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History Beckons and I Will Not Be Silent (Pt. 1)

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By Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR

My attention has been drawn to some of the tirades on social media following my frank response during an interview on Channels TV regarding the “investments” Mr. Peter Obi claimed to have made with Anambra state revenues. Sadly, several of the comments left the issue of the interview to probe or suggest motives, inferred from my response on “investment” that I am opposed to Peter Obi’s ambition and therefore committed a “crime” for which the punishment is internecine abuse and harassment even to my family. Some people even suggest that the gunmen who went to attack a checkpoint at my hometown on Saturday 12th November but were gunned down was part of the mob reaction. I used to think that for decent people, certain conducts are off-limits, and that in Anambra, politics is not warfare.

Of course, as a Christian, I know that telling the truth can be very costly, even suicidal. Our Lord and saviour was crucified simply for telling the truth the people did not want to hear. I promised that I won’t be the usual politician, and will not knowingly lie to the people. I am not an Angel but rather than knowingly repeat the same deceitful character that politicians are known for, I would leave public office. It is a vow I made to my God and to my family. Only God knows how many days I will be on this seat but whether I am on it or not I will always say it as it is— knowing fully the suicidal consequences of telling the truth in a political arena, especially in a country where lying and deceit by politicians have become culture and celebrated as being “smart”.

Ideally, I should just have laughed off the infantile exuberances as many friends advised (I am used to this, having been in the ‘Arena’ for a while). I always re-read the quote “The Man in the Arena…” by President Theodore Roosevelt (1910) to remind myself of the burden of public office. Several well meaning Nigerians and Ndigbo called to advise that I should just ignore them. A respected Igbo elder-statesman who called, advised that I should just ignore what he described as “Peter Obi and his social media mob”. According to him, “everyone knows that he is going nowhere, but they are looking for who to blame”. After some 20 minutes of discussion, he advised that I should personally author a response— just for the records.

Everyone knows that I don’t follow the winds nor one to succumb to bullies, nor shy away from a good fight especially when weighty matters of principles and future of the people are involved. One lesson I learnt from my former boss and mentor, President Obasanjo, is never to be on the fence. I learnt that one must always take a stand: for better or for worse. I do so with every sense of humility, and leave history to judge. Most people have commended me for “tactfully avoiding being drawn into the Peter Obi issue” until now. Since I am now being forced into the Arena on this matter, I have a duty and a right of reply, if only for the records, and to also give the social media mob something substantive to rant upon and rain their abuses for weeks. In this preliminary response, there are some things I will refrain from saying here because, in the end, February/March 2023 will come and go, and life will continue.

At the outset, let me state that this exhibition of desperation, intolerance and attempt to bully everyone who expresses the slightest of dissent is reprehensible. This is Hitler in the making. When the revered Arch Bishop Chukwuma stated that in Enugu State, they were not obedient, he was ferociously bullied on social media. Any dissent is tagged a saboteur or, in my case, it could be that I want to contest for president after office or that I am envious of Peter Obi. Soludo envious of Peter Obi? Totally laughable! But this is the same person I was asking to return to APGA in March 2022 and contest for president and yet envious or doesn’t want him to be president. This is madness! Seriously speaking, the obdurate attempt to muscle the republican Igbos to maintain the silence of the graveyard is antithetical to everything Igbo. It is not who we are. Insulting other ethnic groups and religions or denigrating others is certainly not the path to Aso Rock. If this is not checked, it may indeed endanger the future political and economic interests of the Igbos.

In his time, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was the undisputed all time leader of the Igbos but he had his arch rivals and even independent candidates won landslide elections against his party, NCNC, in Igboland. Obafemi Awolowo had stiff opposition among the Yorubas while Ahmadu Bello had his share of opponents in the Northern region. Today, no one has accused Afenifere or other strong presidential candidates from the South West of being “anti Yoruba” because Tinubu is a frontrunner, nor has anyone accused Kwankwaso and several other Northern candidates of being “anti-North” for not supporting Atiku. As a full blooded republican Igboman and democrat, I reject this despotic intolerance.

Yes, I fully understand the anger of some urban and Diaspora youths and some Nigerians who are dissatisfied with the trajectory of the country or with the candidates of the major parties and wished other options. Not knowing much about others, some see Peter Obi as the contrast they wished for. I get the point. But this is a democracy: the minority will have their say, but the majority their way. Translating anger and social media agitation into political outcomes requires humongous work.

For full disclosure, let me state that Peter Obi and I are not just friends, we call ourselves “brothers”. But we have political differences: he left APGA for PDP after his tenure as Governor while I have remained in APGA since 2013. During the last two governorship elections in Anambra in 2017 and 2021, he led the PDP campaigns but APGA won landslide in both elections. By the way, in 2016, he visited and proposed that I defect to PDP and contest the 2017 election against the incumbent Willie Obiano, but I declined. After my victory in November 2021, he called to congratulate me as I did to him in 2010. That is the Anambra way: we fight fiercely during campaigns but share drinks at the next social events. After all, it was the great Zik of Africa who taught us that in politics, there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies but only permanent interests.

We sat next to each other during the Emeka Anyaoku lecture at Nnamdi Azikiwe University on 8th March, 2022 and I made an offer for him to return to APGA and contest as its presidential candidate. Yes, I did. In my mind, it was time for Igbos to organize their region politically before stepping out to bargain power with other organized coalitions. On his part, he tried to convince me that he expected APC to unravel while PDP would be the “only one” standing. We debated and he proposed that we could meet later to discuss further. He attended my inauguration on March 17. A few weeks later, he requested and I obliged him to use the Anambra State government house facility to launch his presidential bid under PDP. I was surprised to read in the news later that he had defected to LP (a party with literally zero structure), thereby attempting to weaken the same PDP he saw as the saviour a few weeks earlier. He paid me a courtesy call as the presidential candidate of LP, and we had frank discussions.

During our meeting, I reminded him of my proposal to him to come and contest under APGA. More importantly, I told him (possibly to his surprise) that I did not make the proposal in the belief that he will win in 2023 but that it would give us the opportunity to get our people organized as a bargaining force, with him leading the effort since I was busy as Governor (my immediate predecessor, Willie Obiano had indicated to me that he was not disposed to contest an election). We noted that we were in opposing political parties and in response to my direct question as to how I might help him, he requested that I should just ensure a “level playing field” and let the people decide. In fidelity, my government has provided the atmosphere for him and his supporters to operate freely in Anambra without any molestation (compare with treatments to LP even in other South East states), and allowed his billboards which are, in many places, wrongly placed almost on the roads. As a person, I have several shortcomings but being petty is not one of them. We have shown him tremendous goodwill—which he did not extend to the same Labour Party when he was Governor (Senator Ifeanyi Ubah, as LP governorship candidate in 2013 was denied the use of Ekwueme Square for his rallies).

Someone reminded me that a mob has no head and hence cannot reason. The same Peter Obi was one of those who told Ndigbo that APGA was the vehicle through which Igbos would organize to engage the rest of Nigeria politically. He was said to have sworn to Ojukwu and publicly that he would quit politics the day he leaves APGA. The rest is history. When he was the Vice-Presidential candidate under PDP in 2019, the emotive train then dubbed the ticket “the Igbo project”. As then chairman of planning and strategy committee of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, I cautioned for a more pragmatic approach but the emotive blaze of the time held sway. We were vindicated afterwards.

By the way, APGA is Nigeria’s third largest political party today (after APC and PDP, it is the only other party with a state governor and third largest presence at the National Assembly). And some people have the temerity to suggest that APGA’s candidate should “step down” for Peter Obi as the “Igbo candidate”. I wonder when Igbos met to choose a candidate. They even argue that afterall APGA supported President Jonathan and did not field a candidate then. Well, the fact as I was told was that no candidate showed interest under APGA then. Besides, APGA’s unwritten rule then was to support the party at the centre — which, if we apply this time, should actually be APC. But we have our own candidate. Recall that all the political parties had their primaries during the same period. Once Peter Obi realized that he won’t get the presidential or vice-presidential ticket of PDP he ran to Labour Party (a political party known as a transit camp for aspirants who lost primaries in APC, PDP and APGA), and the chorus by a vociferous minority now is that LP has become the “Igbo project”, and the APGA candidate who emerged the same time as Peter Obi should “step down”. Ridiculous! Now I truly understand that a mob cannot reason.

When will Ndigbo understand and learn politics, especially of Nigeria? When Bola Ahmed Tinubu defied the political wind of the time and stood out as the “only man standing” in AD and later AC (before ACN) against a sitting president of Yoruba descent, no one accused him of being “anti-Yoruba”. Indeed, everyone recalls that both Tinubu and President Obasanjo disagreed politically, and probably still disagree—but none is being accused of being “anti- Yoruba”. Under Tinubu, the South West strategically organized under a different political party, the ACN and went into a formidable alliance that kicked out a sitting president (in Africa?), and that alliance is not broken yet. Igbos, in their frenzied Nzogbu nzogbu politics, have sadly found themselves in a political cul de sac. Tragic indeed! When will my people smell the morning coffee?

Let me now address the substance of my response during the interview, and I stand by what I said. On record, I doubt that any governor in Nigeria has paid as much tribute to his predecessors as I have done during campaigns and in office. I always said that ALL of them did well and to the best of their abilities. Yes, Peter Obi was governor for 8 years (2006 -2014) during a period of unprecedented oil boom and prosperity in Nigeria (Nigerian economy was growing at average of 6-8% per annum, and oil price was highest during this time). I have seen all kinds of funny comments and interpretations regarding what I said about the value of his “investments”. Some refer to SabMiller and bandy all kinds of figures as to how the investment of $12 million is now worth less than $3 million. Of course, there is room for legitimate debate about the logic or quality of the investments. For example, people might differ as to the propriety of using taxpayers money to promote a company in which one is a shareholder in the name of “investment”, or even whether so called “savings” are warranted when there were dozens of schools without roofs or classrooms, or local governments without access roads or hospitals without doctors/nurses. A Bishop recently publicly advised that I should please try to construct the “Ngige type of quality roads”, stating that the ones done by his successor (that is, Peter Obi) had washed off, while Ngige’s remained. I promised and we are delivering quality roads that Anambra has not seen before.

For sure, prudence in public resource management is desirable and we are opening new frontiers in that area. People will however differ as to whether saving money in the bank account is a KPI (key performance indicator) for a government where poverty is escalating except where its institutions for absorption are weak or where the government has no robust/big agenda for transformation. Governments exist to save lives, not to save money. We can debate and differ on this— (by the way, I know when/how it is appropriate to “save” as I built Nigeria’s foreign reserves from $10 billion I inherited to all time $63 billion, and even after paying $12 billion to pay-off Nigeria’s external debt and going through unprecedented global financial crisis, I still left behind about $45 billion— Go and verify!).

Funny, in the rabid frenzy to grab every straw, they cut a clip during our governorship debate where I was stating vital statistics and they claimed that I was “praising” Peter Obi then while committing a crime now by “criticising” him. Hahahaha! Well, it is true that I said during the debate that, according to National Bureau of Statistics, poverty in Anambra actually grew (from less than 25% in 2005) to about 53% under Peter Obi in 2010/2011 but fell under Willie Obiano to 14.78% in 2020. Yes, poverty more than doubled under Peter Obi and more than 50% of Ndi Anambra were in poverty under him. Go and verify! I am Governor, and sitting on privileged information which I will not want to use against a political opponent. But on matters of facts, I will always state same as is. As the saying goes, you can fool some of the people some of the time but never all the people all the time. Enough said for now!

Where do we go from here? I listened to my friend Gov El-Rufai on TV explaining why the northern governors decided that power should shift to the South. According to him, they asked themselves what would their founding fathers—Ahmadu Bello, Tafawa Balewa or Aminu Kano have done in the circumstance. Today, I ask my people, Ndigbo: do we ask what Azikiwe or M.I. Okpara or Akanu Ibiam would do in the present circumstance? I worry that Ndigbo as Nigeria’s foremost itinerant tribe and with the greatest stake in the Nigerian project does not yet have a strategy to engage Nigeria—politically! Every four years, we resurface with emotive Nzogbu Nzogbu political dance (“it is our turn dance” but without organization or strategy) and fizzle out afterwards while others work 24/7 strategizing and organizing.

Let’s be clear: Peter Obi knows that he can’t and won’t win. He knows the game he is playing, and we know too; and he knows that we know. The game he is playing is the main reason he didn’t return to APGA. The brutal truth (and some will say, God forbid) is that there are two persons/parties seriously contesting for president: the rest is exciting drama! That many Americans may not like the fact that Joe Biden (79 years) and Donald Trump (76 years) are two frontrunners for president in their parties does not remove the fact that if both of them emerge as candidates, definitely one of them will be president in 2024.

As my brother, I wish him well and even pray for him. I told him during his courtesy call that my prayer is that himself or Prof Umeadi of APGA would win, why not? That is from my heart, but I also told him that my head and facts on the ground led me to know that it’s probability is next to zero (what I cannot say before you, I won’t say behind you). So I already told him my opinion. Indeed, there is no credible pathway for him near the first two positions, and if care is not taken, he won’t even near the third position. Analysts tell him you don’t need “structure” to win. Fantasy! Of course, LP won governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun on social media and via phantom polls, while getting barely 2,000 votes on ground. Creating a credible third force for presidential election in Nigeria requires a totally different strategy and extreme hard work.

Of course, Peter Obi will get some votes, and may probably win in Anambra state— as “home boy”. But Anambra is not Nigeria. If he likes, I can even campaign for him but that won’t change much. From internal state by state polling available to me, he was on course to get 25% in 5 states as at August this year. The latest polling shows that it is down to four states, and declining. Not even in Lagos state (supposed headquarters of urban youths) where Labour Party could not find candidates to contest for House of Reps or Senate. The polls also show that he is taking votes away mostly from PDP. Indeed, if I were Asiwaju Tinubu, I would even give Peter Obi money as someone heading one of the departments of his campaign because Obi is making Tinubu’s pathway to victory much easier by indirectly pulling down PDP. It is what it is!

The current fleeting frenzy, if not checked, will cost Ndigbo dearly for years. The South East has the lowest number of votes of any region, but it is also the only region where the presidential race might be a 4-way race (it is a two-way race in the other 5 regions) thereby ensuring that our votes won’t count in the making of the next president of Nigeria. Afterwards, we would start complaining that we don’t get “what we deserve” or cry of marginalization. During the 2019 presidential election, the five South East States were united for PDP but contributed merely 1.6 million votes to PDP which was about the votes that Kano state gave to Buhari. The emotions might run to heavens but politics-power is about cold calculations, organization and building alliances for power. In a democracy, it is a game of numbers. So far, I don’t see any of these— and 2023 might again be a wasted opportunity for Ndigbo! What is our Plan B when Peter Obi loses in February 2023? Some people prefer that we should play the Ostrich while Peter Obi toys with the collective destiny of over 60 million Igbos. Yes, you pray that he wins, but what if he fails as he is certain to? The Bible says that my people perish for lack of knowledge. As the saying goes, only those who Plan can control the future. Ndigbo, wake up and smell the coffee!

What would Zik of Africa or M.I. Okpara do in this circumstance? Our founding fathers understood that in politics, you don’t get what you deserve but what you bargain/negotiate, and you negotiate with your organization and VOTES. Not social media militancy or bullying (where over 90% of actual voters are not on social media)! Our fathers built alliances with other major political parties in other regions (not with socio-cultural groups that don’t command any votes), and Ndigbo were in the reckoning in the first and second republics. After the elections, we will see how many votes any of the leaders of the socio-cultural groups will get for Peter Obi from their wards. Sometimes I even sense a conspiracy to nudge us on a path to nowhere thereby further pushing us into irrelevance, and I pray that I am wrong. Just my two cents!

It is not too late for Ohanaeze Ndigbo and progressive Igbo leaders to pre-emptively start charting a pragmatic future for Ndigbo in Nigeria after the elections. Armchair social media analysts can have the luxury of fantasizing with wild speculations. Right or wrong, they earn their pay and with no consequences. For us as leaders, the lives of tens of millions are at stake. We have a historic duty to act and being silent or politically correct is not an option. For starters, Ohanaeze should study the report of my committee (planning and strategy) in 2019. It may still be relevant today. Second, Ndigbo should seriously study the MoU signed at the Yar’Adua Centre in 2010. The leader of Igbo Political Association, Chief Simon Okeke and our members are still there. Thirdly and for me, Ndigbo should strategize and bargain especially with the TWO candidates likely to be president on at least four central issues:

A) Lasting peace and security in the South East, including the release and engagement with Nnamdi Kanu.

B)South East Economic transformation agenda and the FGN’s Marshall Plan for the South East as promised since the end of the Civil War (the post war ‘reconstruction’). We appreciate the Second Niger Bridge and recent contract for MTN to reconstruct the Onitsha-Enugu expressway. But the rail-lines to the five state capitals, speedy access to the sea, highways linking South East to the North and South South, addressing our existential threat as gully erosion capital of Africa, Free Trade and Export Processing Zones, etc.

C) Restructuring Agenda for Nigeria that devolves powers/resources to the subnational entities and in which it would no longer matter where the President comes from.

D) Levelling the playing field for the unleashing of the private sector and the full participation of Ndigbo in the economic and governance space; etc.

To conclude, let me once again wish my brother Peter Obi good luck. He should have fun and enjoy the fleeting frenzy of the moment. But he must moderate the desperation as exhibited by his social media mob. There is a limit to propaganda. A mob action often reflects the character of its leader. No one has a monopoly of social media violence, and no one should play God. Life won’t end by February/March 2023.

I hope that after February 2023, Peter Obi will return to APGA (the party that made him everything he is politically) as I offered him on 8th March, 2022 and begin the hard work, if he truly wants to be president of Nigeria. It won’t happen by desperately jumping from one party to another or by unleashing a social media mob on everyone who slightly disagrees with you. I decided to pen my views personally — again for the records. On this, I don’t mind being a one man minority. As history beckons, my conscience and sense of duty to my people dictate that I should never be silent. I will happily accept the judgment of history for standing by the truth!

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Opinion

The Inherited Fracture: Escaping the Divide-and-Rule Instinct Across Board

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By Tolulope A. Adegoke

“The old empire did not bequeath us a map; it bequeathed us a reflex. We are the first generation with the tools to see the fracture, and therefore the first with the moral chore of mending it—not through the erasure of difference, but through the deliberate weaving of it into a load-bearing fabric. The shackle was never iron; it was a story we mistook for our skin. The task, therefore, is not to break free, but to finally tell a truer one, and in the telling, become whole enough to bequeath wholeness.” 

Introduction: The Quiet Inheritance

No child is born with a map of enemies. No infant instinctively divides the world into “us” and “them.” Yet by adolescence, most of us have unconsciously inherited a vivid cartography of division—lines drawn long before our first breath, tracing the borders of tribe, class, ideology, and nation. This inheritance is not accidental. It is the meticulously preserved residue of a strategy so ancient and so effective that it has become woven into the invisible fabric of how we organize our families, our work, and our geopolitics.

The strategy is “divide and rule,” and its enduring victory is not that it conquered past civilizations, but that it continues to conquer future ones before they are even born. The shackle from the past is not a rusty iron chain we can see and cut; it is a psychological operating system, a default setting of fragmentation that tells us difference is dangerous, that another’s gain is our loss, and that solidarity is a naïve dream. This write-up is an inquiry into how that inherited mantle still drapes itself over the three great arenas of human life—Peoples, Corporates, and Nations—and, more crucially, how we can finally, generationally, set it down.

Part I: Tracing the Original Wound

To understand why division feels so instinctive, we must first recognize that it was carefully taught. The imperial architects of history—from the Roman Senate setting Gallic tribes against each other to the colonial census offices that rigidly codified fluid identities into immutable castes—were not mere conquerors of land. They were engineers of human psychology. Their profound insight was chilling in its simplicity: a people busy fighting each other over manufactured scarcities of dignity, resources, and recognition will never marshal the collective strength to question the structure of the room they are all trapped in.

This method did not fade with the lowering of colonial flags. It shape-shifted. It flowed seamlessly into the architecture of modern politics, where wedge issues and culture wars create passionate, performative tribes that exhaust public energy on symbolic combat while systemic questions go unasked. It entered the economic realm, where labor is pitted against labor across borders, and the workplace is structured into competing fiefdoms. It found its ultimate amplifier in the digital age, where algorithms, optimized not for truth but for engagement, feed us a personalized diet of indignation, continuously redrawing the lines between “our” fact and “their” fiction.

The deepest shackle, therefore, is not an external policy but an internalized reflex. The generational problem we face is that we parent, manage, and govern with the inherited assumption that a cohesive whole is a dangerous fiction, and that a controlled, managed division is the safest form of stability. We have mistaken a centuries-old psychological warfare tactic for human nature itself.

Part II: Peoples – From Inherited Suspicion to Chosen Solidarity

The most intimate theater of the divide-and-rule legacy is the community, where the human need for belonging is manipulated into a weapon against other belonging. We inherit not just our grandmother’s recipes but also her historical wounds, her curated list of historical betrayals by “the others.” When identity becomes a fortress, and every interaction across difference is framed as a potential siege, society unravels into a zero-sum competition of grievances. One group’s acknowledgment becomes another’s perceived erasure, and the common ground—the very earth we all need to survive on—becomes a forgotten abstraction.

The Generative Pivot: The Loom, Not the Mosaic

The conventional metaphor for unity is the mosaic—distinct tiles fixed in place. But a more dynamic, human solution is the loom. In weaving, distinct, colorful threads do not merely sit beside each other; they actively interlace under creative tension to produce a fabric far stronger and more beautiful than the loose pile of individual strands. This is the generational work: to weave a social fabric where difference is not merely tolerated but is the essential, structural component of collective strength.

1.     The Alchemy of Shared Enterprise: Nothing dissolves manufactured mistrust like sweating together for a common purpose invisible to ideology. When a neighborhood of diverse faiths and backgrounds collaboratively designs a green space, starts a community-owned energy cooperative, or builds a multi-generational playground, something alchemical occurs. The direct, felt experience of shared competence and mutual reliance creates a counter-narrative to the inherited one. A child watching a Sikh father and a Muslim mother co-chair a local river cleanup does not just learn tolerance; they learn the tangible truth of interdependence. This solves the generational problem of social fragmentation not through lectures on unity, but by providing the real, material evidence that we live better, safer, and richer lives when we are bound together in practical projects. It transforms the public from an audience of divided spectators into a collaborative cast of problem-solvers.

2.     Re-narrating the Past Together: The past is often a weapon, parceled out in separate, conflicting memories. A generational solution is the community-wide re-narration project—a collective, facilitated process where a town’s entire history, including its moments of deep division and injustice, is documented and acknowledged not by one side for its own vindication, but by all sides for the purpose of a shared, complex inheritance. When a painful historical event ceases to be “their crime against us” and becomes “a tragedy in our shared story from which we must all learn,” the emotional charge is diffused. The next generation inherits not a selective, incendiary pamphlet, but a full, somber, and ultimately uniting library of shared experience.

Part III: Corporates – From Fiefdoms of Turf to Ecosystems of Flow

The modern corporation, for all its talk of disruption, is often a deeply conservative feudal structure. The inherited mantle here is the cult of the silo. Departments become sovereign nations with their own languages, rituals, and guarded borders. Marketing and Sales engage in a cold war of blame; Product and Engineering view each other as obstacles. This is internal divide-and-rule in its most mundane, daily form: a management inheritance that subconsciously fears a truly unified, cross-functional workforce because a fluidly collaborating team is harder to control than a set of competing baronies.

The generational cost is the “perfect department, failing company” paradox, where each unit optimizes for its own narrow metrics—sales volume, lines of code, ad impressions—while the living, breathing organism of the enterprise, the thing that actually delivers value to a human customer, atrophies.

The Generative Pivot: The Symphony, Not the Org Chart

The solution is a fundamental shift in structural metaphor from a static hierarchy to a living symphony. An orchestra does not succeed because the brass section beats the strings. Every musician has a completely different, highly specialized instrument and a distinct musical line to play, yet all are integrated by a single unifying element: the full score.

1.     The Shared Score of Radical Transparency: The corporate “score” is a single, universally accessible, real-time operating system that visualizes all work, all customer feedback, all financial flow. When a junior developer can see exactly how her code latency impacts customer churn in a chart viewable by the CEO, the informational hoarding that powers silo politics evaporates. Power no longer comes from guarding a border of knowledge but from contributing to the visible whole. This solves the generational problem of corporate sclerosis by ensuring that the enterprise inherits a nervous system, not a suit of armor. An organization that sees itself whole can act whole.

2.     Mission-Driven, Ephemeral Teams: Instead of permanent departments, work flows to ephemeral, mission-specific teams that form, solve a problem, and dissolve back into the organizational fluid. A sustainability initiative, for example, is staffed not by a permanent “Green Department” that everyone else ignores, but by a temporary swarm pulling in a supply chain veteran, a materials chemist, a brand storyteller, and a frontline retailer. Their shared KPI is a unified, real-world outcome. When a professional identity is no longer “I am a Marketing person defending my turf” but “I am a problem-solver who brings marketing insight to the mission,” the inherited mantle of internal division is finally unwoven. The company’s grandchildren—its long-term future products and culture—are protected by this fluid, adaptive resilience.

Part IV: Nations – Beyond the Westphalian Straitjacket

The nation-state system is the most monumental and seemingly immovable of the inherited mantles. Born from the idea of absolute, internally homogenous sovereignty, it creates a world of hard containers where the most critical threats we face—a warming atmosphere, a migrating virus, the existential risk of ungoverned artificial intelligence—flow like water across borders we treat as concrete. We are trying to solve planetary-scale, networked problems with a batch of standalone, disconnected operating systems. An election-cycle-driven leader performing national interest for a domestic audience is structurally incentivized to prioritize a 2% short-term domestic gain over averting a 20% long-term global disaster.

This is the ultimate gerontocracy of concepts: an inherited 17th-century political structure mismanaging 21st-century existential threats. The shackle is a logic that says global cooperation is a zero-sum sacrifice of sovereignty, rather than a strategic extension of it.

The Generative Pivot: The Bioregion and the Commons Trust

The generational escape is not a single world government—that is just the old divide-and-rule hierarchy scaled to a terrifying, monocultural extreme. The human-scale solution is a layered, functional network where sovereignty is not abolished but intelligently pooled for specific planetary survival missions.

1.     The Bioregional, Not Just National, Identity: The most profound counter to artificial national division is the cultivation of a bioregional consciousness. A person living in the Nile Delta has a more fundamental, generational relationship with someone upstream in the Ethiopian highlands than with a fellow citizen in a distant desert city of the same nation. The flow of water, the health of soil, the migration of pollinators—these create a natural, non-negotiable community of fate. The generational solution is to elevate these bioregional governance bodies—river basin authorities, regional seas commissions—to full political stature, granting them real, binding legal power co-equal to national parliaments on issues within their ecological domain. An upstream dam project would no longer be just a national prerogative; it would be subject to the legal authority of a bioregional commons trust in which the downstream nation is an equal partner. This solves the problem of resource conflict by changing the unit of political identity itself.

2.     The Global Mandate for the Global Commons: For the atmosphere, the high seas, and the polar-regions, nations must charter autonomous, science-driven Global Commons Trusts with a sliver of strongly delegated sovereignty. Imagine an Atmospheric Integrity Agency, governed not by political negotiation but by a fiduciary duty to a set planetary threshold. It monitors, sets a global price on carbon extraction, and distributes the proceeds back to every human on Earth as a universal basic dividend. The division of a global “us vs. them” on climate collapses when a family in Indonesia and a family in Canada receive the same quarterly check from their shared atmospheric trust. It transforms a zone of geopolitical conflict into a zone of shared, inheritable wealth. A child born into such a world inherits a planet managed by a logic of collective trusteeship, not competitive looting.

Conclusion: The Task of the Living

The mantle of divide and rule is weighty because it is lined with the lead of fear: fear of the stranger, fear of irrelevance, fear of a future that demands we think in wholes while our institutions are built in pieces. Yet it is a mantle we have woven and placed upon our own shoulders, generation after generation, mistaking it for the very fabric of reality.

The profound, hopeful truth is that it is a garment, not our skin. We can shed it. The human capacity for direct, unmediated connection, for the fierce protection of our children’s future, and for the intuitive understanding that a forest is not a war of trees but a symphony of mutual nourishment—these are not new inventions. They are our original inheritance, buried under the heavy, historical robes of empire and distrust.

The generational task is not to fight the darkness with weapons it has forged. It is to quietly, persistently, and structurally build the new loom, learn the new score, and chart the new watershed. By weaving a social fabric of chosen interdependence, by organizing work into symphonies of shared value, and by governing the planet as the single, breathing commons it actually is, we finally fulfill the obligation we hold to the future. We bequeath not the cold chains of an imperial past, but a living, breathing inheritance of wholeness—one that equips our grandchildren not for a life of perennial conflict, but for the magnificent and ongoing project of building a single, richly varied human world.

Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.comglobalstageimpacts@gmail.com

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Opinion

A Cry from the Creeks: A Daughter’s Plea for the Niger Delta

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By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)

The water does not lie. It carries no political allegiance, no corporate agenda, and no capacity for deception. It simply mirrors the truth of what we have allowed to be done to it.

A deeply disturbing video recently shared by veteran actress and social justice advocate Hilda Dokubo has laid bare the agonising reality facing communities in the Niger Delta. In the footage, filmed in Bille Kingdom, Rivers State, clean water is drawn from a private borehole. Within less than sixty seconds, under the pressure of underground gas, the clear liquid undergoes a sickening transformation. It darkens, thickens, and pours out as pitch-black crude oil. This is not a scientific curiosity. It is a damning indictment of a systemic humanitarian catastrophe hiding in plain sight.

As a daughter of the Niger Delta, that video did not merely break my heart. It ignited in me the ancestral fury of a people who have been poisoned, marginalised, and forgotten while the rest of this nation prospers on the wealth extracted from our soil.

For generations, the creeks, wetlands, and rivers of the Niger Delta were our sanctuaries, our markets, and the very foundation of our identity. As Hilda Dokubo rightly recalled, our people once walked to the riverbank whenever they needed to provide for their families. Fishing was not merely a livelihood; it was a covenant between our communities and the natural world that sustained them.
Today, that covenant has been shattered. Our fishermen have abandoned their nets because the rivers are fouled with oil. Our young people, stripped of the traditional occupations their fathers and mothers once practised, are channelled into the grinding machinery of poverty, idleness, and despair.

The Niger Delta has been reduced to an ecological ruin. Crude oil has saturated underground aquifers. Contaminated seafood and poisoned water are now daily realities for millions of people whose only crime is living above one of the most oil-rich territories on earth. International oil companies have abandoned corroded infrastructure that leaks without ceasing, transforming the very resource that was meant to be our salvation into a slow and methodical death sentence. We have raised this alarm for decades. Yet successive administrations have treated our suffering as an acceptable cost of doing business, a tolerable footnote so long as the petrodollars continue to flow to Abuja.

The veteran activist Annkio Briggs has devoted her life to making this injustice visible. For decades, she has documented with precision and moral clarity how the collusion between international oil interests and Nigerian state institutions has systematically dismantled the future of Niger Delta communities. She has shown how pipelines laid through our mangroves, and gas flared across our skies, have become instruments of slow violence, causing respiratory diseases, cancers, and developmental disorders in children who should never have known such afflictions. Annkio Briggs has also exposed a deeply troubling double standard; the disparity between how oil spills are handled in the industrialised world and how they are managed in Nigeria is not a matter of oversight. It is a calculated display of environmental injustice.

When a spill occurs in a Western nation, governments mobilise emergency responses and demand full remediation to international standards. In the Niger Delta, contaminated sites are patched with sand, filed away in bureaucratic reports, or left entirely unaddressed. The regulatory agencies established to protect us have been rendered impotent through underfunding, political interference, and sheer institutional neglect. Meanwhile, oil corporations exploit these weaknesses, leaving communities such as Bille suffocating beneath toxic soot and eruptions of subterranean gas. Grief, in these communities, is not a passing season. It is a permanent condition. And we refuse to allow the slow death of our homeland to be buried beneath corporate disclaimers and government platitudes.

Nigeria cannot claim to be a nation at peace with itself while one of its most productive regions is being chemically erased. We will not stand aside as these foreign companies divest their interests, collect their profits, and depart, leaving our land irreparably damaged. This is not a complaint. It is a demand, issued by a daughter of the Niger Delta who refuses to watch her homeland perish in silence. We are not data points in a corporate environmental impact assessment. We are human beings who breathe poisoned air and draw crude oil from our taps. I am therefore calling on every authority with a mandate and the power to act, to do so immediately, and to end the unconscionable treatment of the Niger Delta as a sacrifice zone.

To the President and the Federal Government of Nigeria; we demand the immediate declaration of an environmental state of emergency in Bille Kingdom and all affected riverine communities across the Niger Delta. The administration must enforce without equivocation the principle that those who pollute bear full responsibility for remediation. The era of negotiations that protect corporate balance sheets at the expense of human lives must end.

To the Niger Delta Development Commission; the mandate for which this agency was created demands urgent renewal. The Commission must redirect its priorities, without delay, toward meaningful environmental remediation, the delivery of reliable infrastructure, and the immediate provision of emergency water purification systems to communities that are drinking poison today.

To the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and NNPC Limited; the continued extraction of national wealth from Niger Delta soil, while leaving communities with nothing but fire and contamination, is morally indefensible. Every abandoned wellhead must be identified, securely decommissioned, and fully removed. There can be no further tolerance of neglected infrastructure that poisons the ground beneath our children’s feet.

To the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency; your regulatory authority must be exercised with rigour and without compromise. International clean-up standards are not aspirational; they are the minimum obligation owed to our communities. Any multinational corporation that attempts to exit the Niger Delta without fully restoring the damage it has caused must face enforceable legal and financial consequences.

To international environmental bodies and development partners; the hydrocarbon saturation of freshwater sources in communities across the Niger Delta has reached a scale that demands independent technical intervention and comprehensive ecological auditing. We ask that you bring your expertise and your authority to bear, not in the conference rooms of Abuja and Geneva, but in the creeks and villages where people are dying.

To the multinational oil corporations and local operators who have enriched themselves from Niger Delta resources; you will not walk away from what you have destroyed. No company should be permitted to divest, restructure, or withdraw from this region without having first restored our land, rehabilitated our waterways, and made full and fair reparation to the communities whose lives and livelihoods they have dismantled over decades of irresponsible operation.

Look at the black water pouring from our taps and understand what it represents. Every oil slick that spreads across our rivers is the grief of a mother unable to feed her children. Every gas flare that burns through the night is the laboured breath of a child whose lungs have never known clean air. Bille is in crisis.

The Niger Delta is bleeding. And its waters are bearing witness to crimes that have gone unpunished for far too long. The season of committees, communiqués, and hollow summits is over. We are not asking for sympathy. We are demanding accountability. Give us back our clean water. Restore our ancestral creeks. Save the daughters and sons of the Niger Delta before there is nothing left to save.

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Opinion

The Deluge We Built: Rain Does Not Create Catastrophe, It Reveals It

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By Richard Dablah

At 1:00 a.m., the rain began. By dawn, Accra had become a familiar theatre of submerged roads, stranded commuters, flooded homes, interrupted livelihoods, and the ritual exchange of outrage across television screens and social media. By tomorrow, we will have identified the usual villains: plastic waste, choked drains, irresponsible citizens, climate change, and inadequate enforcement. By next week, the water will have receded, but so too will our memory.

The rain did not surprise us.

Our surprise is the most astonishing part of the story.

Perhaps we have misunderstood what a flood actually is.

A flood is not the moment water overflows its banks. It is the moment decades of invisible decisions become visible. Rain merely serves as the auditor.

The deluge begins long before the first cloud gathers.

It begins when wetlands are described as “vacant land.” It begins when streams disappear beneath concrete because they interrupt commercial ambition. It begins when planning permission becomes more negotiable than hydrology, when maintenance budgets become political opportunities instead of engineering necessities, and when urban expansion is celebrated without asking whether the land itself consented to becoming a city.

Every signature placed on a permit inside a floodplain becomes a future tributary.

Every neglected drain becomes a future river.

Every compromised inspection becomes tomorrow’s emergency.

The rain simply connects decisions that were never meant to meet.

We have become accustomed to describing flooding as a natural disaster. It is an intellectually comforting phrase because it transfers responsibility from institutions to nature. Nature, however, is remarkably innocent in this story.

Water is perhaps the most honest element on Earth.

It negotiates with no political party.

It ignores campaign promises.

It does not recognise ministerial authority.

It simply obeys gravity.

When water returns to places it once occupied centuries ago, we accuse it of invading our communities. Yet rivers have never invaded cities. More often, cities have quietly occupied rivers.

Hydrologists understand something politicians rarely acknowledge: every river possesses memory. A watershed remembers its ancient channels. A floodplain remembers where excess water belongs. Wetlands remember how to absorb storms. We imagine that maps redraw geography. Water disagrees.

Concrete cannot erase memory.

It merely postpones its expression.

We therefore continue to debate blocked drains while ignoring blocked landscapes. We widen roads while narrowing waterways. We celebrate visible infrastructure while dismantling invisible infrastructure—the wetlands, soils, vegetation, lagoons and natural floodplains that quietly performed engineering services long before engineers arrived.

The irony is profound.

A forest can receive extraordinary rainfall and rarely flood because every root, every microorganism, and every layer of soil participates in slowing, storing, and redistributing water. A modern city, by contrast, has replaced absorption with acceleration. Asphalt rejects rainfall. Concrete hastens runoff. Buildings compress the earth. Heat hardens the soil. Every improvement intended to modernise the city simultaneously reduces its ability to behave like land.

The city has become hydraulically impatient.

Perhaps that is our greatest misunderstanding.

We believe cities are machines.

They are not.

Cities are living metabolisms. Like every living organism, they must balance what they consume with what they can process. Accra continuously consumes land, population, vehicles, plastics, concrete, energy, and waste faster than it expands its ecological capacity to absorb them. The consequence is not merely congestion or pollution. It is systemic metabolic failure.

Flooding is one of its symptoms.

Yet the problem extends even beyond engineering.

It is temporal.

Nature operates on geological time. Wetlands require centuries to mature. Rivers evolve over millennia. Soil develops patiently. Aquifers recharge slowly.

Politics operates on electoral time.

Four-year cycles reward ribbon-cutting ceremonies, not invisible maintenance. The culvert that no one notices receives less attention than the flyover everyone photographs. Maintenance loses elections. New construction wins them.

The result is predictable.

Infrastructure quietly accumulates entropy while governments accumulate announcements.

Physics teaches that every system naturally drifts toward disorder unless energy is continually invested to preserve order. Cities obey the same law. Drains clog. Roads crack. Regulations weaken. Institutions decay. Maintenance postponed is entropy invited.

The flood is not merely an engineering failure.

It is entropy-defeating governance.

Then there is the uncomfortable question we seldom ask.

Who benefits from recurring disasters?

Disaster creates contracts.

Emergency procurement.

Reconstruction projects.

Political visibility.

Institutional relevance.

Entire bureaucracies become more active after a catastrophe than before it.

This observation is not an accusation against individuals. It is an invitation to examine incentives. A society that consistently invests more in responding to disaster than preventing it eventually normalises catastrophe as part of governance itself.

The deluge becomes an administrative season.

History offers another warning.

Civilisations rarely collapse because nature suddenly becomes hostile. More often, they ignore environmental feedback until it becomes impossible to negotiate. Rivers shift. Forests disappear. Soils degrade. Cities overreach. Institutions mistake temporary resilience for permanent immunity.

Every civilisation eventually discovers that nature does not negotiate deadlines.

It only delivers consequences.

Perhaps that is what Accra experienced between 1:00 a.m. and dawn.

Not simply rainfall.

Not merely flooding.

But an examination.

An examination of our planning philosophy.

An examination of our political incentives.

An examination of our ecological literacy.

An examination of whether we still understand the land upon which we continue to build our future.

The biblical deluge was remembered not because water fell from the heavens, but because it exposed the moral condition of a civilisation. Whether one reads that account as theology or metaphor, its enduring lesson remains unsettling: catastrophe often reveals what prosperity successfully concealed.

Our modern deluge performs the same function.

It reveals that resilience cannot be legislated after rivers overflow. It must be designed before foundations are poured. It reveals that environmental stewardship is not an aesthetic concern but a constitutional obligation to future generations. It reveals that engineering cannot indefinitely compensate for ecological illiteracy, and that governance detached from geography eventually becomes governance against geography.

Tomorrow the skies will likely clear.

The floodwaters will retreat.

Traffic will resume.

Life will continue.

Until the next storm.

Unless we finally recognise the uncomfortable truth.

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R.D

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