Opinion
Opinion: Atiku, Adamawa and One Tree As a Forest
Published
4 years agoon
By
Eric
By Tunde Olusunle, PhD
I received an invite early last year from the editorial team which was putting together a diamond birthday festschrift in honour of my very good friend and brother, Sunnie Ododo, a professor of performing arts and incumbent chief executive of the National Theatre. The proposed publication was titled: Sunnie Ododo: One Tree A Forest. My first reaction was: How can a single tree arrogate to itself the toga of being an infinite woodland? I interrogated the title again and again, before it began to make sense to me. Yes, Ododo is a bundle of variegated talents and competencies, embedded in one person. He is a scholar, dramatist, poet, technical theatre exponent, culture administrator, author, editor and more. Those who conceived of the title, I was then convinced, must have taken into account these multipronged intellectual and creative dimensions of their subject. It is against this backdrop that I have adapted that title for this treatise.
A few months ago, on August 23, 2022 to be specific, I wrote an article with the same title as this. It was intended to be the first instalment in a series of expositions on the largely unknown attributes of Atiku Abubakar. Atiku, Nigeria’s Vice President at the onset of Nigeria’s 23-year old democratic sojourn, needs scant introduction. He is a globally recognised figure and the presidential flagbearer of the nation’s foremost opposition party, the Peoples’ Democratic Party, (PDP). He is one personage who has been seriously and severally misconstrued, pilloried, even demonised in parts, because of inadequate information about the man and the multi-dimensionality of his being. This therefore is not an effort in the deodorization of the Waziri Adamawa, who is figuratively, an essential cologne in his own right.
The unfortunate demise of Atiku’s ultra-loyal longserving aide and office manager, Abdullahi Nyako a few months back, however, impacted the planned sequel. We had a relationship while he was here. May his soul rest in peace. In that preceding effort, I discussed Atiku’s trademark, broadminded pan-Nigerianism; his religious moderation and liberalism, and his keen eye for qualitative talent-hunting. I espoused his little known proactivity as a person and a leader; his uncommon humanity and humanness, even his witty, humorous side. In addition to these, Atiku as an institution, has other strands to his overall makeup which will continue to engender dialogue and disputation. Atiku’s recent 76th birthday on Friday November 25, 2022, inspires a return to the topic and its further enunciation.
Unknown to many, Atiku is a faithful connoisseur of arts and literature. Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo of blessed memory, journalist and playwright, and aide to the former Vice President, found out that part of him when Atiku was in office. Waziri indeed sponsored the stage production of some of Onukaba’s plays, notably Tower of Burden and The Killing Swamp, published in 2005 and 2009, respectively. The plays were performed by the cultural troupe of the Federal Capital Territory Administration, (FCTA) and Arojah Theatre, a private theatre concern. Atiku did not only fund the production of the plays, he attended the premieres, which were usually staged at the famous Yar’Adua Centre in city centre, Abuja. Atiku indeed endowed a prize with the Association of Nigerian Authors, (ANA), the “ANA/Atiku Prize,” for the production of “children’s literature.” He funded this for several years, until the unfortunate demise, nearly six years ago of Onukaba, who was the liaison between him and ANA.
On a visit to Yola early 2017, I was graciously received at the airport by a good friend and professional colleague from the south east of Nigeria, Dan Okereke. I was going to be in Adamawa State capital for a few days for an assignment. I took in the atmosphere on the tarmac of the airport as I alighted from the Arik Air plane which we flew. There was Max Air and Azman airplanes on ground, either preparing to takeoff or landed just before ours. “This is inspiring,” I told my host as we drove out of the airport to the city. “I never imagined there was so much air traffic into Yola,” I intoned. “Things have changed considerably in recent years,” Okereke told me. Air Peace and Aero Contractors are other airlines which fly this route,” my host explained further. “You’ll be surprised about the pivotal role Atiku Abubakar played in this revolution,” he spoke further.
The drive from the airport into the city, about 10 kilometres, became something of a prefatory excursion about Yola. We were headed for the AUN Hotel, abutting the American University of Nigeria, (AUN), where Okereke had graciously made a hotel reservation for me. I had not been in Yola since my years in the Olusegun Obasanjo/Atiku Abubakar years. Obasanjo compulsively paid state visits to virtually all the 36 states, checking on how democracy was impacting Nigerians across the broad spectrum. It was such an enriching experience accompanying the former President on those trips. One’s vistas about the country in its totality, our people, cultures, tongues, worldviews, sociocultural congruences and ethnographic interrelationships despite our diversities, was tremendously bolstered. I preferred to travel with the “advance party” at the time. It accorded one the opportunity of acclimatising and becoming what the Igbo people call a’ma’la, the variant of the Yoruba shon of the shoil, before the arrival of the main body, the president and his entourage, to deploy the peculiar lingo of the State House protocol department.
It was such a delight soaking in the eye-catching north eastern city, with its relatively well laid out roads, spread in the serene savannah belt, passing by those roundabouts with striking Fulani cultural motifs. I won’t forget in a hurry that iconic concrete sculpture which hoists a gargantuan traditional bowl, popular with vendors of fura and nunu, fermented milk and cereal mix, up there in the midday sky. There was yet another roundabout with a life-sized, white-coloured cow, a prompt announcement of the place of animal husbandry in the socioeconomic constitution of the Fulani. Jibrilla Bindow was the governor at the time and my host educated me about his endeavours in the development of infrastructure in the state. Okereke returned to his thesis: “Atiku could jolly well have established the AUN on the Lagos-Ogun-Oyo corridor of the country, given higher literacy levels in those parts, and the potential for higher subscription, and by extension, increased profitability. But then his vision was to have a world class citadel in this part of the country, which will be a window to the world.”
Since the establishment of the AUN in 2004 therefore, Yola has become an unsung international hub. Staff of the institution are drawn from at least two dozen countries. These include the United States of America, (USA), which has traditionally produced the President of the university since inception; Canada; the United Kingdom, (UK); India and Pakistan. The African component of the university faculty come from South Africa, Ghana, Niger, Kenya and Uganda, among others. Korea, Vietnam and Romania, are some other countries whose flags are flown in the AUN community. The student population is as megalopolitan. There is something of an informal working relationship between AUN and the francophone component of the Economic Community of West African States, (ECOWAS), whose wards from Cote d’Ivoire, Senegal, Benin, Togo and so on, attend the university.
The Paul Kagame Programme sends Rwandan students to be trained specifically in petroleum chemistry, polymer science and oil and gas. Before now, the Jacob Zuma Foundation sent 20 select indigent students on an annual basis, to be educated in AUN. AUN is also popular with Nigerians in diaspora who desire that their wards acquire requisite African social capital, within such a globalised community. The student community is drawn from about 20 countries across the world, a statement to the universality of the institution. The Yar’Adua Foundation, chaired by Atiku, equally scouts children from poor homes from all the 36 states of the country yearly, who are granted scholarships. There are of course several other students who are on Atiku’s direct sponsorship.
As recently as a few weeks ago for instance while on a visit to Bayelsa State, he committed to funding the education of two children of a brave victim of the floods, Ernest Peremobowei, who got drowned after rescuing five flood victims. AUN is the melting pot, the international brand, an essential university as authentic universitas, which Atiku has brought to be, in the Yola-based prototype. Against the preceding background, students, parents, university teachers, spouses, families of expatriates, resource persons, are in unending coming and going, going and coming, in and out of Yola. On a visit to AUN in 2018, former Managing Director of the Daily Times, Dr Yemi Ogunbiyi, noted that the initiative is “Atiku’s greatest gift to humanity.”
Beyond the AUN, however, Atiku’s investments in the production and service sectors, constitute a critical bulwark to the socioeconomy of Adamawa State, maybe the North East. From ABTI schools which provides western style education for children from creche through senior secondary school; through Adama Beverages, (established in 2006); to Adama Plastics, Atiku’s hands seem to be in many pies. There are also Gotel radio and television; Standard Microfinance Bank and Rico Gado Animal Feeds and nutrition plant, his business engagements, just spawn and sprawl.
A few years ago, he launched “Food Merchants Ltd,” otherwise known as Chicken Cottage, his organisation’s intervention in the fast foods sector. Mid-2021, Atiku commissioned a new Woven Sacks Factory, and a Shrink Laminate Plant, in Yola. The sacks factory has capacity to produce nine million sacks annually and is “designed to serve as backward integration” and eliminate dependence on sacks typically sourced from Lagos. The microfinance outfit has empowered thousands of women in a deliberate poverty-mitigation scheme. Atiku also owns a private security outfit which provides guards services primarily for his various interests, and for desiring organisations and substantial real estate in Yola.
Put together, Atiku’s interests provide sustainable employment for several thousands of people from the north east, Nigeria and neighbouring countries. Aside the governments of the six states in that geographical zone, Atiku is the sole largest employer and provider of livelihoods for people. He has always expressed his unhappiness about seeing able-bodied people idling away when they can be productively engaged. His underlying philosophy is welfarist, the desire to keep people’s hands busy, so as to keep the proverbial devil away from otherwise engaging those hands. Strictly mercantilist considerations, as guided by feasibility studies, would have advised more commercially vibrant destinations, mostly obtainable in the south of the country, for these initiatives.
More than in fiscal terms, Atiku’s warchest, his real capital is in the friendships and relationships he has cultivated over time and space. Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, (SGF), David Babachir Lawal, recently made a revelation about the presidential flagbearer of the All Progressives Congress, (APC), Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Lawal said Tinubu declined from touring the South East and South South, ahead of the presidential primary, early June, because he was sure his fate had been sealed in both zones. Not for Atiku. His contact list bubbles with friends and associates across generations and social strata, from every crevice and corner of the country. A Ben Obi from Anambra State succeeded an Akin Kekere-Ekun from Lagos State, as Chairman of the Board of Trustees, (BOT), of AUN. Atiku is a man whose tentacles crisscross the breadth of our huge geophysical, sociocultural mass, and beyond.
Tunde Olusunle, PhD, poet, journalist, scholar and author, is a Member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE).
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Opinion
The Inherited Fracture: Escaping the Divide-and-Rule Instinct Across Board
Published
14 hours agoon
July 4, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke
“The old empire did not bequeath us a map; it bequeathed us a reflex. We are the first generation with the tools to see the fracture, and therefore the first with the moral chore of mending it—not through the erasure of difference, but through the deliberate weaving of it into a load-bearing fabric. The shackle was never iron; it was a story we mistook for our skin. The task, therefore, is not to break free, but to finally tell a truer one, and in the telling, become whole enough to bequeath wholeness.”
Introduction: The Quiet Inheritance
No child is born with a map of enemies. No infant instinctively divides the world into “us” and “them.” Yet by adolescence, most of us have unconsciously inherited a vivid cartography of division—lines drawn long before our first breath, tracing the borders of tribe, class, ideology, and nation. This inheritance is not accidental. It is the meticulously preserved residue of a strategy so ancient and so effective that it has become woven into the invisible fabric of how we organize our families, our work, and our geopolitics.
The strategy is “divide and rule,” and its enduring victory is not that it conquered past civilizations, but that it continues to conquer future ones before they are even born. The shackle from the past is not a rusty iron chain we can see and cut; it is a psychological operating system, a default setting of fragmentation that tells us difference is dangerous, that another’s gain is our loss, and that solidarity is a naïve dream. This write-up is an inquiry into how that inherited mantle still drapes itself over the three great arenas of human life—Peoples, Corporates, and Nations—and, more crucially, how we can finally, generationally, set it down.
Part I: Tracing the Original Wound
To understand why division feels so instinctive, we must first recognize that it was carefully taught. The imperial architects of history—from the Roman Senate setting Gallic tribes against each other to the colonial census offices that rigidly codified fluid identities into immutable castes—were not mere conquerors of land. They were engineers of human psychology. Their profound insight was chilling in its simplicity: a people busy fighting each other over manufactured scarcities of dignity, resources, and recognition will never marshal the collective strength to question the structure of the room they are all trapped in.
This method did not fade with the lowering of colonial flags. It shape-shifted. It flowed seamlessly into the architecture of modern politics, where wedge issues and culture wars create passionate, performative tribes that exhaust public energy on symbolic combat while systemic questions go unasked. It entered the economic realm, where labor is pitted against labor across borders, and the workplace is structured into competing fiefdoms. It found its ultimate amplifier in the digital age, where algorithms, optimized not for truth but for engagement, feed us a personalized diet of indignation, continuously redrawing the lines between “our” fact and “their” fiction.
The deepest shackle, therefore, is not an external policy but an internalized reflex. The generational problem we face is that we parent, manage, and govern with the inherited assumption that a cohesive whole is a dangerous fiction, and that a controlled, managed division is the safest form of stability. We have mistaken a centuries-old psychological warfare tactic for human nature itself.
Part II: Peoples – From Inherited Suspicion to Chosen Solidarity
The most intimate theater of the divide-and-rule legacy is the community, where the human need for belonging is manipulated into a weapon against other belonging. We inherit not just our grandmother’s recipes but also her historical wounds, her curated list of historical betrayals by “the others.” When identity becomes a fortress, and every interaction across difference is framed as a potential siege, society unravels into a zero-sum competition of grievances. One group’s acknowledgment becomes another’s perceived erasure, and the common ground—the very earth we all need to survive on—becomes a forgotten abstraction.
The Generative Pivot: The Loom, Not the Mosaic
The conventional metaphor for unity is the mosaic—distinct tiles fixed in place. But a more dynamic, human solution is the loom. In weaving, distinct, colorful threads do not merely sit beside each other; they actively interlace under creative tension to produce a fabric far stronger and more beautiful than the loose pile of individual strands. This is the generational work: to weave a social fabric where difference is not merely tolerated but is the essential, structural component of collective strength.
1. The Alchemy of Shared Enterprise: Nothing dissolves manufactured mistrust like sweating together for a common purpose invisible to ideology. When a neighborhood of diverse faiths and backgrounds collaboratively designs a green space, starts a community-owned energy cooperative, or builds a multi-generational playground, something alchemical occurs. The direct, felt experience of shared competence and mutual reliance creates a counter-narrative to the inherited one. A child watching a Sikh father and a Muslim mother co-chair a local river cleanup does not just learn tolerance; they learn the tangible truth of interdependence. This solves the generational problem of social fragmentation not through lectures on unity, but by providing the real, material evidence that we live better, safer, and richer lives when we are bound together in practical projects. It transforms the public from an audience of divided spectators into a collaborative cast of problem-solvers.
2. Re-narrating the Past Together: The past is often a weapon, parceled out in separate, conflicting memories. A generational solution is the community-wide re-narration project—a collective, facilitated process where a town’s entire history, including its moments of deep division and injustice, is documented and acknowledged not by one side for its own vindication, but by all sides for the purpose of a shared, complex inheritance. When a painful historical event ceases to be “their crime against us” and becomes “a tragedy in our shared story from which we must all learn,” the emotional charge is diffused. The next generation inherits not a selective, incendiary pamphlet, but a full, somber, and ultimately uniting library of shared experience.
Part III: Corporates – From Fiefdoms of Turf to Ecosystems of Flow
The modern corporation, for all its talk of disruption, is often a deeply conservative feudal structure. The inherited mantle here is the cult of the silo. Departments become sovereign nations with their own languages, rituals, and guarded borders. Marketing and Sales engage in a cold war of blame; Product and Engineering view each other as obstacles. This is internal divide-and-rule in its most mundane, daily form: a management inheritance that subconsciously fears a truly unified, cross-functional workforce because a fluidly collaborating team is harder to control than a set of competing baronies.
The generational cost is the “perfect department, failing company” paradox, where each unit optimizes for its own narrow metrics—sales volume, lines of code, ad impressions—while the living, breathing organism of the enterprise, the thing that actually delivers value to a human customer, atrophies.
The Generative Pivot: The Symphony, Not the Org Chart
The solution is a fundamental shift in structural metaphor from a static hierarchy to a living symphony. An orchestra does not succeed because the brass section beats the strings. Every musician has a completely different, highly specialized instrument and a distinct musical line to play, yet all are integrated by a single unifying element: the full score.
1. The Shared Score of Radical Transparency: The corporate “score” is a single, universally accessible, real-time operating system that visualizes all work, all customer feedback, all financial flow. When a junior developer can see exactly how her code latency impacts customer churn in a chart viewable by the CEO, the informational hoarding that powers silo politics evaporates. Power no longer comes from guarding a border of knowledge but from contributing to the visible whole. This solves the generational problem of corporate sclerosis by ensuring that the enterprise inherits a nervous system, not a suit of armor. An organization that sees itself whole can act whole.
2. Mission-Driven, Ephemeral Teams: Instead of permanent departments, work flows to ephemeral, mission-specific teams that form, solve a problem, and dissolve back into the organizational fluid. A sustainability initiative, for example, is staffed not by a permanent “Green Department” that everyone else ignores, but by a temporary swarm pulling in a supply chain veteran, a materials chemist, a brand storyteller, and a frontline retailer. Their shared KPI is a unified, real-world outcome. When a professional identity is no longer “I am a Marketing person defending my turf” but “I am a problem-solver who brings marketing insight to the mission,” the inherited mantle of internal division is finally unwoven. The company’s grandchildren—its long-term future products and culture—are protected by this fluid, adaptive resilience.
Part IV: Nations – Beyond the Westphalian Straitjacket
The nation-state system is the most monumental and seemingly immovable of the inherited mantles. Born from the idea of absolute, internally homogenous sovereignty, it creates a world of hard containers where the most critical threats we face—a warming atmosphere, a migrating virus, the existential risk of ungoverned artificial intelligence—flow like water across borders we treat as concrete. We are trying to solve planetary-scale, networked problems with a batch of standalone, disconnected operating systems. An election-cycle-driven leader performing national interest for a domestic audience is structurally incentivized to prioritize a 2% short-term domestic gain over averting a 20% long-term global disaster.
This is the ultimate gerontocracy of concepts: an inherited 17th-century political structure mismanaging 21st-century existential threats. The shackle is a logic that says global cooperation is a zero-sum sacrifice of sovereignty, rather than a strategic extension of it.
The Generative Pivot: The Bioregion and the Commons Trust
The generational escape is not a single world government—that is just the old divide-and-rule hierarchy scaled to a terrifying, monocultural extreme. The human-scale solution is a layered, functional network where sovereignty is not abolished but intelligently pooled for specific planetary survival missions.
1. The Bioregional, Not Just National, Identity: The most profound counter to artificial national division is the cultivation of a bioregional consciousness. A person living in the Nile Delta has a more fundamental, generational relationship with someone upstream in the Ethiopian highlands than with a fellow citizen in a distant desert city of the same nation. The flow of water, the health of soil, the migration of pollinators—these create a natural, non-negotiable community of fate. The generational solution is to elevate these bioregional governance bodies—river basin authorities, regional seas commissions—to full political stature, granting them real, binding legal power co-equal to national parliaments on issues within their ecological domain. An upstream dam project would no longer be just a national prerogative; it would be subject to the legal authority of a bioregional commons trust in which the downstream nation is an equal partner. This solves the problem of resource conflict by changing the unit of political identity itself.
2. The Global Mandate for the Global Commons: For the atmosphere, the high seas, and the polar-regions, nations must charter autonomous, science-driven Global Commons Trusts with a sliver of strongly delegated sovereignty. Imagine an Atmospheric Integrity Agency, governed not by political negotiation but by a fiduciary duty to a set planetary threshold. It monitors, sets a global price on carbon extraction, and distributes the proceeds back to every human on Earth as a universal basic dividend. The division of a global “us vs. them” on climate collapses when a family in Indonesia and a family in Canada receive the same quarterly check from their shared atmospheric trust. It transforms a zone of geopolitical conflict into a zone of shared, inheritable wealth. A child born into such a world inherits a planet managed by a logic of collective trusteeship, not competitive looting.
Conclusion: The Task of the Living
The mantle of divide and rule is weighty because it is lined with the lead of fear: fear of the stranger, fear of irrelevance, fear of a future that demands we think in wholes while our institutions are built in pieces. Yet it is a mantle we have woven and placed upon our own shoulders, generation after generation, mistaking it for the very fabric of reality.
The profound, hopeful truth is that it is a garment, not our skin. We can shed it. The human capacity for direct, unmediated connection, for the fierce protection of our children’s future, and for the intuitive understanding that a forest is not a war of trees but a symphony of mutual nourishment—these are not new inventions. They are our original inheritance, buried under the heavy, historical robes of empire and distrust.
The generational task is not to fight the darkness with weapons it has forged. It is to quietly, persistently, and structurally build the new loom, learn the new score, and chart the new watershed. By weaving a social fabric of chosen interdependence, by organizing work into symphonies of shared value, and by governing the planet as the single, breathing commons it actually is, we finally fulfill the obligation we hold to the future. We bequeath not the cold chains of an imperial past, but a living, breathing inheritance of wholeness—one that equips our grandchildren not for a life of perennial conflict, but for the magnificent and ongoing project of building a single, richly varied human world.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Opinion
A Cry from the Creeks: A Daughter’s Plea for the Niger Delta
Published
5 days agoon
June 29, 2026By
Eric
By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)
The water does not lie. It carries no political allegiance, no corporate agenda, and no capacity for deception. It simply mirrors the truth of what we have allowed to be done to it.
A deeply disturbing video recently shared by veteran actress and social justice advocate Hilda Dokubo has laid bare the agonising reality facing communities in the Niger Delta. In the footage, filmed in Bille Kingdom, Rivers State, clean water is drawn from a private borehole. Within less than sixty seconds, under the pressure of underground gas, the clear liquid undergoes a sickening transformation. It darkens, thickens, and pours out as pitch-black crude oil. This is not a scientific curiosity. It is a damning indictment of a systemic humanitarian catastrophe hiding in plain sight.
As a daughter of the Niger Delta, that video did not merely break my heart. It ignited in me the ancestral fury of a people who have been poisoned, marginalised, and forgotten while the rest of this nation prospers on the wealth extracted from our soil.
For generations, the creeks, wetlands, and rivers of the Niger Delta were our sanctuaries, our markets, and the very foundation of our identity. As Hilda Dokubo rightly recalled, our people once walked to the riverbank whenever they needed to provide for their families. Fishing was not merely a livelihood; it was a covenant between our communities and the natural world that sustained them.
Today, that covenant has been shattered. Our fishermen have abandoned their nets because the rivers are fouled with oil. Our young people, stripped of the traditional occupations their fathers and mothers once practised, are channelled into the grinding machinery of poverty, idleness, and despair.
The Niger Delta has been reduced to an ecological ruin. Crude oil has saturated underground aquifers. Contaminated seafood and poisoned water are now daily realities for millions of people whose only crime is living above one of the most oil-rich territories on earth. International oil companies have abandoned corroded infrastructure that leaks without ceasing, transforming the very resource that was meant to be our salvation into a slow and methodical death sentence. We have raised this alarm for decades. Yet successive administrations have treated our suffering as an acceptable cost of doing business, a tolerable footnote so long as the petrodollars continue to flow to Abuja.
The veteran activist Annkio Briggs has devoted her life to making this injustice visible. For decades, she has documented with precision and moral clarity how the collusion between international oil interests and Nigerian state institutions has systematically dismantled the future of Niger Delta communities. She has shown how pipelines laid through our mangroves, and gas flared across our skies, have become instruments of slow violence, causing respiratory diseases, cancers, and developmental disorders in children who should never have known such afflictions. Annkio Briggs has also exposed a deeply troubling double standard; the disparity between how oil spills are handled in the industrialised world and how they are managed in Nigeria is not a matter of oversight. It is a calculated display of environmental injustice.
When a spill occurs in a Western nation, governments mobilise emergency responses and demand full remediation to international standards. In the Niger Delta, contaminated sites are patched with sand, filed away in bureaucratic reports, or left entirely unaddressed. The regulatory agencies established to protect us have been rendered impotent through underfunding, political interference, and sheer institutional neglect. Meanwhile, oil corporations exploit these weaknesses, leaving communities such as Bille suffocating beneath toxic soot and eruptions of subterranean gas. Grief, in these communities, is not a passing season. It is a permanent condition. And we refuse to allow the slow death of our homeland to be buried beneath corporate disclaimers and government platitudes.
Nigeria cannot claim to be a nation at peace with itself while one of its most productive regions is being chemically erased. We will not stand aside as these foreign companies divest their interests, collect their profits, and depart, leaving our land irreparably damaged. This is not a complaint. It is a demand, issued by a daughter of the Niger Delta who refuses to watch her homeland perish in silence. We are not data points in a corporate environmental impact assessment. We are human beings who breathe poisoned air and draw crude oil from our taps. I am therefore calling on every authority with a mandate and the power to act, to do so immediately, and to end the unconscionable treatment of the Niger Delta as a sacrifice zone.
To the President and the Federal Government of Nigeria; we demand the immediate declaration of an environmental state of emergency in Bille Kingdom and all affected riverine communities across the Niger Delta. The administration must enforce without equivocation the principle that those who pollute bear full responsibility for remediation. The era of negotiations that protect corporate balance sheets at the expense of human lives must end.
To the Niger Delta Development Commission; the mandate for which this agency was created demands urgent renewal. The Commission must redirect its priorities, without delay, toward meaningful environmental remediation, the delivery of reliable infrastructure, and the immediate provision of emergency water purification systems to communities that are drinking poison today.
To the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and NNPC Limited; the continued extraction of national wealth from Niger Delta soil, while leaving communities with nothing but fire and contamination, is morally indefensible. Every abandoned wellhead must be identified, securely decommissioned, and fully removed. There can be no further tolerance of neglected infrastructure that poisons the ground beneath our children’s feet.
To the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency; your regulatory authority must be exercised with rigour and without compromise. International clean-up standards are not aspirational; they are the minimum obligation owed to our communities. Any multinational corporation that attempts to exit the Niger Delta without fully restoring the damage it has caused must face enforceable legal and financial consequences.
To international environmental bodies and development partners; the hydrocarbon saturation of freshwater sources in communities across the Niger Delta has reached a scale that demands independent technical intervention and comprehensive ecological auditing. We ask that you bring your expertise and your authority to bear, not in the conference rooms of Abuja and Geneva, but in the creeks and villages where people are dying.
To the multinational oil corporations and local operators who have enriched themselves from Niger Delta resources; you will not walk away from what you have destroyed. No company should be permitted to divest, restructure, or withdraw from this region without having first restored our land, rehabilitated our waterways, and made full and fair reparation to the communities whose lives and livelihoods they have dismantled over decades of irresponsible operation.
Look at the black water pouring from our taps and understand what it represents. Every oil slick that spreads across our rivers is the grief of a mother unable to feed her children. Every gas flare that burns through the night is the laboured breath of a child whose lungs have never known clean air. Bille is in crisis.
The Niger Delta is bleeding. And its waters are bearing witness to crimes that have gone unpunished for far too long. The season of committees, communiqués, and hollow summits is over. We are not asking for sympathy. We are demanding accountability. Give us back our clean water. Restore our ancestral creeks. Save the daughters and sons of the Niger Delta before there is nothing left to save.
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Opinion
The Deluge We Built: Rain Does Not Create Catastrophe, It Reveals It
Published
5 days agoon
June 29, 2026By
Eric
By Richard Dablah
At 1:00 a.m., the rain began. By dawn, Accra had become a familiar theatre of submerged roads, stranded commuters, flooded homes, interrupted livelihoods, and the ritual exchange of outrage across television screens and social media. By tomorrow, we will have identified the usual villains: plastic waste, choked drains, irresponsible citizens, climate change, and inadequate enforcement. By next week, the water will have receded, but so too will our memory.
The rain did not surprise us.
Our surprise is the most astonishing part of the story.
Perhaps we have misunderstood what a flood actually is.
A flood is not the moment water overflows its banks. It is the moment decades of invisible decisions become visible. Rain merely serves as the auditor.
The deluge begins long before the first cloud gathers.
It begins when wetlands are described as “vacant land.” It begins when streams disappear beneath concrete because they interrupt commercial ambition. It begins when planning permission becomes more negotiable than hydrology, when maintenance budgets become political opportunities instead of engineering necessities, and when urban expansion is celebrated without asking whether the land itself consented to becoming a city.
Every signature placed on a permit inside a floodplain becomes a future tributary.
Every neglected drain becomes a future river.
Every compromised inspection becomes tomorrow’s emergency.
The rain simply connects decisions that were never meant to meet.
We have become accustomed to describing flooding as a natural disaster. It is an intellectually comforting phrase because it transfers responsibility from institutions to nature. Nature, however, is remarkably innocent in this story.
Water is perhaps the most honest element on Earth.
It negotiates with no political party.
It ignores campaign promises.
It does not recognise ministerial authority.
It simply obeys gravity.
When water returns to places it once occupied centuries ago, we accuse it of invading our communities. Yet rivers have never invaded cities. More often, cities have quietly occupied rivers.
Hydrologists understand something politicians rarely acknowledge: every river possesses memory. A watershed remembers its ancient channels. A floodplain remembers where excess water belongs. Wetlands remember how to absorb storms. We imagine that maps redraw geography. Water disagrees.
Concrete cannot erase memory.
It merely postpones its expression.
We therefore continue to debate blocked drains while ignoring blocked landscapes. We widen roads while narrowing waterways. We celebrate visible infrastructure while dismantling invisible infrastructure—the wetlands, soils, vegetation, lagoons and natural floodplains that quietly performed engineering services long before engineers arrived.
The irony is profound.
A forest can receive extraordinary rainfall and rarely flood because every root, every microorganism, and every layer of soil participates in slowing, storing, and redistributing water. A modern city, by contrast, has replaced absorption with acceleration. Asphalt rejects rainfall. Concrete hastens runoff. Buildings compress the earth. Heat hardens the soil. Every improvement intended to modernise the city simultaneously reduces its ability to behave like land.
The city has become hydraulically impatient.
Perhaps that is our greatest misunderstanding.
We believe cities are machines.
They are not.
Cities are living metabolisms. Like every living organism, they must balance what they consume with what they can process. Accra continuously consumes land, population, vehicles, plastics, concrete, energy, and waste faster than it expands its ecological capacity to absorb them. The consequence is not merely congestion or pollution. It is systemic metabolic failure.
Flooding is one of its symptoms.
Yet the problem extends even beyond engineering.
It is temporal.
Nature operates on geological time. Wetlands require centuries to mature. Rivers evolve over millennia. Soil develops patiently. Aquifers recharge slowly.
Politics operates on electoral time.
Four-year cycles reward ribbon-cutting ceremonies, not invisible maintenance. The culvert that no one notices receives less attention than the flyover everyone photographs. Maintenance loses elections. New construction wins them.
The result is predictable.
Infrastructure quietly accumulates entropy while governments accumulate announcements.
Physics teaches that every system naturally drifts toward disorder unless energy is continually invested to preserve order. Cities obey the same law. Drains clog. Roads crack. Regulations weaken. Institutions decay. Maintenance postponed is entropy invited.
The flood is not merely an engineering failure.
It is entropy-defeating governance.
Then there is the uncomfortable question we seldom ask.
Who benefits from recurring disasters?
Disaster creates contracts.
Emergency procurement.
Reconstruction projects.
Political visibility.
Institutional relevance.
Entire bureaucracies become more active after a catastrophe than before it.
This observation is not an accusation against individuals. It is an invitation to examine incentives. A society that consistently invests more in responding to disaster than preventing it eventually normalises catastrophe as part of governance itself.
The deluge becomes an administrative season.
History offers another warning.
Civilisations rarely collapse because nature suddenly becomes hostile. More often, they ignore environmental feedback until it becomes impossible to negotiate. Rivers shift. Forests disappear. Soils degrade. Cities overreach. Institutions mistake temporary resilience for permanent immunity.
Every civilisation eventually discovers that nature does not negotiate deadlines.
It only delivers consequences.
Perhaps that is what Accra experienced between 1:00 a.m. and dawn.
Not simply rainfall.
Not merely flooding.
But an examination.
An examination of our planning philosophy.
An examination of our political incentives.
An examination of our ecological literacy.
An examination of whether we still understand the land upon which we continue to build our future.
The biblical deluge was remembered not because water fell from the heavens, but because it exposed the moral condition of a civilisation. Whether one reads that account as theology or metaphor, its enduring lesson remains unsettling: catastrophe often reveals what prosperity successfully concealed.
Our modern deluge performs the same function.
It reveals that resilience cannot be legislated after rivers overflow. It must be designed before foundations are poured. It reveals that environmental stewardship is not an aesthetic concern but a constitutional obligation to future generations. It reveals that engineering cannot indefinitely compensate for ecological illiteracy, and that governance detached from geography eventually becomes governance against geography.
Tomorrow the skies will likely clear.
The floodwaters will retreat.
Traffic will resume.
Life will continue.
Until the next storm.
Unless we finally recognise the uncomfortable truth.
.
.
.
R.D
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