Opinion
Voice of Emancipation: The Toxicity of the ‘-ocracy’
Published
3 years agoon
By
EricBy Kayode Emola
Looking at the way Nigeria is being governed today, one will ask if we truly are practicing democracy or military governance. Some people will say we are practicing a military government in a civilian outfit. Nigeria is not the only country bedeviled in the ocracy toxicity as several countries around the world are either suffering from one form of this ocracy syndrome. Perhaps, let me take time this week to really summarise the different kinds of governmental systems around the world and we can deduce from it what Nigeria is really practicing.
There are many forms of governing systems practiced throughout the world, with varying opinions both from the people living under them and those looking on from the outside. It is difficult to find one that is universally considered ‘good’, and all too easy to find a way of corrupting to one’s own ends whichever system is currently held. I do not claim to be a student of philosophy nor of political sciences, but I would like to offer my own views here as food for thought.
Looking at autocracy, it is a system of government where one person holds absolute control. This may be in the form of a monarchy, where the monarch rules with absolute power; or in the form of a dictatorship or tyranny. It can be easy to pick out the potential flaws of such a system: having one person who makes all the laws can therefore make themselves above the law, and easily manipulate the system of government to their sole benefit at the expense of their subjects.
Perhaps, deeper consideration can suggest a counterpoint view to this, that having one person making all the decisions frees the rest of the population from the burden of doing so. It also provides a single person to settle disputes, thereby eliminating disparities. The autocratic ruler will have their future implicitly entwined with the future of their state over which they are ruling – this gives them a vested interest in ensuring the future survival of the state in order to ensure the future survival of themselves.
In aristocracy, it is perhaps a more familiar term, though one which today is often used to define a particular social class rather than a system of governance. In its purest form, the term means governance by a ruling elite who hold a higher class or status than the rest. When the term was originally coined by the Ancient Greeks, they suggested that these elite should be comprised of the best of the citizens chosen by careful selection, and was held in contrast to any form of hereditary rule. In modern times, this system espoused by the Greek philosophers would be more likely considered a form of meritocracy, and aristocratic status is largely passed on through family lines.
This, again, has some fairly obvious pitfalls, in that it leads a small, elite group of people to believe that they are somehow above everyone else and that they have the right to rule based purely on an accident of birth. History has clearly shown us that the son of a wise and judicious ruler does not always go on to become a wise and judicious ruler himself. Moreover, when a person is taught from birth that they are superior to those around them, it can lead to a disregard for the ‘common’ people’s wellbeing; as ‘inferior’ beings, they matter less and so their sufferings are less important.
In the case of technocracy, it describes a system of government whereby people are given positions of responsibility based on their expertise in that area. This may, for example, lead to the position of minister for health being given to a medical doctor, minister for education being given to a teacher, minister for justice being given to a lawyer, and so forth. There are many people who believe that this would lead to better policies, as those creating and implementing the policies would have had first-hand experience of what it is like to be in the role of those whom their policies will directly affect. There are three flaws to this thinking. The first is, the qualities that make someone a good doctor (or teacher or lawyer) are not necessarily the same as those qualities that will make them a good leader or policy-maker. One may be an excellent surgeon but have such a terrible interpersonal manner that no one can stand to be in the same room. Or perhaps be an inspiring teacher, but lack the assertiveness to push through unpopular, but necessary, proposals.
The second flaw that I would like to posit is encompassed by the old adage that “Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely”. Once the doctor, lawyer or teacher has been removed from their working environment and placed in a governing position, they may begin to lose touch with the realities of day-to-day working life. One can become insulated, and consequently become insular. They no longer make reforms that will be perceived as beneficial to the ground-level workers but instead pass those that increase inefficiencies in the system or make life harder for said workers.
Finally, these differing areas of governance are not capable of functioning independently without an external body having oversight and coordinating them together. Imagine, the minister for health wants to ban all alcohol and tobacco, whilst the treasurer does not wish to lose the income that taxes on such products provides. If left to function individually, each will be trying to undo the other’s efforts. They require one mediator or ultimate decision-maker. In a technocratic society, where each position is filled by an expert in the subject over which he is appointed to preside, what type of expertise should be sought for the one with the ultimate oversight?
For timocracy, it is a system whereby only those who own property may participate in governmental affairs. A form of this, where only landowners had the right to vote, persisted in the United Kingdom until as recently as 1884, and in the state of North Carolina in the US until 1856. This clearly excludes a large proportion of the population from representation, and can easily slip into a form of plutocracy, where the ruling class is limited to those who are in possession of great wealth or assets.
Since the human condition as it relates to ownership of money and power is to naturally seek more, a plutocratic society engenders a situation where those who are in power because they have significant wealth seek to manipulate the system to increase their wealth. This further secures their position as eligible to rule, creating a positive feedback loop where more money leads to more power, which in turn leads to more money, and so on. Since money and resources are finite, it is inevitable that as those in power will inevitably seek to gain more of them, and causing those not in power to become more impoverished.
In meritocracy, it is often touted as the most desirable system, where people are given position and power based on their merit: talent, effort and/or achievements. Very few countries practice this system of government and in places where it is being practiced, it improves the standard of living of their citizens.
Theocracy is a system whereby rulers are deemed to have been given their position by a deity, and oftentimes hold concurrent positions as head of state and head of the predominating religion. Since the ruler is considered appointed by God, whatever decisions they make are considered to be the divine will, and as such cannot be questioned or held up for scrutiny by the population.
In the case of democracy, it is ostensibly a system where every person has an equal stake in representation, either directly participating in decisions regarding legislation, or by electing representatives to do so on their behalf. Winston Churchill, Prime Minister of the UK from 1940-1945 and 1951-1955, is credited with saying, “Democracy is the worst form of government – except for all the others that have been tried.” It is the most common form of governing system across the western world, held up as the gold standard to be imposed on all other societies, either by negotiation or by force. However, even a cursory look at many of these ‘democratic’ countries would suggest that it has not been the panacea that its proponents suggest.
After all, there are many examples of where a leader has been democratically elected and gone on to impose detrimental legislation upon their subjects – Adolf Hitler and Robert Mugabe spring to mind as two particularly extreme examples of this.
In the case of Nigeria, it purports to be using democracy, but from what I have observed, I would say that the general situation is more one of a theocratic meritocracy and I will explain what it means.
What do I mean by this? Simplistically, the general belief is that God is in control of the fates of all people, and He apportions to them accordingly as they deserve. If someone is in power, it is because God has placed them there because they have proven worthy. On the face of it, this appears to be a good thing, but let me unpack why I think this combination has been toxic for the average person in Nigeria.
There can be no dispute that Nigeria is a country whose society has deep roots in religion. Whether that religion is Christianity, Islam, or traditional religion, there are few in this country who can claim to have no religious affiliation at all. For those who subscribe to one religion or the other, it colours every aspect of their life. When something goes well, it is a blessing from God. When something goes badly, it is a lesson or a reprimand from God. The rulers that are in place are considered to have been put there by God. This is often accompanied by two opposing perspectives: either that the rulers are God’s chosen men (and therefore must be good) or they have been placed over the country to punish it for its transgressions.
Equally, there is a prevailing view that if you have something, whether that is money, possessions or power, it has been given to you by God because you ‘deserve’ it. Therefore, it is the people who are ‘worthy’ that God bequeaths power, money, status, security etc. However, these beliefs carry a dark reciprocal.
A theocratic meritocracy, where it is believed that what you are given by God is whatever you deserve by virtue of your ‘good or bad deeds, says that if bad things are happening to you, it is because you deserve it. If you are living in poverty, it is not because those in power have failed to implement measures to alleviate it, but because you have failed to pray enough, to believe hard enough, or simply to be good enough. It divests responsibility for the wellbeing of the general population away from those in power and places it equally in the hands of God and of you.
It says, “I am where I am because I deserve it because God has seen my good works and has rewarded me. You are where you are because you deserve it. You have not tried hard enough to succeed, you have not worked hard enough, you have not prayed hard enough, you have not given enough money to the church, you have not been good enough. Your situation is therefore your own fault, and so it is the responsibility of you alone to amend it.”
This implicit belief is widely prevailing throughout Nigerian society, though I believe that few realise it is so. It allows the oppression of the general populous both by the ruling classes and by the religious elite and the religious leaders can manipulate this mindset to swell their ranks: “Attend my programme and you will receive God’s blessing!” “This year will be your year of prosperity! Declare it aloud to yourself and to your neighbour, bring your neighbour to the programme and you will prosper!” It also allows them to swell their coffers: “God blesses those who bless others! Give to Him and He will give back to you ten-fold!” “Who will come forward for ₦10,000 worth of blessing? Come, give God the ₦10,000 and He will bless you accordingly! Don’t accept only ₦5,000 worth of blessing. God is worth it, bring it to Him and He will make you a millionaire!”
The ruling class can also use this to their own gain and to maintain their rule. When they become rich by embezzling public funds or by impoverishing their constituents, a meritocratic mindset allows them to say, “I got this by working hard. If you work hard, you, too, can achieve all that I have achieved and own all that I own.” A theocratic mindset allows them to say, “I have what I have because God gave it to me. You cannot blame me for having abundance whilst you lack, because it is not in my control, it is all down to God.”
I should say that I do not purport to put blame either on God or on a belief in Him, but rather on those who have been given the stewardship of the country. It is not a criticism of God that men have twisted and warped His Word to meet their own ends. The responsibility must be placed firmly at the feet of those who have been placed in power over the country, whether one believes that they have been placed there by God or by man or by some combination.
The rulers must be held to account for the way they have managed their position of responsibility – for that is what authority is. Authority is not a statement of worthiness or of being better or superior. It is a position of responsibility, where one takes on duty of care for those who exist under his rule. True authority should be about prioritising the needs of one’s charges over the desires of oneself. But we can only hold our rulers to this standard once we have recognised the lies that we are taught by the system, and thrown off the yoke of believing them. Will Nigeria ever operate a true meritocratic system? I doubt, given that the present leaders live life, all for themselves without caring for the people. With the current levels of campaign for Biafra & Yoruba Nation, it is my hope that the new emerging nations will embrace a system that is fairer to all in order to build a viable society.
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By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN, CON, OFR, LL.D.
“Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor, it must be demanded by the oppressed” (Martin Luther King, Jnr). Justice Walter Onnoghen who was unfairly disgraced out of office presumably as a crook by former dictator President, General Muhammadu Buhari, has just demonstrated this apophthegum through three appeals, namely CA/A/375/2019; CA/A/37/SC/2019 and CA/373C/2019. He valiantly fought for his freedom through these three appeals against his April 18, 2019 outrageous conviction which was schemed by Buhari and his kitchen cabinet to humiliate Onnoghen out of the Bench so as to make CJN, his preferred candidate (Justice Tanko Mohammed), CJN (rtd.) on the eve of the 2019 presidential election. Buhari knew he had performed dismally and would be rejected at the polls by angry and hungry Nigerians. So he went Judge-shopping. The rest as they say is history. The legal saga of Justice Walter Onnoghen is not just the story of one man’s acquittal, but a larger commentary on the poor state of Nigeria’s judiciary and the ever-present tensions between political power wielders and judicial independence. It is a story fit for a Grammy Award movie. His acquittal on 4th November, 2024, by the Court of Appeal in Abuja, marked a significant chapter in Nigeria’s legal history, casting a powerful shadow of doubt and curious spotlight on the principles of separation of power, due process, the sanctity of judicial independence and the perils inherent in political intervention. The appeal that restored Justice Onnoghen’s hard-earned reputation and returned his assets to him is also a profound testament to the importance of procedural integrity and jurisdictional boundaries in any democratic society.
I had the opportunity in the nineties to appear before the brilliant Judex while he was a High Court Judge of the Cross River State Judiciary, Calabar. I know he was a man of integrity and character. During the infamous Onnoghen’s trial by ordeal, I made many interventions. In one, I said:
“A strong judiciary is one of the irreducible fundamental platforms for any meaningful constitutional democracy. If you terrorise, intimidate, harass and humiliate the judiciary, using strong hand and brute force, it is a stage set for bidding democracy farewell”- Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://dailytrust.com/ozekhome-charges-judiciary-to-shut-down-courts-over-onnoghen/). (13th January, 2019).
In a world where the judiciary stands as the final arbiter of justice, Justice Onnoghen’s story is one of a victim who faced unprecedented tribulations, endured a long agonising path to redemption. He ultimately emerged victorious. The appeal process that culminated in his acquittal is a reminder that justice may sometimes be delayed, but it can never be forever denied.
HOW THE APPEAL COURT ACQUITED ONNOGHEN
The verdict by the Court of Appeal represented a turning point in a legal drama that had captivated Nigerians and raised profound questions about the nature and quality of justice in the country. On the 4th of November, 2024, a three-member panel led by Justice Abba Mohammed ruled in favour of the ex-CJN, Walter Onnoghen, acquitting him of the charges initially levied in 2019 by the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) in 2019. This decision not only vacated the earlier conviction but also ordered the unfreezing of all his bank accounts, thus restoring his financial freedom that had been denied him since the controversial trial began.
I have been overwhelmingly vindicated in all my angst and ventilations against the victimhood suffered by Onnoghen. Hear me:
“The CJN can be removed from office either if he has been convicted or if under section 291 of the constitution, the Senate affirms a request by the President to remove him by two-third majority vote” – Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://www.pulse.ng/news/politics/mike-ozekhome-reacts-to-allegations-against-cjn-onnoghen/zdx9del). (12th January, 2019).
The acquittal judgement was predicated on a legal principle central to the Nigerian jurisprudence which articulates around jurisdiction. The Court of Appeal asserted that the CCT had no authority in the first instance to try and convict Justice Onnoghen having not passed through the National Judicial Council (NJC). This oversight, the appellate court argued, rendered the entire proceedings null and void. This requirement had been emphasized in Nigerian case law with decisions such as FRN v. NGANJIWA (2022) LPELR-58066(SC) and OPENE v. NJC & ORS (2011) LPELR-4795(CA), which clearly emphasise that judicial officers must first be vetted by the NJC before facing any criminal trial by a tribunal or court. This process is designed to protect the judiciary and its judexes from strong-hand politicians and political interference, thus ensuring that judges are treated with the respect, dignity and due process that their offices richly deserve. I had angrily queried:
“…Our system of justice being Anglo-Saxon based, which is accusatorial, meaning that the innocence of a person is presumed. It is different from the criminal justice system of the French model which is inquisitorial, wherein the guilt of an accused person is presumed. This doctrine has been encapsulated in section 36 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, that the person’s innocence is presumed until he has been proven guilty. Assuming for example that Senator Bukola Saraki had been forced to resign his office when charges were brought against him before the same Code of Conduct Tribunal almost three years ago, what would have happened and what would have been his fate when the Supreme Court eventually discharged and acquitted him of the charge, following judgements and earlier order of the Court of Appeal and the Code of Conduct Tribunal itself? If you ask me, I sense serious political undertones oozing from this so-called imminent arraignment of the noble CJN. Question, when did they discover the alleged offence for which they now want to charge him on Monday? Was it just yesterday, was it last week, two weeks or six months ago? The CJN has been in office now for well over one year, how come that this misconduct or whatever offence that he is being alleged, was not seen up to now? How come, that it is just less than 40 days to the 2019 Presidential election, when the CJN is going to play the major role in constituting the Presidential election petition tribunal, that he is being moved against? Who is afraid of the Judiciary? Who is afraid of Justice Onnoghen and his impartiality and straightforwardness? How come we are reducing governance in Nigeria to one of impunity, one of despotism and one of absolutism. Don’t this people know that the world is laughing at us? Did we not see how Dino Melaye was yanked out from police hospital and taken to DSS quarters when he had no business or case with the DSS and DSS had no case against him. Did they not see Dino Melaye, a serving Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, sleeping in the open yesterday? Do they go on social media and do they watch international televisions? Do they know how the whole world is deriding us in this country? That governance has been reduced to mere witch-hunt, very opaque, very unaccountable, very un-transparent and very very fascist! Can’t they see that?”- Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://www.pulse.ng/news/politics/mike-ozekhome-reacts-to-allegations-against-cjn-onnoghen/zdx9del). (12th January, 2019).
My intervention as far back as 2019 served as a reality-check, pointing out that removing a Chief Justice can never be a whimsical decision; it is bound by the checks and balances that keep our justice system watered. My then reference to “impunity, despotism, and absolutism” hit like a huge hammer, evoking the imagery of a judiciary under siege of political transaintionists. By drawing parallels with then Senators Saraki and Dino Melaye’s own public tribulations, I attempted to paint a vivid picture of a prostrate justice system afflicted by power jackbootism.
Justice Onnoghen’s acquittal is a clear victory for judicial integrity, independence and an affirmation that the judiciary cannot be used as a pawn on political chessboards. The ruling also reinforces the fact that procedural lapses, especially in matters bordering on citizens right and high-ranking judicial officers, are unacceptable and grossly violate the principle of fair trial. As the Bible counsels in Proverbs 31:9, “Speak up and judge fairly; defend the rights of the poor and needy.” This verse captures the essence of due process, emphasizing that justice must be dispensed with fairness and respect for established procedures. I did not mince words then in condemning the executive lawlessness unleashed on Onnoghen:
“It must be pointed out that this latest step by the CCT… appears to be teleguided by the dictatorial Executive, especially the presidency” – Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://dailypost.ng/2019/02/13/ozekhome-gives-nine-reasons-cct-arrest-order-onnoghen-cannot-stand/). (14th February, 2019).
The ugly circumstances surrounding Justice Onnoghen’s initial trial and conviction by the CCT underscore the potential dangers when procedural norms are bypassed. My passionate critique of the dastardly role played by the Buhari-led administration from 2015 to 2023 as regards Onnoghen’s trial by ordeal revealed the high stakes which were at play. By overstepping the NJC, I had warned then that unchecked executive power could encroach upon the independence of the judiciary which will ultimately undermine the very foundation of democracy.
THE PRECEDENT OF JURISDICTION AND JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE
Justice Walter Onnoghen’s acquittal by the Court of Appeal is not just a victory for one individual, but a landmark affirmation of a fundamental principle of law, that jurisdiction is the bedrock of any valid legal proceeding. Without proper jurisdiction, any judgement rendered is, as many legal scholars have agreed on, will merely be an exercise in futility. This principle is enshrined in our legal jurisprudence to protect the sanctity of judicial offices and prevent arbitrary persecution. The Court of Appeal’s decision to vacate Justice Walter Onnoghen’s conviction reaffirmed this core legal tenet, sending a clear message that the judiciary is not a toothless bulldog and tool to be wielded by the executive or any other arm of government.
“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere” – Martin Luther King Jr. The Nigerian legal framework, supported by landmark cases such as FRN v. NGANJIWA (Supra) and OPENE v. NJC & ORS (Supra), outlines that the NJC must first investigate and make recommendations regarding any allegations against judicial officers before any trial can commence at the CCT. This process serves as a bulwark against arbitrary trials, ensuring that judges are not subjected to undue pressure or political intimidation. I had also then warned about the dangers posed whenever these procedural safeguards are disregarded: “The CCT was unrelenting: it discarded its earlier precedents; ignored court rulings barring it from trying Onnoghen. It was the case of the falcon not hearing the falconer”- Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://www.thecable.ng/ozekhome-onnoghen-resigned-because-the-cabal-had-sealed-his-fate/). (6th April, 2019).
Thus, five years ago (2019), I was nothing short of prophetic. I had foreseen the critical blunders and overreaches that would compromise the integrity of the judiciary in the Onnoghen saga. My warnings were very clear then about the dangerous precedent that was being set in bypassing due process and using the judiciary as a tool for political manoeuvring. As events have now unfolded, my observations then have proven me to be a visionary critic who critiques (not criticises) a justice system that was then on the brink. I had cautioned against the erosion of judicial independence in the face of executive influence. I had given nine reasons why the CCT’s arrest order on and trial of Justice Onnoghen could not stand. See:
(https://dailypost.ng/2019/02/13/ozekhome-gives-nine-reasons-cct-arrest-order-onnoghen-cannot-stand/).
My list was not just a check-list of procedural irregularities; it was also an indictment of a system seemingly hijacked by political buccaneers. Each point landed like a blow, revealing layers of oversight that were by-passed; up to the requirement for humane treatment under the ACJA that was ignored. I meticulously built my case, demonstrating that Onnoghen’s trials were not just about one man, but about the sanctity of the judicial process itself. It was persecution, not prosecution.
My vivid metaphor of the then CJN being “mob-lynched,” painted a grotesque picture of a judiciary cornered by hidoues forces intent on humiliation rather than achieving justice.
Justice Onnoghen’s acquittal by the Court of Appeal thus serves as a reaffirmation of judicial independence, reminding all branches of government that the rule of law cannot be compromised for political expediency. As the Bible says in Psalm 82:3, “Defend the weak and the fatherless; uphold the cause of the poor and the oppressed.” These words resonate deeply in the context of Onnoghen’s trial, encapsulating the judiciary’s duty to protect the innocent from unwarranted persecution and uphold the principles of justice.
POLITICAL UNDERTONES AND THE QUEST FOR JUDICIAL AUTONOMY
Justice Walter Onnoghen’s journey from indictment to acquittal reflects a deeper narrative about the political undertones that permeated his trial. His suspension by then President Muhammadu Buhari which took place only weeks before the 2019 presidential election, had raised significant concerns about the timing and motivations behind the charges. Many saw it as an attempt to influence the judiciary ahead of a critical election, a sentiment I shared and eloquently captured in “Onnoghen… knew that his fate had been pre-determined by the cabal, signed, sealed and delivered”- Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://www.thecable.ng/ozekhome-onnoghen-resigned-because-the-cabal-had-sealed-his-fate/). (6th April, 2019)
The timing of the charges, as well as the swiftness with which Onnoghen was brought to trial, laid validation to public perception that Justice Onnoghen was merely targeted for his position and influence within the judiciary. Like I put it then, “Many facts bear this simple deduction out. The petitioner, an NGO, actually committed the Freudian slip by anchoring its petition on ‘bearing in mind the imminence of the 2019 general elections’” – Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://dailytrust.com/ozekhome-charges-judiciary-to-shut-down-courts-over-onnoghen/). (13th January, 2019).
The Bible, in Proverbs 21:15, declares, “When justice is done, it brings joy to the righteous but terror to evildoers.” The acquittal of Justice Onnoghen, in this light, is therefore not just a personal victory but a broader triumph for all who value justice and integrity.
Like I noted then, “Justice Onnoghen’s removal was also an attempt by the executive arm of government to have a firm control of the nation’s judiciary”- Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN (https://dailypost.ng/2019/02/13/ozekhome-gives-nine-reasons-cct-arrest-order-onnoghen-cannot-stand/). (13th February, 2019).
CONCLUSION
Ultimately, Justice Walter Onnoghen’s acquittal is a landmark victory for judicial independence and a testament to the enduring principles of justice and due process. His journey from indictment to acquittal serves as a potent reminder that the rule of law must remain inviolable, even in the face of political pressures.
Onnoghen’s case will remain a watershed moment in Nigeria’s legal history, a vivid reminder that the judiciary’s role is to safeguard the rule of law, protect citizens’ rights and ensure that democracy even when faced with formidable forces of political influence, triumphs. It should be able to skillfully navigate through the ever present interplay of centripetal and centrifugal forces.
As Nigeria continues to evolve as a work-in-progress, Justice Onnoghen’s exoneration stands as a powerful reminder to us all that, in the words of Proverbs 21:3, “To do what is right and just is more acceptable to the Lord than sacrifice.” Congratulations, Milord. Enjoy your hard won-back integrity, honour and dignity.
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Masquerade of Excellence: Celebrating Prof Mike Ozekhome’s Remarkable Journey @ 67
Published
1 month agoon
October 14, 2024By
EricBy CDS Omon-Irabor Esq
Chief Prof. Dr. Mike A.A. Ozekhome SAN,
the only masquerade that dances in the farm without cutting a single reed of the yam tendrils.
The Gadfly is climbing the 67th rung on the ladder. From the hills of Agenebode down to the plains of the Iviukwe, the celestials, the principalities and the gods of Weppa and Wano Kingdoms are celebrating this colossus, who came in disguise as a little rough village boy; but very comely and handsome, his divine intelligence surpasses those of his peers.
Taking a sudden flight through primary and secondary schools casaded him into the land of Oduduwa. He anchored his life voyage at the ancestral home of the Yorubas, Ile-ife. Here his projenitors believed to have a temporary abode before sending the last born of the Ogisos Ile-ife (I ran and I became rich, Benin translation). Omonoyan (wrongly called Oromiyan) was sent to go to the land of Igodomigodo where today Chief Mike Ozekhome holds the title of Enobakhare of Benin Kingdom.
This great man had all his trappings, equipped himself and became a lawyer, taking abode in the Delphic Oracle (that is what we called the Chambers of Chief Gani Fawehim). There he became the Aristostle, tampering with the Apologia left at the eye of euroba.
He journeyed on, for no destiny, no chance, no faith, nor circumstance could hinder, control or circumvent the firm resolve of a determined soul in Chief Mike Agbedor Abu Ozekhome as epitomised or postulated.
The great learned Senior Advocate of the masses grudges on, defending the most vulnerable and giving voice to the voiceless and muscle to the powerless.
The Okporokpo of Oleh kingdom, Delta State; the Aimotekpe of Okpeland, the Agbamofin of Ijanikinland, Lagos; the Ohamadike1 of Obibi Ochasi, Imo State; the Ada Idaha of Efik land and the great Akpakpa Vighi Vighi of Edo Land, the land of my ancestors, I salute you for it is morning yet.
There is no space here,for my ink is running dry; but before I drop, I remember your words to me while I was in the dock of the Warri High Court on the 12th day of July, 2013, “Omon, you look worried; mind you, those who think that they can cover the shinning sun with their palms will soon find the heat unbearable”.
Those who stopped you from becoming our Governor in 2003 indirectly made you Governor of all Governors.
In all these odyssey you traversed, behind the dìm unknown standeth God, watching over you, His own.
Obokhian, amonghon, iyare iyare, mooooooh.
CDS Omon-Irabor Esq writes from the hill and the cave of Ebudinland
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Mr. President: Affordable Fuel is Possible at Zero Subsidy
Published
1 month agoon
October 12, 2024By
EricBy Dr. Aliyu U. Tilde
Yesterday evening, I listened attentively to a panel of experts and stakeholders on the BBC program Ra’ayi Riga, anchored by Umaima Sani Abdulmumin. The program ended with a big doubt in my mind regarding a matter purported to be a provision of OPEC and crucial to the price of petrol in Nigeria.
Tyranny
I could not fathom how particularly the representatives of NNPC and IPMAN stressed that Nigerians will be at the mercy of two variables: the international market and the price of the US Dollar in Nigeria. They said OPEC agreement compels member countries to sell allocated domestic crude at international rate even if refined locally. One of them even said the Iran-Israel conflict can cause domestic price of petrol in Nigeria to rise.
So we should expect higher fuel prices anytime the rate of the dollar appreciates in Nigeria and also when, for any reason, there is a rise in the cost of crude in the international market. It is the rule, according to them. Our fate, they claim, is sealed, regardless of our OPEC membership and Dangote refinery. Nigerians will no longer have a stable fuel price.
Trust me, in Nigeria, the equation will be simultaneous. At any given moment, a reason will be found to use either or both parameters to increase pump price. The target of government is to extract more revenue from citizens while the businessmen in Dangote, Major Marketers, NNPCL and IPMAN continue to feed their greed for endless profit with our blood.
One would wonder why OPEC would be so oppressive in inflicting such tyranny on the citizens of its members. Senator Ndume, who was in the panel, said if he cannot understand why, how would they expect a commoner sitting under the tree to do so?
The truth
The truth is that there is no provision like that in OPEC agreements. In fact, the very idea of domestic crude quota arose in realization that citizens of member countries may need to enjoy cheaper oil than the international market price. That is why those citizens have been enjoying cheaper fuel for the past five decades in different countries. Many still do. Why not Nigerians?
If you ask ChatGPT whether OPEC agreement compels member countries to sell crude for domestic consumption at international market price only, this is the answer you get:
“OPEC (Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries) does not directly compel member countries to sell crude oil for domestic consumption at international market prices. OPEC’s primary role is to coordinate and unify petroleum policies among member countries to stabilize oil markets and secure a steady supply of oil.
“However, OPEC’s production quotas, agreements on output levels, and policies can indirectly influence domestic oil pricing. In practice, many OPEC members choose to sell crude oil domestically at subsidized rates or prices lower than the international market. This decision is made at the discretion of individual member countries, often as part of national energy policies aimed at supporting domestic economies and industries. Nonetheless, these policies may vary from one member country to another depending on domestic priorities and economic strategies.
“There is no formal OPEC rule that requires domestic sales to match international prices, though it can be influenced by international agreements and market pressures.”
The Truth
The truth is that the President and Minister of Petroleum can sell our 445,000 barrels a day to Dangote at even N50,000/barrel after taking into consideration the cost of extraction and OPEC will not raise any eyebrow. Dangote can charge the cost of refining, add his profit and sell to NNPCL and IPMAN at, say, N300/litre. On their part the marketers will add their cost of transportation, storage, profit, etc., and sell it to Nigerians at N400/litre. And—boom—we all will be happy.
It is entirely the discretion of the President and his government. So whoever wants to sell our locally produced fuel by that simultaneous equation is on his own. There is no OPEC in the equation.
The Squeeze
Also, among those who would fight against Nigerians enjoying affordable fuel rates are the IMF, World Bank and the West generally. They want the government to squeeze us the more such that we can service our debts and collect more loans from the Shylock. The age long philosophy is: our poverty, their wealth; our pain, their joy.
Added to these are local liberal economists who believe in high taxation, claiming that the blood money will be used to develop our infrastructure, health, education, etc. It is just the same old bunkum selling since 1986 at the debut of Naira devaluation while our infrastructure, hospitals and schools continue to deteriorate in rebuttal of that thesis.
A Call
I call on the President to consider the low income status of our citizen. Only affordable fuel price will hold together our social fabric, ensure our prosperity and guarantee our security. It is zero subsidy because we are not buying it from anyone. It is our oil.
The President must keep in mind that the IMF and oil magnates are not his partners in 2027. He is on his own. They will be there to outlive him and work with the next President. Let this sink into his psyche. Tam!
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