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The Oracle: The NASS Cannot Amend the Constitution Through the Back Door (Pt. 2)

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By Mike Ozekhome

INTRODUCTION

SECTIONS 84 AND 318 OF THE CONSTITUTION CONSIDERED (Continues)

Last week, we commenced our analysis of sections 84(12) and 318 of the 1999 Constitution. Today, we x-ray these sections further to demonstrate that the sections have been so gravely misinterpreted that the NASS could frontally assail the sanctity of the Constitution by enacting section 84(12) of the amended Electoral Act.

More significantly, we must look at the definition of “public officer” in part 1 of the 5th schedule of the Constitution. There, a “public officer” is defined as “a person holding any of the offices specified in part II of this schedule. The person holding the said offices specifically include, amongst others, the President; Vice President; Senate President and his Vice; Speaker of the House of Representatives; Governor; Deputy Governor; CJN; Justices of the Supreme Court; Appeal Court; Attorney General of the Federation and of States; Ministers and Commissioners; SGF; Ambassadors; Chairman; Members and Staff of CCB/CCT; of LGCs; Statutory corporations and companies in which the federal or state Governments or LGCs have controlling interest.”

This category of persons therefore fall within the scope of “public officers” and “public servants”. I humbly submit therefore that political appointees fall within the scope of public servants, such as to enjoy whatever favours are granted to persons within the public service of the Federation or of the State. “Service” is defined by by the Cambridge Dictionary as “as helping or doing work for someone”; “or providing a particular thing that people need”.

The word “includes” as defined Meridian Webster Dictionary, means “to take in or comprise as a part of a whole or group”. It becomes clear therefore that section 318 did not exhaustively list all those envisaged as “public servants”. Those listed merely comprise of “a part of a whole or group”, and nothing more. Can anyone seriously argue that ministers, Commissioners and such persons who are in the “service” of the Federation and States in different capacities are therefore political appointees not then in the public service of such governments? I humbly submit that the cases of DADA V ADEYEYE (2005) 3 NWLR (920) 1; ONI V FAYEMI (supra);  WILSON V AG FEDERATION (supra); AG BENDEL STATE  v AIDEYAN (supra); ADAMU V TAKORI (supra); have been grossly misapplied and misinterpreted exponents of the now struck down section 84(12).

In any event, why should the NASS be involved in legislating for political parties as to who should be their contestants or voting delegates, thus restricting their constitutionally guaranteed rights?  In deepening the plenitude and amplitude of democracy, are the political parties not entitled to be accorded the freedom and latitude to regulate their own activities? I think they are.

Why then should the NASS make a law discriminating against political appointees when they themselves are free to contest, vote and be voted for as delegates at the same congress and conventions? How fair is that, on both moral and legal grounds, aside its unconstitutionality as I have strenuously pointed out above?

NO DIFFERENCE BETWEEN VOTING AT GENERAL ELECTIONS AND VOTING AT POLITICAL PARTY CONGRESSES OR CONVENTIONS

I have heard the argument that the eligibility to vote or be voted for only affects general elections, and not elections at party congresses or conventions. I humbly disagree. Voting is voting; and election is election, whether at a general election, or at an election to elect candidates of political parties at party conventions or congresses. Both have to do with exercising one’s right to make a choice as between two or more candidates at an election through the ballot, or a show of hands. This is clear from the provisions of sections 82, 83 and 84 of the Electoral Act, 2022 (as amended). As in any general election, election by a political party at its congress or convention is invalid without the involvement of INEC. “Every registered political party shall give INEC 21 days notice of any convention, congress, conference or meeting convened for the purpose of ‘merger’ and electing members of its executive committee, other governing bodies or nominating candidates for any of the elective offices specified in this Act” (section 82(1)). See also sections 82 (2) and 82 (4).

The clincher is found in sections 82 (5), which provides that “failure of a political party to notify the Commission as stated in subsection 1 shall render the convention, congress, conference or meeting invalid”.

The non-observance of this critical provision was part of the reasons both the Court of Appeal and Supreme Court declared the votes cast at the 2015 APC primaries in Zamfara state “wasted votes”. I personally handled both cases against the APC. The Supreme Court agreed with my invocation of the doctrine of “consequential relief”, which I had commended to it, and ordered that the CANDIDATE of the political party (NOT the POLITICAL PARTY) that had the next highest number of votes and constitutional spread in the local Government Areas of Zamfara State should produce the next Governor. That was how Dr Bello Mohammed Matawalle became Governor of Zamfara State under the platform of the PDP. See APC & ANOR VS. KABIRU MARAFA & 170 ORS (2020) 6 NWLR (Pt 1721) 383; APC & ORS VS KARFI & 2 ORS (2017) LPELR – 47024 (SC).

This point becomes clearer when one reads section 84 (3) of the Electoral Act, 2020, as amended. It prohibits a political party from imposing nomination qualification or disqualification criteria, measures, or conditions on any aspirant or candidate for any election in its Constitution, guidelines, or rules for nomination of candidates for elections, except as prescribed under section 65, 66, 106, 107, 131, 137, 177 and 187 of the Constitution. Why will the same NASS audaciously ignore section 84 (3) and make section 84 (12) and (13) in the same Act to bar certain persons from contesting in those same elections which it had warned political parties not to go into, when the Constitution itself has not specifically provided for such? Respectfully, the provision of section 84(12) is not only strange, but bizarre.

We must bring in here the rule of statutory interpretation, to the effect that the provisions of the Constitution are to be read as a whole; and not in parts. Can such critics argue that the same Constitution will take away with the left hand in sections 84 (12) and 318 what it has itself donated in sections 40, 42, 65 (1) and (2), 66 (1), 106, 107 (1), 137 (1) (g), 147 (4), 182 and192 (3), thereof? Can it be argued that the same section 84 which in it sub-section (3) forbade political parties from imposing nomination qualifications or disqualifications criteria, or impose conditions on aspirants or candidates for any election, will turn around in subsections 12 and 13 to outrightly ban such candidates from voting or being voted for, simply because they are political appointees? I think not. See the cases of Nafiu Rabiu v. The State (1980) 8-11 SC-130; Abegunde v. Ondo State House of Assembly & Ors (2015) LPELR-24588 (SC), wherein the Supreme Court emphasized the need to read provisions of the Constitution together as a whole and not in parts.

Some people have cited in aid of their arguments the provisions of section 228(a) of the 1999 Constitution which provides that:

“The NASS may by law provide guidelines and rules to ensure INTERNAL DEMOCRACY within political parties, including making laws for the conduct of party primaries, party congresses and party conventions”.

This section actually encourages INTERNAL DEMOCRACY within political parties, which is designed to open up the political space and give every member a feeling of belonging. It was never designed or intended to restrict such members from voting and being voted for. The section actually frontally defeats section 84 (12) and (13) of the Electoral Act, 2022, as amended, and renders them unconstitutional, null and void.

THE JUDGMENT OF THE HIGH COURT IN UMUAHIA

It is with the solid background of the law and constitutionalism espoused above that I totally agree with the judgment recently delivered by Honourable Justice Evelyn Anyadike of the Federal High Court, Umuahia Division. She scored the bull’s eye in striking down the offensive subsection 12 of section 84 of the new Electoral Act in Suit No. UM/CS/26/2022: CHIEF NDUKA EDEDE V AG FEDERATION.

Most critics have never even cared to read the full order made by Justice Anyadike, so as to understand its true import and purport. She did not just restrict her order to only political appointees as is erroneously widely believed. She actually extended it to “any political appointee, political or public office holder”, as envisaged (according to these critics) in sections 84 and 318 of the 1999 Constitution. She actually aligned her order with these sections with the intention to deepen, widen and liberalize the political space. She thus held as follows:

“1. I Declare that Section 84(12) of the Electoral Act, 2022, cannot validly and constitutionally limit, remove, abrogate, disenfranchise, disqualify, and oust the constitutional right or eligibility of any political appointee, political or public office holder to vote or be voted for at any Convention or Congress of any political party for the purposes of nomination of such person or candidate for any election, where such person has “resigned, withdrawn or retired” from the said political or public office, at least 30 days before the date of the election”.

2. I Declare that the provisions of Section 84(12) of the Electoral Act, 2022, which limits, removes, abrogates, disenfranchises, disqualifies, and ousts the constitutional right and eligibility of any political appointee, political or public office holder to vote or be voted for at any Convention or Congress of any political party for the purposes of nomination of such person or candidate for any election, where such person has “resigned, withdrawn or retired” from the said political or public office, at least 30 days before the date of the election, is grossly ultra vires and inconsistent with Sections 6(6)(a) & (b), 66(1)(f), 107(1)(f), 137(1)(g) and 182(1)(g) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) and therefore unconstitutional, invalid, illegal, null, void and of no effect whatsoever.
3. I hereby nullify and set aside Section 84(12) of the Electoral Act, 2022, for being unconstitutional, invalid, null and void to the extent of its inconsistency with Sections 66(1)(f), 107(1)(f), 137(1)(g) and 182(1)(g) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).
4. I hereby order the Defendant (The Attorney General of the Federation) to delete the provisions of Section 84(12) from the Electoral Act, 2022, with immediate effect.”

I respectfully agree with this judgment which remains valid until set aside by a higher appellate court. See the cases of AGBON-OJEME V. SALO-OJEME (2020) LPELR 49688(CA); NKWOKEDI & ORS V. OKUGO & ORS (2002) LPELR-2123(SC); EKPE V. EKURE & ANOR (2014) LPELR-24674(CA); UNITY BANK V. ONUMINYA (2019) LPELR-47507(CA). We shall continue our discourse next week, by God’s grace.

FUN TIMES

“Four men are in the hospital waiting room because their wives are having babies. A nurse approaches the first guy and says, “Congratulations! You’re the father of twins.” “That’s odd,” answers the man. “I work for the Minnesota Twins!” A nurse then yells the second man, “Congratulations! You’re the father of triplets!” “That’s weird,” answers the second man. “I work for the 3M company!” A nurse goes up to the third man saying, “Congratulations! You’re the father of quadruplets.” “That’s strange,” he answers. “I work for the Four Seasons hotel!” The last man begins groaning and banging his head against the wall. “What’s wrong?” the others ask. “I work for 7 Up!”-Anonymous.

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“The illegal we do immediately. The unconstitutional takes a little longer.” (Henry Kissinger).

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Opinion

Rebuilding the Pillars: A Comprehensive Blueprint for Overcoming Nigeria’s Leadership Deficit

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By Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD

Systemic governance reform as the critical foundation for unlocking sustainable development and restoring national promise. “Nations are not built on resources, but on systems. Nigeria’s future rests not on changing leaders, but on transforming the very structures that create them” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD

Introduction: The Leadership Imperative

Nigeria, often described as the “Giant of Africa,” stands at a pivotal moment in its historical trajectory. Possessing unparalleled human capital, vast natural resources, and a dynamic, youthful population, the nation’s potential remains paradoxically constrained by deeply embedded structural deficiencies within its leadership architecture. These systemic flaws—evident across political, corporate, and civic institutions—have created profound cracks that undermine public trust, stifle economic innovation, and impede the delivery of fundamental social goods. This leadership deficit is not merely a political inconvenience; it is the central bottleneck to national progress.

Addressing this challenge requires moving beyond cyclical criticism of individuals and towards a deliberate, strategic reconstruction of the systems that produce, empower, and hold leaders accountable. This blog post presents a holistic, actionable blueprint designed to seal these cracks permanently. It offers a pathway to cultivate a leadership ecosystem that is transparent, accountable, performance-driven, and ethically grounded, thereby delivering tangible possibilities for Nigeria’s people, empowering its corporate sector, and restoring its stature on the global stage.

Section 1: Diagnosing the Structural Cracks—A Multilayered Analysis

A precise diagnosis is essential for effective treatment. Nigeria’s leadership challenges are multifaceted and mutually reinforcing, stemming from three core structural failures.

1. The Governance Architecture Failure

The current system suffers from a fundamental contradiction: a hyper-centralized federal model that stifles local innovation and accountability. Critical institutions, including the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the judiciary, and the civil service, frequently operate with compromised autonomy, inadequate technical capacity, and vulnerability to political interference. Furthermore, the intended checks and balances among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches have weakened, creating avenues for impunity and concentrated power that deviate from democratic principles.

2. The Leadership Pipeline Collapse

The mechanisms for recruiting and developing leaders are fundamentally broken. Political party structures too often prioritize patronage, loyalty, and financial muscle over competence, vision, and ethical fortitude. There exists no systematic, nationwide program for identifying, nurturing, and mentoring successive generations of public servants. This results in a recurring leadership vacuum and a deficiency of cognitive diversity at decision-making tables, limiting the range of solutions for national challenges.

3. The Integrity Infrastructure Erosion

Perhaps the most damaging crack is the erosion of public trust, fueled by opacity and impunity. Decision-making processes and public resource allocations are frequently shrouded in secrecy, while accountability mechanisms are rendered ineffective. The consistent weakness in enforcing ethical codes across sectors has allowed a culture of corruption to persist, which acts as a regressive tax on development, scuttles investor confidence, and demoralizes the citizenry.

Section 2: A Tripartite Framework for Sustainable Transformation

Lasting reform necessitates concurrent, mutually reinforcing interventions across three interconnected pillars.

Pillar I: Constitutional and Institutional Reformation

Implementing True Cooperative Federalism: It is imperative to undertake a constitutional review that clearly delineates responsibilities and revenue-generating authorities among federal, state, and local governments. This empowers subnational entities to become laboratories of development, tailored to local contexts, while fostering healthy competition in providing public services. Fiscal autonomy must be matched with enhanced capacity-building initiatives at the state and local government levels.

Fortifying Independent Institutions: Key democratic institutions require constitutional protection from executive and legislative overreach. This includes guaranteeing transparent, first-line funding from the Consolidated Revenue Fund and establishing rigorous, meritocratic panels for appointing their leadership. Strengthening bodies like the Code of Conduct Bureau and the Public Complaints Commission is equally vital.

Professionalizing the Political Space: Electoral reform must introduce systems like ranked-choice voting to encourage more issue-based, inclusive campaigning. Legislation should mandate demonstrable internal democracy within political parties, including transparent primaries and audited financial disclosures, to reduce the capture of parties by narrow interests.

Pillar II: Cultivating a Leadership Development Ecosystem

Establishing a Premier National School of Governance (NSG): Modeled on institutions like the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, a Nigerian NSG would serve as the apex institution for executive leadership training. Attendance for all senior civil servants, political appointees, and legislators should be mandatory, with curricula focused on strategic public administration, ethical leadership, complex project management, and national policy analysis.

Catalyzing a Corporate Governance Revolution: The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) must enforce stricter codes requiring diverse, independent, and technically competent boards. The private sector should be incentivized—through tax credits or preferential procurement status—to establish leadership fellowship programs that place high-potential private-sector executives into public sector roles for fixed terms, fostering cross-pollination of skills and perspectives.

Instituting a Presidential Leadership Fellowship (PLF): This highly selective, merit-based program would identify Nigeria’s most promising young talents (aged 25-35) from all fields—technology, agriculture, law, the arts—and place them in intensive two-year rotations across critical government agencies, private sector giants, and civil society organizations. This creates a nurtured cohort of future leaders with a national network and a deep understanding of systemic interconnections.

Pillar III: Architecting Robust Accountability & Performance Systems

Deploying a Digital Transparency Platform: A mandatory, open-access National Integrated Governance Portal (NIGP) should display in real-time the status, budget, and contractor details of every major public project. Strategic use of blockchain technology can create immutable records for procurement contracts and resource distribution, significantly reducing opportunities for diversion.

Empowering Oversight and Consequence: Anti-corruption agencies require not only independence but also enhanced forensic capacity and international collaboration. Performance tracking must extend to the judiciary and legislature; publishing annual scorecards on case clearance rates, legislative productivity, and constituency impact can drive public accountability.

Embedding a Culture of Results: All government ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs) must operate under a National Key Results Framework (NKRF). This performance contract system would define clear, measurable quarterly deliverables tied to national development plans. Autonomy and discretionary funding should be increased for MDAs that consistently meet targets, while underperformance triggers mandatory restructuring and leadership review.

Section 3: The Indispensable Cultural Reorientation

Technocratic fixes will fail without a parallel cultural shift that venerates service and integrity.

Embedding Ethics from Foundation: A redesigned national curriculum, from primary through tertiary education, must integrate civic ethics, critical thinking, and Nigeria’s constitutional history to build an informed citizenry that values good governance.

Launching a “Service Nation” Campaign: A sustained, multi-platform national campaign, developed in partnership with respected cultural, religious, and traditional institutions, should celebrate role models of ethical leadership and reframe public service as the nation’s highest calling.

Enacting Ironclad Whistleblower Protections: Comprehensive legislation must be passed to protect whistleblowers from all forms of retaliation, including provisions for anonymous reporting, physical protection, and financial rewards, aligning with global best practices to encourage exposure of malfeasance.

 

Section 4: A Practical, Phased Implementation Roadmap (2025-2035)

Phase 1: The Foundation Phase (Years 1-3)

Convene a National Constitutional Dialogue involving all tiers of government, civil society, and professional bodies.

·      Establish the Nigerian School of Governance (NSG) and inaugurate the first cohort of the Presidential Leadership Fellowship (PLF).

·      Pilot the National Integrated Governance Portal (NIGP) in the Ministries of Health, Education, and Works.

Phase 2: The Integration & Scaling Phase (Years 4-7)

·      Enact and begin implementation of the new constitutional framework on fiscal federalism.

·      Graduate the first NSG cohorts and embed training as a prerequisite for promotions.

·      Roll out the NKRF performance contracts across all federal MDAs and willing pilot states.

Phase 3: The Consolidation & Maturation Phase (Years 8-12)

·      Conduct a comprehensive national review, assessing improvements in governance indices, citizen trust metrics, and economic competitiveness.

·      Establish Nigeria as a regional hub for leadership training, offering NSG programmes to other African nations.

·      Institutionalize a self-sustaining cycle where performance culture and ethical leadership are the unquestioned norms.

Conclusion: Forging a New Path of Leadership

The task of sealing the cracks in Nigeria’s leadership foundation is undeniably monumental, yet it is the most critical work of this generation. It demands a departure from transactional politics and short-term thinking toward a covenant of nation-building. The integrated blueprint outlined here—combining institutional redesign, leadership cultivation, technological accountability, and cultural renewal—provides a viable pathway.

This is not a call for perfection, but for systematic progress. By committing to this journey, Nigeria can transform its governance from its greatest liability into its most powerful asset. The outcome will be a nation where trust is restored, innovation flourishes, and every citizen has a fair opportunity to thrive. The resources, the intellect, and the spirit exist within Nigeria; it is now a matter of courageously building the structures to set them free.

Dr. Tolulope Adeseye Adegoke is a distinguished scholar-practitioner specializing in the intersection of African security, governance, and strategic leadership. His expertise is built on a robust academic foundation—with a PhD, MA, and BA in History and International Studies focused on West African conflicts, terrorism, and regional diplomacy—complemented by high-level professional credentials as a Distinguished Fellow Certified Management Consultant and a Fellow Certified Human Resource Management Professional.

A recognized thought leader, he is a Distinguished Ambassador for World Peace (AMBP-UN) and has been honoured with the African Leadership Par Excellence Award (2024) and the Nigerian Role Models Award (2024), alongside inclusion in the prestigious national compendium “Nigeria @65: Leaders of Distinction.”

Dr. Adegoke’s unique value lies in synthesizing deep historical analysis with practical management frameworks to diagnose systemic institutional failures and design actionable reforms. His work is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and sustainable nation-building in Africa and the globe. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com  & globalstageimpacts@gmail.com

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How Dr. Fatima Ibrahim Hamza (PT, mNSP) Became Kano’s Healthcare Star and a Model for African Women in Leadership

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By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba

My dear country men and women, over the years, I have been opportune to watch numerous speeches delivered by outstanding women shaping the global health sector especially those within Africa. Back home, I have also listened to towering figures like Dr. Hadiza Galadanci, the renowned O&G consultant whose passion for healthcare reform continues to inspire many. Even more closer home, there is Dr. Fatima Ibrahim Hamza, my classmate and colleague. Anyone who knew her from the beginning would remember a hardworking young woman who left no stone unturned in her pursuit of excellence. Today, she stands tall as one of the most powerful illustrations of what African women in leadership can achieve when brilliance, discipline, and integrity are brought together.

Before I dwell into the main business for this week, let me make this serious confession. If you are a regular traveler within Nigeria like myself, especially in the last two years, you will agree that no state currently matches Kano in healthcare delivery and institutional sophistication. This transformation is not accidental. It is the result of a coordinated, disciplined, and visionary ecosystem of leadership enabled by Kano State Governor, Engr Abba Kabir Yusuf. From the strategic drive of the Hospitals Management Board under the meticulous leadership of Dr. Mansur Nagoda, to the policy direction and oversight provided by the Ministry of Health led by the ever committed Dr. Abubakar Labaran, and the groundbreaking reforms championed by the Kano State Primary Health Care Management Board under the highly cerebral Professor Salisu Ahmed Ibrahim, the former Private Health Institution Management Agency (PHIMA) boss, a man who embodies competence, hard work, honesty, and principle, the progress of Kano’s health sector becomes easy to understand. With such a strong leadership backbone, it is no surprise that individuals like Dr. Fatima Ibrahim Hamza is thriving and redefining what effective healthcare leadership looks like in Nigeria.

Across the world, from top medical institutions to global leadership arenas, one truth echoes unmistakably: when women lead with vision, systems transform. Their leadership is rarely about theatrics or force; it is about empathy, innovation, discipline, and a capacity to drive change from the inside out. Kano State has, in recent years, witnessed this truth firsthand through the extraordinary work of Dr. Fatima at Sheikh Muhammad Jidda General Hospital.

In less than 2 years, Dr. Fatima has emerged as a phenomenon within Kano’s healthcare landscape. As the youngest hospital director in the state, she has demonstrated a style of leadership that mirrors the excellence seen in celebrated female leaders worldwide, women who inspire not by occupying space, but by redefining it. Her performance has earned her two high level commendations. First, a recognition by the Head of Service following a rigorous independent assessment of her achievements, and more recently, a formal commendation letter from the Hospitals Management Board acknowledging her professionalism, discipline, and transformative impact.

These acknowledgements are far more than administrative gestures, they place her in the company of women leaders whose influence reshaped nations: New Zealand’s Jacinda Ardern with her empathy driven governance, Liberia’s Ellen Johnson Sirleaf with her courageous reforms, and Germany’s Angela Merkel with her disciplined, steady leadership. Dr. Fatima belongs to this esteemed lineage of women who do not wait for change, they create it.

What sets her apart is her ability to merge vision with structure, compassion with competence, and humility with bold ambition. Staff members describe her as firm yet accessible, warm yet uncompromising on standards, traits that embody the modern leadership model the world is steadily embracing. Under her stewardship, Sheikh Jidda General Hospital has transformed from a routine public facility into an institution of possibility, demonstrating what happens when a capable woman is given the opportunity to lead without constraint.

The recent commendation letter from the Hospitals Management Board captures this evolution clearly: “Dr. Fatima has strengthened administrative coordination, improved patient care, elevated professional standards, and fostered a hospital environment where excellence has become the norm rather than the exception”. These outcomes are remarkable in a system that often battles bureaucratic bottlenecks and infrastructural limitations. Her work is proof that effective leadership especially in health must be visionary, intentional, and rooted in integrity.

In a period when global discourse places increasing emphasis on the importance of women in leadership particularly in healthcare, Dr. Fatima stands as a living testament to what is possible. She has demonstrated that leadership is never about gender, but capacity, clarity of purpose, and the willingness to serve with unwavering commitment.

Her rise sends a powerful message to young girls across Nigeria and Africa: that excellence has no gender boundaries. It is a call to institutions to trust and empower competent women. And it is a reminder to society that progress accelerates when leadership is guided by competence rather than stereotypes.

As Kano continues its journey toward comprehensive healthcare reform, Dr. Fatima represents a new chapter, one where leadership is defined not by age or gender, but by impact, innovation, and measurable progress. She is, without question, one of the most compelling examples of modern African women in leadership today.

May her story continue to enlighten, inspire, and redefine what African women can, and will achieve when given the opportunity to lead.

Dr. Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

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Opinion

Book Review: Against the Odds by Dozy Mmobuosi

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By Sola Ojewusi

Against the Odds is an ambitious, deeply personal, and unflinchingly honest memoir that traces the remarkable rise of Dozy Mmobuosi, one of Nigeria’s most dynamic and controversial entrepreneurs. In this sweeping narrative, Mmobuosi reveals not just the public milestones of his career, but the intimate struggles, internal battles, and defining moments that shaped his identity and worldview.

The book is both a personal testimony and a broader commentary on leadership, innovation, and Africa’s future—and it succeeds in balancing these worlds with surprising emotional clarity.

A Candid Portrait of Beginnings

Mmobuosi’s story begins in the bustling, unpredictable ecosystem of Lagos, where early challenges served as the furnace that forged his ambitions. The memoir details the circumstances of his upbringing, the value systems passed down from family, and the early encounters that sparked his desire to build solutions at scale.

These foundational chapters do important work: they humanize the protagonist. Readers meet a young Dozy not as a business figurehead, but as a Nigerian navigating complex social, financial, and personal realities—realities that millions of Africans will find familiar.

The Making of an Entrepreneur

As the narrative progresses, the memoir transitions into the defining phase of Mmobuosi’s business evolution. Here, he walks readers through the origins of his earliest ventures and the relentless curiosity that led him to operate across multiple industries—fintech, agri-tech, telecoms, AI, healthcare, consumer goods, and beyond.

What is striking is the pattern of calculated risk-taking. Mmobuosi positions himself as someone unafraid to venture into uncharted territory, even when the cost of failure is steep. His explanations offer readers valuable insights into:
• market intuition
• the psychology of entrepreneurship
• the sacrifices required to build at scale
• the emotional and operational toll of high-growth ventures

These passages make the book not only readable but instructive—especially for emerging

African entrepreneurs.

Triumphs, Crises, and Public Scrutiny
One of the book’s most compelling strengths is its willingness to confront controversy head-on.

Mmobuosi addresses periods of intense scrutiny, institutional pressure, and personal trials.

Instead of glossing over these chapters, he uses them to illustrate the complexities of building businesses in emerging markets and navigating public perception.

The tone is reflective rather than defensive, inviting readers to consider the thin line between innovation and misunderstanding in environments where the rules are still being written.

This vulnerability is where the memoir finds its emotional resonance.

A Vision for Africa

Beyond personal history, Against the Odds expands into a passionate manifesto for African transformation. Mmobuosi articulates a vision of a continent whose young population, natural resources, and intellectual capital position it not as a follower, but a potential leader in global innovation.

He challenges outdated narratives about Africa’s dependency, instead advocating for
homegrown technology, supply chain sovereignty, inclusive economic systems, and investment in human capital.

For development strategists, policymakers, and visionaries, these sections elevate the work from memoir to thought leadership.

The Writing: Accessible, Engaging, and Purposeful

Stylistically, the memoir is direct and approachable. Mmobuosi writes with clarity and intention, blending storytelling with reflection in a way that keeps the momentum steady. The pacing is effective: the book moves seamlessly from personal anecdotes to business lessons, from introspection to bold declarations.

Despite its business-heavy subject matter, the prose remains accessible to everyday readers.

The emotional honesty, in particular, will appeal to those who appreciate memoirs that feel lived rather than curated.

Why This Book Matters

Against the Odds arrives at a critical moment for Africa’s socioeconomic trajectory. As global attention shifts toward African innovation, the need for authentic narratives from those building within the system becomes essential.

Mmobuosi’s memoir offers:
• a case study in resilience
• an insider’s perspective on entrepreneurship in frontier markets
• a meditation on reputation, legacy, and leadership
• a rallying cry for African ambition

For readers like Sola Ojewusi, whose work intersects with media, policy, leadership, and social development, this book offers profound insight into the human stories driving Africa’s new generation of builders.

Final Verdict

Against the Odds is more than a success story—it is a layered, introspective, and timely work that captures the pressures and possibilities of modern African enterprise. It challenges stereotypes, raises important questions about leadership and impact, and ultimately delivers a narrative of persistence that audiences across the world will find relatable.

It is an essential read for anyone interested in the future of African innovation, the personal realities behind public leadership, and the enduring power of vision and resilience

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