable me to study it and verify the truth of the woman’s statements.

This was how I began my voyage of discovery to unravel the truth about Kazeem Ayinde’s story. I applied for the certified true copy of the judgment and the case file from the High Court Registry on Ring Road. It was shocking to hear that the record had not yet returned from the Court of Appeal. I went to the Court of Appeal with my application and discovered from the records that it was transmitted to the Supreme Court on June 17, 2017, and has not yet been returned. Can I have the judgment of the Court of Appeal? I applied and it was made available for my reading. I have a contact person at the Supreme Court whom I contacted to help me confirm the status of the case. She said the case has not yet been assigned. Ah! This is 2019.

It is the state’s practice that before one can be granted amnesty, they must have exhausted the appeal to the Supreme Court or withdraw their further appeal. However, in this case, this man has spent a solid 18 years waiting for his appeal to be completed at the Supreme Court. From the day of his conviction to the Court of Appeal judgment, it took 15 solid years. I went through the judgment of the Court of Appeal, which provided insight into the case file and the trial of the lower court. It is quite possible to deduce the facts of the matter in this case.

Based on the information provided from the appeal court judgment:

1. There was a previous misunderstanding between the complainant PW3 and Kazeem Ayinde, which led to a wrongful accusation.
2. The deceased, a night guide, was also wrongly accused and arrested in a previous case with the appellant by the complainant in this case.
3. The appellant raised an alibi that he was not in Ibadan on the day of the incident but the police did not investigate his claim.
4. Kazeem Ayinde was sentenced to death solely based on the dying declaration statement of the deceased.
5. The court relied on the evidence of PW1, PW3, and PW4 to convict the appellant.
6. The appellant maintained his innocence throughout the trial.
7. The appellant spent a total of 23 years in prison before his death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment and later granted total amnesty after 24 years and 10 months behind bars.

ROOT OF BITTERNESS
As the investigation into Kazeem Ayinde’s case continued, it was revealed that a previous misunderstanding with PW3 Kehinde Ilori in November 1997 had led to false accusations against him. Kazeem was wrongly accused of breaking into Kehinde’s shop and stealing a bag of rice. Kehinde, utilizing her connections to the police, reported the alleged theft to the Iyaganku Police Station.

The following day, a senior police officer visited the station and questioned the detainees about the reasons for their arrests. Kazeem explained the circumstances that led to his arrest in Oje, prompting the senior officer to challenge the arresting officer, pointing out that Oje was not under the jurisdiction of Iyaganku. With no evidence linking Kazeem to the alleged crime, he was subsequently released from Iyaganku Police Station.

However, the aftermath of this incident would set off a chain of events that would have far-reaching consequences for Kazeem.

Following Kazeem Ayinde’s release from the false allegations at Iyaganku Police Station, a significant turn of events unfolded. A week later, a thief was apprehended at a crime scene in a different location. Initially suspected of armed robbery, the thief confessed to the police that his criminal specialty was breaking into houses and shops when the owners were absent. He admitted to various past criminal activities, including the burglary at PW3 Kehinde Ilori’s shop where the bag of rice was stolen.

The thief led the police to Kehinde’s shop and confessed to breaking in and stealing the rice. Interestingly, prior to this revelation, Kehinde had already taken action by arresting the night guard under suspicion of being involved in the burglary. This crucial information was documented in the Certified True Copy of the judgment of the Court of Appeal.

Upon learning of the thief’s confession and arrest, someone informed Kazeem about the developments. Fueled by a mix of vindication and frustration, Kazeem confronted Kehinde at her shop, pointing out the injustice he had faced and implying that divine judgment would prevail.

In response to Kazeem’s confrontation, Kehinde, unwilling to admit her wrongdoing, took drastic action. She collaborated with a police officer, PW4, who had testified against Kazeem previously, to implicate him as a co-perpetrator in the crime. This marked the beginning of a new chapter in Kazeem’s tumultuous journey, as he found himself ensnared in a web of deceit and false accusations that would cast a shadow over his life for the next 24 years.

Our visit to Kazeem Ayinde in Kirikiri

To every man crying persistently on the claim of the innocence of the crime behind the bar there is another side of his story

During our visit to Kazeem Ayinde in Kirikiri prison, Apapa Lagos, he shed more light on what actually transpired. Here is an excerpt of his own side of the story: “When I was informed in the evening that the police had arrested the real perpetrator of the crime, I went and challenged her on the need to apologize for defaming my character. Moreover, why should you keep quiet after the police have arrested the real perpetrator of the crime? I told her, ‘May God judge you.’ The following day, I challenged her (Kehinde Ilori). She brought the police to come and arrest me. This same police officer, PW4, locked me up in the cell with the criminal along with the same night guard who was later killed. The criminal and I were charged in court, and the night guard was released from the police station. When we got to court, my lawyer applied for my bail, and I was granted bail by the court.” The night guard never made any statement against me. What could have been the reason for me to kill him?
When the murder of Kareem Ayuba occurred, PW3 also played a significant role in advocating for the case. She suggested that I should be arrested again and implicated in the murder of Kareem Ayuba, who was a night guard on the street. While I was attending court for the shop burglary case, the police arrived at my house three days after Kareem Ayuba’s murder, resulting in me facing two separate cases.

1. The case involving the shop of Kehinde Ilori, where she was the complainant.
2. The murder case of Ayuba Kareem, the night guard on the street.

The authorities claimed that the night guard mentioned my name, Kazeem Pele, because I have three marks (Pele). The question arises: if he truly mentioned my name before his death, why did the police wait until the third day to arrest me?

As a result, I was remanded in Agodi prison facing two cases with the same complainant and the same Investigation Police Officer. As the legal proceedings unfolded, I was eventually discharged and acquitted in the first case, while the actual perpetrator received a three-year prison sentence. I maintain that I had no motive to harm Ayuba and am innocent of the accusations against me.

After reviewing the judgment of the Court of Appeal, it is evident that there are significant concerns regarding the reliance on dying declarations as evidence. The law stipulates specific criteria that must be met before an accused person can be convicted of murder. These include proving beyond a reasonable doubt that the deceased has died, that the accused unlawfully killed the deceased, and that the death was a direct result of the accused’s actions to the exclusion of other probable causes.

Key questions arise from this case: Was it indeed the appellant who killed the deceased? Can the death of the deceased be directly linked to the appellant? Were there witnesses who saw the appellant inflicting the fatal injury on the deceased? Did anyone hear the deceased cry out or mention the appellant’s name during the incident? What was the surrounding environment like at the time of the incident? And most crucially, what could have been the motive for killing the deceased?

Regarding the motive, the Court’s ruling is based on the lack of direct evidence linking the appellant to the killing. Instead, the trial judge relied on statements made by the deceased to witnesses PW1 and PW2 while he lay injured, implicating the appellant as his assailant. These statements, combined with previous threats attributed to the appellant, were considered as a motive and used to connect the appellant to the death of the deceased.

The reliance on dying declarations and circumstantial evidence raises doubts about the fairness and accuracy of the judgment. The absence of concrete proof directly linking the appellant to the crime calls into question the validity of the conviction. It is essential to thoroughly examine all aspects of the case to ensure justice is served and the truth is revealed.
It is crucial to address the discrepancies and inconsistencies in the case, particularly concerning the death of the night guard and the evidence presented during the trial. The following points highlight the key issues raised:

1. Night Guard’s Role: The night guard was not a personal guard or employee of Kehinde Ilori, as portrayed in the court proceedings. He served as a guide for the community and was tragically murdered on a street junction in Oje, not in front of Kehinde Ilori’s house. There was no indication of a specific clash or conflict between the appellant and the deceased, making the motive for the alleged crime unclear.

2. Lack of Shop Break-in Reports: Contrary to the narrative presented, there were no reports of shop break-ins in the vicinity that night, which could have led to the night guard witnessing the appellant committing a crime. The absence of such incidents raises doubts about the circumstances surrounding the night guard’s death and the alleged involvement of the appellant.

3. Evidence of PW4: The testimony of PW4, Sgt Adeyera Adegoke, played a significant role in the conviction of the appellant. His account of the dying declaration made by the deceased, implicating the appellant in the attack, was a crucial piece of evidence. However, questions arise about the reliability of this testimony and whether it was the sole basis for the conviction.

4. Witness Testimonies: Prior to PW4’s evidence, testimonies from PW1, PW2, and PW3 indicated that they heard the deceased mention the appellant’s name during the incident. The consistency of this claim among multiple witnesses raises concerns about potential biases or inaccuracies in the accounts provided.

5. **Court’s Decision**: The Court’s ruling, based on the dying declaration and testimonies, concluded that the appellant was responsible for the fatal injuries inflicted on the deceased. This decision was influenced by the statements made by the deceased before his death, as reported by witnesses and the police officer.

In light of these discrepancies and uncertainties surrounding the case, further scrutiny of the evidence and a comprehensive review of the circumstances leading to the night guard’s death are necessary to ensure a fair and just assessment of the appellant’s involvement in the alleged crime.

HOW CREDIBLE ARE THESE EVIDENCE?
If detail matters in any trial, reasoning, logic and analysis must follow. The scenario here according to the record of the court is very clear; We shall replay it.

1. Lack of Threats: The court questioned whether the appellant had threatened to harm the deceased due to his role as a witness in a previous case. The court’s assertion that the appellant terminated the life of the deceased to destroy evidence against him is undermined by the fact that the appellant was discharged in the Magistrate Court. This raises doubts about the motive attributed to the appellant and weakens the prosecution’s case.

2. Scene of the Crime: A visit to the scene of the crime revealed important details about the proximity of the appellant’s house to the incident location, the shop of PW3, and the nearby hospital and police station. The practical considerations of transporting the wounded victim to the hospital or the police station raise questions about the actions taken by witnesses and law enforcement officers in response to the incident.

3. Community Response: The reluctance of people in the community to volunteer information or cooperate with the police, as observed during the fact-finding mission, sheds light on the challenges of gathering accurate and reliable evidence in such cases. The lack of thorough investigation and engagement with witnesses by law enforcement further complicates the case and raises doubts about the integrity of the evidence presented in court.

4. Appeal Process: The court’s criticism of the appellant’s counsel for not effectively challenging the prosecution’s case through cross-examination highlights potential shortcomings in the defense strategy. Despite the purpose of the appeal being to seek redress and correct any miscarriage of justice, the failure of the appeal, even up to the Supreme Court, underscores the challenges faced in overturning convictions.

5. Freedom and Gratitude: After 24 years and 10 months behind bars, Kazeem Ayinde finally gained his freedom through the intervention of the Board of Mercy and the recommendation to the Executive Governor of Oyo State. His release and expression of gratitude to Governor Seyi Makinde and the CJMR team signify a glimmer of hope and justice after enduring 24 years and 10 months of injustice.

The case of Kazeem Ayinde serves as a poignant reminder of the complexities and flaws within the legal system, emphasizing the importance of thorough investigations, fair trials, and avenues for redress to ensure that justice prevails.
My advice for the lawyer is to make an effort to visit their client in prison, and for the judge to carefully weigh the evidence before making a conviction. This conviction has not only affected me but also my entire family and my children.

Prov 31:8-9. Speak up for those who cannot speak for themselves,
for the rights of all who are destitute. Speak up and judge fairly;
defend the rights of the poor and needy.”

Don’t keep quiet.
Reach out to us on phone call or whatsapp: +234-8030488093
Visit our website at www.cjmr.com.ng
To Donate to our work 1012189729 Zenith Bank Plc. Centre for Justice

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Class, Glamour As Global Statesman, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo Celebrates 89th Birthday

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By Ruth Akpan

The historic city of Abeokuta, the capital of Ogun State, played host to an extraordinary gathering of statesmen, diplomats, scholars, traditional rulers and business leaders, who converged at the iconic Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library to celebrate the 89th birthday of Nigeria’s former President and globally respected elder statesman, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo.

The remarkable occasion, marked by a high-profile commemorative lecture, transcended the boundaries of a mere birthday celebration. Instead, it blossomed into a national intellectual convocation reflecting the towering stature of the former Nigerian leader whose enduring influence continues to shape political thought, diplomacy, and continental discourse across Africa and beyond.

The atmosphere at the majestic venue was one of intellectual engagement and dignified celebration as eminent personalities gathered to honour the remarkable life and enduring legacy of Olusegun Obasanjo. Gracefully by his side throughout the memorable gathering was his wife, Mrs. Bola Obasanjo, while members of the Obasanjo family, led by his daughter Iyabo Obasanjo, joined well-wishers in celebrating the patriarch whose decades of service have left an indelible mark on Nigeria and the African continent.

Organised by the Centre for Human Security and Dialogue, the event featured a distinguished lecture titled “The Global Africa Enlightenment: From Chains to Renaissance,” a thought-provoking theme that resonated profoundly with Africa’s historical journey—from centuries of enslavement and colonial subjugation to a future defined by unity, knowledge, and purposeful leadership.

The lecture provided a powerful moment of reflection on Africa’s past struggles while inspiring renewed commitment toward building societies anchored in justice, innovation, and institutional strength. The discourse also emphasized that Africa’s progress ultimately depends on strengthening democratic institutions, nurturing visionary leadership, and cultivating societies that uphold fairness, creativity, and collective advancement.

In his keynote address on the lecture’s theme, His Excellency Jean-Robert Pillard, Haitian Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Republic of South Africa, observed that history binds people together while culture reminds humanity of its shared identity. He noted that culture should not be viewed merely as nostalgic memory but as compelling evidence that the separation among African peoples was largely political rather than spiritual.

According to the ambassador, the concept of the Global Africa Enlightenment is not a newly invented philosophy but rather a reunion of peoples who share common ancestry, history, and heritage. While history preserves memory, he stressed, destiny demands action.

He further noted that the call for a Global Africa Enlightenment by Olusegun Obasanjo represents far more than poetic expression; rather, it is a clear policy direction and intellectual blueprint for the renewal and revitalisation of African civilisation.

The intellectual depth of the gathering was further enriched by scholarly responses delivered by Professor Oyedunni Arulogun, Vice-Chancellor of Chrisland University, and Professor Eyitope Ogunbodede, former Vice-Chancellor of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. Their reflections expanded on the lecture’s themes, examining Africa’s role in global intellectual discourse and the imperative for visionary leadership, innovation, and education.

Additional contributions came from student representative Rehinat Ololude, the Alake and Paramount Ruler of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo, and Dr. Eke Agbai, whose remarks added intergenerational perspectives to the profound discussions of the day.

One of the significant highlights of the event was the presentation of two scholarly works authored by the celebrant himself. With characteristic intellectual passion, Chief Obasanjo formally presented his books titled “Lest We Forget: Slavery, Slave Trade, Emancipation, and Reparation” and “Nigeria: Past and the Future.”

The books, which delve into the complex historical realities of slavery and Africa’s political evolution, reflect Obasanjo’s enduring commitment to documenting history while offering profound insights into Nigeria’s developmental trajectory and the continent’s future. 

In a stirring tribute, the Governor of Ogun State, Prince Dapo Abiodun described the celebrant as “an enduring study in leadership,” noting that his influence extends far beyond Nigeria to the wider African and international community. Reflecting on Obasanjo’s remarkable diplomatic engagements, the governor highlighted his numerous interventions in regional conflicts, particularly in countries such as Liberia, Ethiopia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where he served as mediator and peace envoy.

“Beyond Nigeria, Baba, your influence has extended across Africa and the wider international community, particularly in the area of conflict resolution and diplomacy.

“Through the African Union, the United Nations, and various global initiatives, you have consistently promoted dialogue as a pathway to peace and stability.”

Governor Abiodun further emphasised the importance of studying exemplary leaders such as Obasanjo, especially for younger generations across Africa.

“Young Africans must study figures like Baba, not merely to celebrate their achievements but to understand the principles that guide their decisions. They must learn how leadership, when driven by purpose and service, can influence the direction of a nation and even a continent,” he added.

The governor also reflected on Obasanjo’s historical role as Nigeria’s military Head of State, recalling how the nation firmly opposed apartheid and colonial rule under his leadership. According to him, Obasanjo strongly believed that the freedom of one African nation was intrinsically linked to the freedom of all African peoples.

Goodwill messages also poured in from across Nigeria and the international community.
Former President Goodluck Jonathan and President of the African Development Bank, Akinwumi Adesina sent congratulatory messages praising Obasanjo as an “apostle of peace” whose commitment to dialogue and stability has helped shape Africa’s diplomatic landscape.

The ceremonial cutting of the beautiful birthday cake was coordinated by respected business leader and former minister, Nike Akande as the celebrant, flanked by family members and friends marked the joyous moment.

Also present at the occasion were the Governor of Ogun State, Prince Dapo Abiodun, Deputy Governor of Ogun State, Noimot Salako-Oyedele, members of the Ogun State Executive Council, former Governors of Ogun State Gbenga Daniel and Ibikunle Amosun, former Governor of Osun State, Olagunsoye Oyinlola, former Governor of Kano State, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, renowned political economist Pat Utomi and former presidential candidate Peter Obi.

Adding regal splendour to the occasion was the presence of eminent traditional rulers including the Olubadan of Ibadanland, His Imperial Majesty Rasidi Adewolu Ladoja; the Alake of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo; and the Olowu of Owu Kingdom, His Royal Majesty Saka Adelola Matemilola.

Following the intellectually stimulating lecture, guests proceeded to a lavish reception held at the OOPL Marquee where the atmosphere transformed into one of celebration, camaraderie and conviviality.

Serving as Chairman of the occasion, the former Governor of Osun State, Olagunsoye Oyinlola delivered warm and reflective opening remarks that set the tone for the event, describing Chief Obasanjo as a visionary leader whose contributions to Nigeria, Africa, and the global community remain immeasurable.
Equally moving was the glowing tribute delivered by Erelu Abiola Dosunmu, who paid heartfelt homage to the celebrant, describing him as a courageous leader, visionary statesman, and tireless advocate for peace and African unity.

The event was attended by distinguished personalities including former Commonwealth Secretary-General Emeka Anyaoku; the elegant society matriarch, Erelu Abiola Dosunmu; respected entrepreneur and founder of Chisco Motors, Chidi Anyaegbu; and the ever-gracious former senator Florence Ita‑Giwa, among numerous other eminent personalities.

The evening was enlivened by captivating musical entertainment from legendary juju maestro Ebenezer Obey, whose timeless melodies filled the air with nostalgia and elegance.

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2027: APC Afraid of Competition, Jittery – Dele Momodu

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By Eric Elezuo

To further prove the opposition’s ability to contest and wrest power from the President Bola Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) national government, a chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), who is the Chairman, Ovation Media Group, Chief Dele Momodu, has made convincing arguments, stressing why Tinubu may not return to power in 2027.

Speaking during an interview on Channels television during the week, Momodu reiterated that though Tinubu has succeeded in muscling opposition through coercion and intimidation, a new force of the people will ensure that the APC and Tinubu are sent packing in 2027. He reiterated that the ruling party is jittery, and is afraid of competition. And that explains why opposition forces are being coerced to join the APC.

The following are excerpts from the no-holds-barred interview:

I can almost guess one of your answers to some of the questions we’ll ask you, but let me start by asking: some activity has kicked off in different political parties. But you know how it is—people want to see some opposition, a major opposition that challenges the ruling party, so people can have a proper alternative. Because what is a democracy without opposition in the first place? So, what’s going on with the ADC?

Okay. Let me start by saying that you are not being fair to the ADC.

How so?

I’ll prove it in a moment. The reason you are saying this is because the APC was already comfortably seated. They “jagabaned” as many people as possible from the other parties into their own party. They have all the resources in the world. They have all the security in the world. They even have control of INEC. When I say control of INEC, I mean that INEC is appointed by the government.

And they have jumped the gun. They started campaigning more than a year ago. You cannot say you are not aware that, recklessly, even a minister left his job and travelled to his home state. I’m sure for a week or two weeks, he was running a campaign as if the election would be next month.

So how then do you expect an opposition to operate when they have virtually shut down most of the opposition parties—either forcefully or even frontally? They are not hiding it.

Today, for the first time, we have a leader who controls two parties and is approved by the President of Nigeria. He says, “Yes, he is the leader of my party, APC,” and he is also a leader in the PDP. Is that democracy?

So the president cannot speak about the PDP, while the minister cannot speak about the APC, because it does not technically belong to the APC. But just because of the ongoing rascality in Nigeria, anything goes, and everything goes.

So when you blame the opposition, of course, the opposition is gathering momentum. You can see that even the government is jittery. Forget about their propagandists; they can import or export whoever they want to use for their propaganda. It is obvious that the ruling party is jittery, and that is why they are going all out, frantically, trying to showcase and pretend that all is well.

If you read the news today, you will see that the APC is indeed a house of commotion. From Benue to Zamfara to so many other places, you will see them fighting themselves like babies fighting for lollipops. And it is just starting.

For us, we have to be more technical. We have to be more sober.

The APC is able to fund its activities. Everybody that goes there right now is going there for various reasons. One, if you are a governor, you are afraid for your second term. If you are a governor, you are afraid of the EFCC. If you are a governor, you are afraid of the ICPC. If you are a governor, you are afraid of so many things—including your own shadow.

So a governor will voluntarily go into slavery and servitude because they know that the leadership they are dealing with is not a regular leadership. It is not a Goodluck Jonathan.

You understand? So you have a very tough leadership at the moment. There is this palpable fear across the nation, and so the opposition is trying to put its act together. We cannot, at this stage, behave recklessly.
If you want to play Brazil in football, you must play a different style. We cannot play their style because we don’t have what they have—the apparatus of power and so on and so forth.

But the most important thing is that we are ready to ask the electorate: is your life better today than it was when Buhari was in power? Now, the APC is supposed to be an offshoot of the Buhari administration. Yet every day it is the APC itself that is blaming Buhari and blaming the APC.

So when you see a situation like that, you will wonder if these people are serious at all.

Now they are saying, “Oh yes, they stabilized the exchange rate against the dollar.” I laugh. They forget to tell us where the dollar was when they took power.
They tell us today they are running budgets in trillions, but they forget to tell us what they have done with the trillions and whether they have been able to balance the budget.

They tell you that there is no government ever like the government of President Bola Tinubu. No problem. Maybe it’s reverse psychology so that people can believe that this government actually is not doing what it is supposed to be doing.

So when they talk about everything, you removed fuel subsidy from Day 1, you have not been able to tell us how it has affected Nigeria positively.

All the people are feeling is the negative effect of the subsidy. You have taken more loans than all the governments of Nigeria combined, yet we have not seen the effect of those loans.

So a lot is going on that Nigerians cannot understand. But there is a preponderance of propagandists who are willing to delete their brains and sell their souls for peanuts. That is why you see this cacophony of excuses on radio, on television, and in the newspapers.

So for me, the ADC does not have to do much. We will meet them, insha’Allah—by God’s grace—point by point, and we will demand answers to those issues.

Okay. So, in terms of what the electorate wants to see—organization, for instance. The last time the ADC came forward and spoke about the Electoral Act, many people wondered why those concerns did not come earlier, when the window was open, rather than after it had already been signed and then asking for it to be looked into again.

People thought, “Okay, does the ADC have some sort of plan that the public is not aware of?” Because even smaller opposition parties—well, let me not say smaller because they might get angry, but it’s a statement of fact. APP, for example, has also dissolved its executives and is electing new ones.

So those kinds of activities are what people expect to see. Because the media only reports what happens; if it doesn’t happen, they cannot report or fabricate it.
So those are the kinds of things we are asking about in terms of organization and preparedness, to be sure that the timeframe is met. Now that the presidential election is in January, these actions ought to have kicked in so that candidates—or aspirants—can know that, “Okay, I think I can pitch my tent here.”

My dear brother, there is nothing to worry about. There is nothing to worry about.
Strategy is strategy. I said it earlier—we cannot use Tinubu’s strategy. We cannot use his methodology. He has his own way of getting his results. So we now have to factor in how we are going to navigate and meander around his own strategy to get him out of the seat. That is the job of the opposition. That is what he did when he was in opposition. So there is no reason why others should not be allowed to do the same.
One thing is clear to us in opposition—I’ve said it before—the APC is jittery. Number two, the APC does not want competition, especially at the presidential level. That is very clear. They don’t want any form of competition. And if possible—and that is why they are sowing seeds of discord from party to party—it is clear. That is why they will hold some people and they will not hold others. It doesn’t matter.

You see, I am always spiritual in my life. I was born in Aladura church in Ile-Ife, and all my life I have always believed that it is God who gives power. No matter how powerful you are, God has a way. In Nigeria, when you talk about God, people say it means you are helpless. Don’t worry—I have seen miracles in my life. So those miracles will happen in Nigeria.

I am a good student of history, and I can see clearly that all the shenanigans going on right now around the APC, trying to infiltrate every political party—I know that their mission and ambition now, if possible, is to have all 36 governors. It doesn’t matter. Let them take all the governors.

But when you look back to 2023, you will see that we had the G5 governors led by Nyesome Wike. Out of those five governors, three of them contested to be senators, supervised by governors in their own states. Yet all three of them lost their senatorial seats.

It tells you something: there is no guarantee that even if they carry all the governors, those governors can deliver for Asiwaju. So when people panic and say they cannot see preparations, don’t worry. Be patient. Slow and steady wins the race. We know what we are doing. And to say that we have not been campaigning or doing anything—I don’t know anybody who has worked better than Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi. I watch him every day. I see all the activities. We respond to all the radicality and so on and so forth.

But like I said, of course, the will of the state is very strong. All we are trying to do is chip away at it slowly but steadily, and then effectively. It will happen.

You have to remember that I was there when the APC itself was formed. I wasn’t a member at that time, but we supported the government of Buhari. And this was the same way the PDP people were saying, “No, it’s not possible. You cannot defeat an incumbent.”

And people are arguing now, saying, “Oh, because Tinubu is next to God, he is an oracle in Lagos, he is everything on planet earth.” No problem.

But we all have brains. And that brain is what we are going to use.

Let me ask you this, because a number of people wonder—and it’s a question I have almost always asked. Look, how does the internal politics of one political party become so susceptible to the influence of an individual from another political party? But maybe that’s not an issue to respond to for now.

There is an issue in the Electoral Act, and I’m sure it is something that is also of concern to you. Oh, by the way, you may want to respond to that other issue.
It is about the digital register that is being sought. Is the ADC, in your opinion, ready? Because I don’t think we can give any excuse. The understanding we have for now—even in a statement put out by YIAGA Africa—is that any political party that does not have its digital register ready may not be able to present candidates during the elections.

So is the ADC ready? What are the inhibitions or hurdles that you think need to be crossed by the ADC in particular, in order to get it ready? Do you think it is something that the ADC, as a growing and substantive opposition, can achieve?

My dear brother, as a prominent media practitioner, I beg you—try to encourage democracy. Try to encourage opposition.
Look, all the APC has been doing is to manipulate the system, and every day, there are new laws that you must obey. There are requirements that you must fulfil. Is that democracy?

But they cannot hide behind one finger, as Chief MKO Abiola used to say. Let them continue to manipulate and meander, and we too will navigate around it.

Is there any law anywhere that says only party members will vote during the general election? The answer is no. So when it comes to picking candidates, there are different methods and ways by which a party can choose its candidate. It has nothing to do with digital registration.
The digital registration right now is ongoing everywhere in different political parties. At the appropriate time, the parties will determine how they will do it. They are not the ones who will tell us who to pick or how to pick that person.

So I don’t know why this panic exists. Go and check the APC that you say is ready. In almost every state right now, they are fighting. In Lagos State, the only reason nobody can fight openly is because they have always operated the “Baba’s sope” style of governance.

I apologize for cutting in, but the question I’m asking is actually about the preparedness of the ADC. Because whether we like it or not—just a second—whether we like it or not, it’s already a law. Political parties must present their digital register.

I’m saying that they are complying. The ADC will comply. Even when we disagree with some of the things they are throwing at us, the ADC is strong enough.

You have some of the biggest veterans of politics in the ADC, and they are ready. They know how to play the game. So I am telling you—we are not illiterate.

So how do you want to frustrate us or intimidate us with digitalization? It is something that everybody would like to participate in. But to now single out the ADC and say, “We don’t know what you guys are doing”—I have already said: be patient with us.

When was the ADC was formed, all manner of challenges were thrown at us, yet we were still standing. So don’t panic on our behalf. Let us do our job. Let us focus on what we need to do. And if we fail, then you can say anything.

We are hoping that no political party will fail, sincerely. Otherwise, there will be no democracy at all. Because we need to have a viable opposition—truly viable opposition.

How do you have a viable opposition when the ruling party is clearly dictatorial? How? That’s why I said you should be practical and support the opposition by asking relevant questions from the ruling government.

Is it not an admission on your part, Chief Momodu, that the ADC does not have what it takes to stand up against the APC?

Don’t say that. That is judgmental.

No, what you are saying is that the APC has muscled the opposition.

Yes, it has muscled the opposition. But wait for the response from the people. You always talk about opposition as if it is only about political parties. The biggest opposition in the world are the floaters. The floaters don’t have to belong to any party.

On the day of voting, you will see how they will pour out and vote massively against an oppressive government—and defend their vote.

You are saying it as if the APC has a monopoly on this thing. That’s why I’m saying our strategy cannot be open at this stage. In fact, we would be stupid to let the whole world know what we are planning. We can’t.

A lot of people did not even see the ADC coming, yet they had been meeting for over a year. And when they finally came together, the ruling party was scared. That is why they are running helter-skelter, sending their agents—“Go and file this case in court, go and file that case against the Labour Party, go against NNDP, go against this one.”
You will see the coalition.

I told you I was there in 2015. How many leaders came together in 2015 to make Buhari president? The number of people we have in the ADC today, and the calibre of men and women we have in the ADC today, will scare the daylights out of them.

They can spend all their resources—spend all the resources of Nigeria—trying to defeat the ADC, but the ADC will emerge victorious. I’m very sure about that.

So, as we wind down, you said we shouldn’t panic on your behalf—we’ll note that. But yesterday we had the Governor of Adamawa State on the program, and when we asked him the reasons why he moved and what that meant for the opposition—he was in the PDP and then moved to the APC—he said the North should forget about 2027.

According to him, there is an unwritten rule that, for things to move smoothly politically, the South has to finish its turn, and then it reverts to the North so that the unwritten agreement can continue smoothly. What do you think of that?

It is those who have nothing better to say who talk about North and South.

The Constitution of Nigeria is supreme, and the Constitution of Nigeria does not talk about zoning. Even if you want to talk about whether zoning has been fair to a particular region in the South or in the North, you will see that Nigeria has been fair to the South.
Obasanjo did eight years, after which Yar’Adua did about three years, and then Jonathan completed that tenure to about ten years. Jonathan then contested and won, giving him about five years plus the earlier eight years of Obasanjo—and he was still allowed to contest again, which, if he had won, would have made it about seventeen years out of twenty-four or thereabouts. So look, those who say these things—I don’t want to waste my time on that.

But let me respond to the Governor Fintiri, who joined the APC because he believes it is the turn of the South. Oh, how cheeky.

His people were chased out of their villages just in the last couple of days or weeks. So has he gone to the APC to thank them for securing his people? A lot of people who are going into the APC—why are they going?
Take Kwara State now, which is in the hands of the APC. Are they happy and joyous that their people are being killed by bandits?
In every part of the nation where you have the APC, it is a story of sorrow, tears, and blood.

So what exactly is the APC offering them that they are all running out of shelter and falling over themselves to praise a god of iron who must be obeyed?

It’s unfortunate.

But when tomorrow comes—we have seen it before.

I remember when a lot of people insisted they must join the Abacha government. Go and read the history and see what happened there afterward. Everybody was saying, “If you don’t join Abacha, other people will take the appointment.”

Is life only about power? The answer is, No.
The problem with Nigerian leaders is that they don’t read much, especially history. They don’t like history. If they liked history, they would know what happened to others in the past who tried to enslave their own people. They would read about it all over the world.

Some governors now believe the only way they can win a second term—by fire, by force—is if they go to the APC. This is what is going on. You are asking why the opposition cannot take them on. Take on who? Take on Tinubu? Why didn’t the opposition take them on in Lagos in the last 27 years? You know how this game is played.

The President of Nigeria is one of the most powerful presidents—until Donald Trump started whipping sense into us. The presidency can do anything. Now our president is begging America to come and help us. Who does that, when we were the ones helping other parts of Africa?
I was there in Sierra Lone, I was there in Congo. I was in Liberia. Our soldiers controlled ten out of fifteen counties in Liberia. So what has happened to our soldiers today that we have to beg America to come and take over our country? We’re not serious.

In case I might have missed it—do we have a date for the ADC congresses?

Everything will be announced, and of course, you know Channels will be one of the first to get it. We are operating in a very professional way. We are not going to play a rough game with the APC. It is not necessary.

The people we are targeting are the people. This is not about playing politics.

Most of us—when you see us now—we are veterans. There is nothing I am looking for in politics. I have always technically been in opposition, and I am happy that we are still standing firm.

The ADC is not the problem of Nigeria.

The APC is the problem.

So let’s all come together. Don’t discourage anybody. If you have suggestions, make them to whomever you wish.

But to say, “Oh, we are not ready. We can’t take them on with just one year to the election.” Are we still talking about that? Anything can happen in the next one month.
The APC is falling apart. They appointed ambassadors, and they can’t even post them. Some of them did thanksgiving in church. Some of them went to fashion designers to sew their dresses in advance.
Yet today they are not there. They are all mourning behind the scene.

Look, the majority of my friends are in the APC. Sometimes when I hear their pain, I feel it. They talk about the difficulties they are facing. They don’t know what is going on because everybody must wait for Abuja. They can’t do anything without Abuja.
So I’m very confident. I know what is going on behind the scenes. A lot of people are going there, but what they expect to find there, they are not finding easily.
Thank you.

So we’ll have to anchor at this point. We do thank you very much indeed for your time this morning. Many will be looking to see how those activities also kick off.
Chief, thank you for your time today.

Thank you, and have a nice day.

All right.

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Presidency Releases Postings of Ambassadors-designate

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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has approved the postings of 31 career and 34 non-career ambassadors to various countries and the United Nations. The Senate confirmed the ambassadors-designate last December.

POSTINGS OF NON-CAREER AMBASSADORS / HIGH COMMISSIONERS
S/N NAME MISSION APPROVED

1. SENATOR GRACE BENT: LOME-TOGO

2. SEN. ITA ENANG: SOUTH AFRICA

3. IKPEAZU VICTOR: SPAIN

4. NKECHI LINDA UFOCHUKWU: TEL-AVIV, ISRAEL

5. MAHMUD YAKUBU: QATAR

6. PAUL OGA ADIKWU: THE VATICAN CITY HOLY SEE

7. VICE ADMIRAL IBOK-ETE EKWE IBAS: THE PHILIPPINES

8. MR. RENO OMOKRI: MEXICO CITY, MEXICO

9. HON. (ENGR.) ABASI BRAIMAH (FMHR): BUDAPEST, HUNGARY

10. MRS. ERELU ANGELA ADEBAYO: PORTUGAL

11. BARR. OLUMILUA OLUWAYIMIKA AYOTUNWA: TOKYO, JAPAN

12. RT. HON. UGWUANYI IFEANYI LAWRENCE: ATHENS, GREECE

13. BARR. CHIOMA PRISCILLA OHAKIM: WARSAW, POLAND

14. AMINU DALHATU: UNITED KINGDOM, UK

15. LT. GEN ABDULRAHMAN BELLO DAMBAZAU: BEIJING, CHINA

16. HON. TASIU MUSA MAIGARI: GAMBIA

17. OLUFEMI PEDRO: AUSTRALIA

18. BARR. MUHAMMED UBANDOMA ALIYU: ARGENTINA

19. LATEEF KAYODE ARE: USA

20. AMB. JOSEPH SOLA IJI: RUSSIA

21. SEN. JIMOH IBRAHIM: UN PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE

22. FEMI FANI KAYODE: GERMANY

23. PROF. ISAAK FOLORUNSO ADEWOLE: OTTAWA, CANADA

24. AJIMOBI FATIMA FLORENCE (F): AUSTRIA

25. MRS. LOLA AKANDE (F): SWEDEN

26. AYODELE OKE: FRANCE

27. YAKUBU N. GAMBO: SAUDI ARABIA

28. SENATOR PROF. NORA LADI DADUUT: SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA

29. BARR. ONUEZE CHUKWUJIKA JOE OKOCHA SAN: DUBLIN

30. DR. KULU HARUNA ABUBAKAR: TUNIS, TUNISIA

31. RT. HON. JERRY SAMUEL MANWE: PORT OF SPAIN, T&T

POSTINGS OF CAREER AMBASSADORS / HIGH COMMISSIONERS LIST
S/N NAME MISSION APPROVED

1. AMB. NWABIOLA EZENWA CHUKWUMEKA: COTE D’IV/OIRE

2. BESTO MAIMUNA IBRAHIM: NIAMEY-NIGER

3. MONICA OKWUCHUKWU ENEBECHI: SAO TOME, STP

4. AMB. MOHAMMED MAHMUD LELE: ALGIERS-ALGERIA

5. ENDONI SYNDOPH PAEBI: OUAGADOUGOU-BURKINA FASO

6. AHMED MOHAMMED MONGUNO: CAIRO EGYPT

7. AMB.JANE ADAMS (NEE OKON) MICHAEL (F): KINGSTON-JAMAICA

8. AMB. CLARK-OMERU ALEXANDRA (F): LUSAKA-ZAMBIA

9. CHIMA GEOGGREY LIOMA DAVID: BAMAKO-MALI

10. AMB. ODUMAH YVONNE EHINOSEN: MALABO –E/GUINEA

11. AMB WASA SEGUN IGE: BEIRUT, LEBANON

12. RUBEN ABIMBOLA SAMUEL (F): ROME, ITALY

13. AMB.ONAGA OGECHUKWU KINGSLEY: MAPUTO, MOZAMBIQUE

14. AMB.MAGAJI UMAR: KINSASHA, DR CONGO

15. AMB.MUHAMMAD SAIDU DAHIRU: NEW DELHI-INDIA

16. AMB. ABDUSSALAM HABU ZAYYAD: DAKAR-SENEGAL

17. AMB SHEHU ILU BARDE: ACCRA GHANA

18. AMB.AMINU NASIR: ETHIOPIA

19. ABUBAKAR MUSA MUSA: N’DJAMENA, CHAD

20. AMB. HAIDARA MOHAMMED IDRIS: THE HAGUE-NETHERLANDS

21. AMB.BAKO ADAMU UMAR: RABAT-MOROCCO

22. AMB. SULU GAMBARI OLATUNJI AHMED: MALAYSIA

23. AMB.ROMATA MOHAMMED OMOBOLANLE (F): TANZANIA

24. AMB. SHAGA JOHN SHAMAH: BOTSWANA

25. SALAU, HAMZA MOHAMMED: TEHRAN, IRAN

26. AMB.IBRAHIM DANLAMI: KENYA

27. IBRAHIM ADEOLA MOPELOLA (F): COTONOU-BENIN

28. AMB.AYENI ADEBAYO EMMANUEL: BRUSSELS, BELGIUM

29. AMB.AKANDE WAHAB ADEKOLA: BERNE-SWITZERLAND

30. AMB. AREWA (NEE ADEDOKUN) ESTHER (F): WINDHOEK-NAMIBIA

31. AMB.GERGADI JOSEPH JOHN: LIBREVILLE-GABON

32. AMB. LUTHER OGBOMODE AYO-KALATA (F): SIERRA LEONE

33. DANLADI YAKUBU NYAKU : KHARTOUM-SUDAN

34. BELLO DOGON-DAJI HALIRU: BANGKOK, THAILAND

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has already received agrément from the United Kingdom for the High Commissioner-designate, Ambassador Aminu Dalhatu. Similarly, France has sent the agrément for Ambassador Ayo Oke.

The Ministry has also conveyed the nominations of the other 62 designated envoys to all the countries concerned, including a request for their agréments in line with standard diplomatic practice.

President Tinubu has directed that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should immediately commence the induction programme for the ambassadors-designate and High Commissioners.

Bayo Onanuga,

Special Adviser to the President,

(Information and Strategy)

March 6, 2026.

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