Opinion
The Oracle: The NASS: Manual or Electronic Rigging? (PT. 1)
Published
4 years agoon
By
Eric
By Chief Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
The National Assembly was thrust into chaos during the consideration of the Electoral Amendment Bill on the 15th day of July, 2021. Both Houses of the National Assembly were presented with the duty of reviewing the Electoral Act of 2010 by the advent of the Electoral Amendment Bill. While the House of Representatives were unable to pass the Electoral Act Amendment Bill because of major contentious issues that emanated during the debate, the Senate, however, successfully passed the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill, 2021 (“the Bill”). While this amendment should have been an upgrade to the Electoral Act, 2010, the reverse seems to be the case. The Bill dragged Nigeria back into the past, when its Clause 52(3) stripped the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of the exclusive powers to conduct voting electronically.
The Senate’s ruling was divided between members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and those of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on the practicability or otherwise of transmitting election results electronically. The debate on this sole issue rendered other provisions in the Bill less prominent, as it became the centre of attention. While all the supporters for Clause 52(3) of the Bill were members of the APC, members of the PDP expressed their reservations and voted otherwise. It is brow-raising that significant Bills and Laws passed in Nigeria seem to be debated more on a party-basis, rather than on the basis of merits. The decision of the Senate has received nationwide scrutiny for its unconstitutionality and as a Constitutional Lawyer who always seeks to contribute to Nigeria’s development, I cannot sit and watch from the side-lines as a spectator. It is on this basis that I offer my humble analysis of the Senate’s decision.
THE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION (INEC)
The 1999 Constitution establishes INEC as a federal executive body tasked with regulating elections into different political offices in Nigeria. The Constitution broadly defines the scope of the Commission’s powers, functions and responsibilities, and provides for the appointment of the Chairman and other members of the Commission by the President, subject to the Senate’s confirmation. The functions of INEC include organising and supervising all elections to political offices; registering and monitoring the operation of political parties in accordance with the provision of the 1999 Constitution and Acts of National Assembly; conducting voter and civic education; promoting knowledge of sound democratic election processes; etc.
Notwithstanding the appointment of the Chairman and other members of the Commission by the President (Executive) subject to confirmation by the Senate (Legislature), INEC is an independent body. The word “independent” is forged into INEC’s name to emphasise the importance of its independence when carrying out its functions. Moreover, its mission statement reads, “to serve as an INDEPENDENT and effective EMB committed to the conduct of free, fair and credible elections for sustainable democracy in Nigeria” (underline supplied for emphasis). INEC is therefore empowered to carry out all its functions independently, free from external control and influence. Both the 1999 Constitution and the Electoral Act, 2010, provide that INEC is the regulatory body in charge of operating the electoral system of voting in Nigeria.
ELECTORAL SYSTEM OF VOTING
The electoral system or voting system in Nigeria is a set of rules that determine how elections are conducted and how their results are determined; when elections occur; who is allowed to vote; who can stand as a candidate; how ballots are marked and cast; how they are counted; how they translate the election outcome; and other factors that can affect the result. The duty to operate Nigeria’s electoral system has been bestowed on INEC by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999. Section 78 of the 1999 Constitution provides, in clear and unambiguous words, thus:
“The registration of voters and the conduct of elections shall be subject to the direction and supervision of the Independent National Electoral Commission”.
ELETRONIC VOTING
Electronic voting (also known as e-voting) is voting that utilises electronic means in aiding the casting and counting of votes. It encompasses a range of internet services, from basic transmission of tabulated results to full-function online voting through common connectable household devices. E-voting may be limited to simple tasks such as marking a paper ballot, or comprehensive enough to include vote input, vote recording, data encryption and transmission to servers, and consolidation and tabulation of election results.
E-voting can be done either physically (through electronic voting machines located at polling stations which can be supervised by representatives of governmental or independent electoral authorities) or through remote means (such as the internet, where the voter submits his or her vote electronically to the election authorities, from any location. A functional e-voting system must perform most of these tasks while complying with a set of standards established by regulatory bodies, and must also be capable to deal successfully with strong requirements associated with accuracy, privacy, security, integrity, swiftness, auditability, accessibility and effectiveness. This regulatory body is provided by section 78 of the 1999 Constitution to be INEC.
TYPES OF ELECTRONIC VOTING SYSTEMS AND COUNTRIES THAT HAVE UTILISED THEM
Paper-based voting systems
Electronic voting systems for electorates have been in use since the 1960s, when the United States of America (USA) made use of punched card systems in its 1964 presidential election. Since then, different types of electronic systems have been utilised during elections. Paper-based voting systems originated as a system where votes are cast and counted by hand. But, electronic tabulation gave rise to systems paper cards or sheets could be marked by hand, but counted electronically. These systems include ballot marking devices, digital pen voting systems and punched card voting. The Johnson County of Iowa, USA, made use of these systems in 2010.
Direct-recording electronic (DRE) voting system
A DRE voting machine records votes, processes data with computer software, and records voting data and ballot images. After the election, it produces a tabulation of the voting data stored in a removable memory component and as a printed copy. The system helps to transmit individual ballots and vote totals to a central location for consolidating and reporting results from polling units. This system was greatly used by the USA in 2004, where over 28.9% of its registered voters made use of the DRE voting system. In 2004, India adopted the DRE voting system in the form of Electronic Voting Machines (EVM) to conduct elections to its parliament with 380 million voters casting their ballots using more than one million voting machines. DRE voting machines continue to be used in all elections in Brazil and India, and also on a large scale in Venezuela and the USA. It was however decommissioned in Netherlands after public concerns were raised.
Internet voting system
Internet voting can use remote locations (voting from any internet capable computer) or can use traditional polling locations with voting booths equipped with such internet capable computers. Internet voting systems have been used privately in many modern nations and publicly in the USA, United Kingdom, Switzerland, Brazil, France, Portugal, Spain and Estonia. In Switzerland, voters get their passwords to access the ballot through the postal service. Several voters in Estonia cast their vote via the Internet, as most of those on the electoral roll have access to an e-voting system.
Online voting system
Online voting is majorly used by the Japanese private sector, with smartphones being the mainstream used for online voting. This system of voting is also utilised in Australia, Estonia, Switzerland, Russia and the United States. The introduction of online voting in municipal elections in the Ontario, Canada, resulted in an average increase in turnout of around 3.5 percentage points, as it helped to induce some occasional voters to participate who would have abstained if online voting was not available. In the 2017 Estonian local elections, the internet voting system proved to be most cost-efficient system introduced compared to other voting systems.
Electronic Ballots
Electronic voting systems may use electronic ballot to store votes in computer memory. This voting system dissolves the risk of inadequate ballot papers and also removes the need for printing paper ballots, which are usually at a significant cost. The electronic ballots can be programmed to provide ballots in multiple languages for a single machine. This advantage with respect to different languages is unique to electronic voting. This was used in King County, Washington where the electronic ballot provided access to Chinese in the US Federal election. This is obviously useful in a diverse multi-ethnic country like Nigeria who boasts of over 374 ethnic groups eith different languages (according to Professor Onigu Otite). This would better inform voters (who are not well versed in English language) and encourage them to participate in the election process.
BENEFITS OF ELECTRONIC VOTING
Electronic voting technology helps to speed the counting of votes, reduce the labour costs of workers who manually count votes and provides improved accessibility for voters. Ultimately, it helps to decrease expenses used in conducting elections. Results are reported and published faster. Voters save time and cost by being able to vote independently from their location, with no form of duress, panic voting or forced voting, which will likely overall voter turnout.
It is also more secure than ballot/physical voting. Here, cases of election malpractice often experienced in elections conducted in Nigeria – such as ballot boxes snatching and burning, shortage of ballot papers, over-crowding in polling units (especially in a time where Covid-19 is ravaging), disruption and discontinuation of voting by street thugs and even security agencies, having one person thumbprint on multiple ballot papers – will be significantly limited and ultimately avoided.
CONCERNS ASSOCIATED WITH ELECTRONIC VOTING
Critics of electronic voting argue that humans are not equipped to verify operations occurring with an electronic machine and therefore, the operations cannot be trusted. Cases have been recorded of machines making unpredictable, inconsistent errors. Therefore, there is no guarantee that the collated and tabulated results are authentic and accurate. This is further worsened by the fact that commercial voting machines results may be changed by the company providing the machine or any skilled hacker.
There is also the issue of cost. While e-voting may decrease expenses in the long run, it is very expensive to introduce. The installation of electronic voting systems are very high; so high that many governments do not invest in it. Many also critic electronic voting to be unnecessary believing that it is not a long-term solution. Afterall, it retains many problems associated with physical ballot voting.
Moreover, electronic voting is usually practicable in countries with technological growth and development. Countries with low technological advancement and low network/internet coverage will face issues with e-voting. People without internet access and/or the skills to make use of such e-voting means will be totally excluded from the voting process, which is a breach of their right to vote. It is this concern that electronic voting and transmission of votes would disenfranchise some Nigerians in areas with poor or no network coverage, that led members of the APC to recommend that for electronic transmission of results to be allowed during election, the national network coverage across Nigeria must be adjudged to be adequate by the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and approved by the National Assembly.
THE SENATE’S RULING ON ELECTRONIC TRANSMISSION OF RESULTS
The Senate passed the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill, 2021, after a clause-by-clause consideration of the report of the Committee on INEC. The Committee on INEC had reported that “INEC may transmit results of elections by electronic means where and when practicable”. Senator Aliyu Sabi Abdullahi (APC, Niger) proposed an amendment to this recommendation on the basis that electronic transmission of results would disenfranchise some Nigerians in areas with poor or no network coverage. Senator Albert Bassey Akpan (PDP, Akwa Ibom) contended this proposal via a motion, which was unsuccessful after a voice vote. The approval of Senator Sabi’s amendment by Senate President, Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan, was met with chaos and uncomplimentary verbal exchanges amongst Senators.
Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe of PDP, Abia, then cited Order 73, calling for division and allowing Senators to contest the ruling of the Senate President. The Senators took turns to vote on the amendment proposed by Senator Sabi and at the end, 52 Senators voted for Sabi’s amendment while 28 voted against it. All 52 Senators who voted for the amendment were from the APC ruling party, while the 28 who voted against were of PDP. There is no other parliamentary or legislative decision taken elsewhere in the world, where the divide is based solely on a political basis, rather than a merit basis.
Consequent upon the conclusion of the open voting, he Senate President thus approved the amendment which provided for electronic transmission of results during elections, but with a caveat that, “the national network coverage is adjudged to be adequate and secured by Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and approved by the National Assembly”.
To be continued…
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Opinion
A Holistic Framework for Addressing Leadership Deficiencies in Nigeria, Others
Published
2 days agoon
February 6, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD
“Effective leadership is not a singular attribute but a systemic outcome. It is forged by institutions stronger than individuals, upheld by accountability with enforceable consequences, and sustained by a society that demands integrity as the non-negotiable price of power. The path to renewal—from national to global—requires us to architect systems that make ethical and competent leadership not an exception, but an inevitable product of the structure itself” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
Introduction: Understanding the Leadership Deficit
Leadership deficiencies in the modern era represent a critical impediment to sustainable development, social cohesion, and global stability. These shortcomings—characterized by eroded public trust, systemic corruption, short-term policymaking, and a lack of inclusive vision—are not isolated failures but symptoms of deeper structural and ethical flaws within governance systems. Crafting effective solutions requires a clear-eyed, unbiased analysis that moves beyond regional stereotypes to address universal challenges while respecting specific contextual realities. This document presents a comprehensive, actionable framework designed to rebuild effective leadership at the national, continental, and global levels, adhering strictly to principles of meritocracy, accountability, and transparency.
I. Foundational Pillars for Systemic Reform
Any lasting solution must be built upon a bedrock of core principles. These pillars are universal prerequisites for ethical and effective governance.
1. Institutional Integrity Over Personality: Systems must be stronger than individuals. Governance should rely on robust, transparent, and rules-based institutions that function predictably regardless of incumbents, thereby minimizing personal discretion and its attendant risks of abuse.
2. Uncompromising Accountability with Enforceable Sanctions: Accountability cannot be theoretical. It requires independent oversight bodies with real investigative and prosecutorial powers, a judiciary insulated from political interference, and clear consequences for misconduct, including loss of position and legal prosecution.
3. Meritocracy as the Primary Selection Criterion: Leadership selection must transition from patronage, nepotism, and identity politics to demonstrable competence, proven performance, and relevant expertise. This necessitates transparent recruitment and promotion processes based on objective criteria.
4. Participatory and Deliberative Governance: Effective leaders leverage the collective intelligence of their populace. This demands institutionalized channels for continuous citizen engagement—beyond periodic elections—such as citizen assemblies, participatory budgeting, and formal consultation processes with civil society.
II. Context-Specific Strategies and Interventions
A. For Nigeria: Catalyzing National Rebirth Through Institutional Reconstruction
Nigeria’s path requires a dual focus: dismantling obstructive legacies while constructing resilient, citizen-centric institutions.
· Constitutional and Electoral Overhaul: Reform must address foundational structures. This includes a credible review of the federal system to optimize the balance of power, the introduction of enforceable campaign finance laws to limit monetized politics, and the implementation of fully electronic, transparent electoral processes with real-time result transmission audited by civil society. Strengthening the independence of key bodies like INEC, the judiciary, and anti-corruption agencies through sustainable funding and insulated appointments is non-negotiable.
· Genuine Fiscal Federalism and Subnational Empowerment: The current over-centralization stifles innovation. Empowering states and local governments with greater fiscal autonomy and responsibility for service delivery would foster healthy competition, allow policy experimentation tailored to local contexts, and reduce the intense, often violent, competition for federal resources.
· Holistic Security Sector Reform: Addressing insecurity requires more than hardware. A comprehensive strategy must include community-policing models, merit-based reform of promotion structures, significant investment in intelligence capabilities, and, crucially, parallel programs to address the root causes: youth unemployment, economic inequality, and environmental degradation.
· Investing in the Civic Infrastructure: A functioning democracy requires an informed and engaged citizenry. This mandates a national, non-partisan civic education curriculum and robust support for a free, responsible, and financially sustainable press. Protecting journalists and whistleblowers is essential for maintaining transparency.
B. For Africa: Leveraging Continental Solidarity for Governance Enhancement
Africa’s prospects are tied to its ability to act collectively, using regional and continental frameworks to elevate governance standards.
· Operationalizing the African Governance Architecture: The African Union’s mechanisms, particularly the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), must transition from voluntary review to a system with meaningful incentives and consequences. Compliance with APRM recommendations could be linked to preferential access to continental infrastructure funding or trade benefits under the AfCFTA.
· The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a Governance Catalyst: Beyond economics, the AfCFTA can drive better governance. By creating powerful cross-border commercial interests, it builds domestic constituencies that demand policy predictability, dispute resolution mechanisms, and regulatory transparency—all hallmarks of sound leadership.
· Pan-African Human Capital Development: Strategic investment in continental human capital is paramount. This includes expanding regional centers of excellence in STEM and public administration, fostering academic and professional mobility, and deliberately cultivating a new generation of technocrats and leaders through programs like the African Leadership University.
· Consistent Application of Democratic Norms: Regional Economic Communities (RECs) must enforce their own democratic charters uniformly. This requires establishing clear, automatic protocols for responding to unconstitutional changes of government, including graduated sanctions, rather than ad-hoc diplomatic responses influenced by political alliances.
C. For the Global System: Rebuilding Equitable and Effective Multilateralism
Global leadership crises often stem from outdated international structures that lack legitimacy and enforceability.
· Reforming Archaic Multilateral Institutions: The reform of the United Nations Security Council to reflect 21st-century geopolitical realities is essential for its legitimacy. Similarly, the governance structures of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank must be updated to give emerging economies a greater voice in decision-making.
· Combating Transnational Corruption and Illicit Finance: Leadership deficiencies are often funded from abroad. A binding international legal framework is needed to enhance financial transparency, harmonize anti-money laundering laws, and expedite the repatriation of stolen assets. This requires wealthy nations to rigorously police their own financial centers and professional enablers.
· Fostering Climate Justice and Leadership: Effective global climate action demands leadership rooted in equity. Developed nations must fulfill and be held accountable for commitments on climate finance, technology transfer, and adaptation support. Leadership here means honoring historical responsibilities.
· Establishing Norms for the Digital Age: The technological frontier requires new governance. A global digital compact is needed to establish norms against cyber-attacks on civilian infrastructure, the use of surveillance for political repression, and the cross-border spread of algorithmic disinformation that undermines democratic processes.
III. Universal Enablers for Transformative Leadership
Certain interventions are universally applicable and critical for cultivating a new leadership ethos across all contexts.
· Strategic Leadership Development Pipelines: Nations and institutions should invest in non-partisan, advanced leadership academies. These would equip promising individuals from diverse sectors with skills in ethical decision-making, complex systems management, strategic foresight, and collaborative governance, creating a reservoir of prepared talent.
· Redefining Success Metrics: Moving beyond Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as the primary scorecard, governments should adopt and be assessed on holistic indices that measure human development, environmental sustainability, inequality gaps, and citizen satisfaction. International incentives, like preferential financing, could be aligned with performance on these multidimensional metrics.
· Creating a Protective Ecosystem for Accountability: Robust, legally enforced protections for whistleblowers, investigative journalists, and anti-corruption officials are fundamental. This may include secure reporting channels, legal aid, and, where necessary, international relocation support for those under threat.
· Harnessing Technology for Inclusive Governance: Digital tools should be leveraged to deepen democracy. This includes secure platforms for citizen feedback on legislation, open-data portals for public spending, and digital civic assemblies that allow for informed deliberation on key national issues, complementing representative institutions.
Conclusion: The Collective Imperative for Renewal
Addressing leadership deficiencies is not a passive exercise but an active, continuous project of societal commitment. It requires the deliberate construction of systems that incentivize integrity and penalize malfeasance. For Nigeria, it is the arduous task of rebuilding a social contract through impartial institutions. For Africa, it is the strategic use of collective action to elevate governance standards continent-wide. For the world, it is the courageous redesign of international systems to foster genuine cooperation and justice. Ultimately, the quality of leadership is a direct reflection of the standards a society upholds and enforces. By implementing this multilayered framework—demanding accountability, rewarding merit, and empowering citizens—a new paradigm of leadership can emerge, transforming it from a recurrent source of crisis into the most reliable engine for human progress and shared prosperity.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and resilient nation-building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Opinion
Tali Shani vs Mike Ozekhome: How a Legal Mole-Hill Was Turned into a Mountain
Published
2 days agoon
February 6, 2026By
Eric
By Abubakar D. Sani, Esq
INTRODUCTION
News of the decision of a British Tribunal in respect of a property situate in London, the UK’s capital, whose ownership was disputed has gained much publicity since it was delivered in the second week of September 2025. For legal reasons, the charges brought against prominent lawyer, Chief Mike Ozekhome, SAN, based on same is the most that can be said of it as no arraignment was made before Hon. Justice Kekemeke of the High court of the FCT, Abuja, sitting in Maitama.
Accordingly, this intervention will be limited to interrogating the common, but false belief (even in legal circles), that the Tribunal somehow indicted him with conclusive ‘guilt’. I intend to argue that this belief is not correct; and that, on the contrary, nothing could be further from the truth. For the sake of context, therefore, it is necessary to refer to relevant portions of the decision of Judge Paton (the name of the Tribunal’s presiding officer), which completely exonerated Chief Ozekhome, but which his detractors have always conveniently suppressed.
WHAT DID THE TRIBUNAL SAY?
Not a few naysayers, smart-alecs, emergency analysts and self-appointed pundits have been quick to latch on to some passages in the judgement of the Tribunal which disagreed with Ozekhome’s testimony to justify their crucifixion of Chief Ozekhome – even without hearing his side of the story or his version of events. This is a pity, of course, especially for the supposedly learned senior lawyers among them who, by ignoring the age-old principle of fair hearing famously captured as audi alterem partem (hear the other side) have unwittingly betrayed patent bias, malice, malevolence and utter lack of bona fides as the major, if not exclusive, motivator of their view-points and opinions. I have particularly watched about five of such senior lawyers shop from one platform to another, with malicious analysis to achieve nothing, but reputational damage. They know themselves.
Before proceeding to those portions, it is important to acknowledge that the Tribunal conducted a review of the evidence placed before it. The proceedings afforded all parties the opportunity to present their respective cases. The learned Judge carefully evaluated the testimonies, documentary exhibits and surrounding circumstances and rendered a reasoned decision based on the materials before the Tribunal.
It is also not in doubt that the Tribunal made certain critical observations in the course of assessing the credibility of the witnesses and the plausibility of their explanations. Such evaluative comments are a normal and inevitable feature of judicial fact-finding, particularly in property tribunals in contested proceedings involving complex transactions and disputed narratives. They do not amount to indictment.
It is precisely the improper isolation and mischaracterization of some of these observations that have given rise to the present misconception that the Tribunal somehow pronounced a verdict of guilt on Chief Ozekhome. It is therefore necessary to place the relevant excerpts in their proper legal and factual context, so as to demonstrate how the self-same tribunal exonerated Ozekhome.
“Paragraph 98: Once one steps back from that material, and considers the Respondent’s own direct personal knowledge of relevant matters relating to this property, this only commences in 2019. That is, he confirmed, when he was first introduced to Mr. Tali Shani – he thought in about January of that year. He did not therefore know him in 1993, or at any time before January 2019. He could not therefore have any direct knowledge of the circumstances of the purchase of this property, or its management prior to 2019. He had, however, known the late General Useni for over 20 years prior to his death, as both his lawyer and friend.
“Paragraph 103: Such of the Respondent’s written evidence had been about the very recent management of the property, and in particular his dispute over its management (and collection of rents) with one Nicholas Ekhorutowen, who provided no evidence in this case. The Respondent confirmed in oral evidence that it was upon the execution of the powers of attorney that he came into possession of the various pre registration title and conveyancing documents which formed part of his disclosure. These had been handed over to him by the next witness who gave evidence, Mr. Akeem Johnson.
“Paragraph 168: Unlike the fictitious “Ms. Tali Shani”, a man going by the name of Mr. Tali Shani exists and gave evidence before me in that name. A certified copy of an official Nigerian passport was produced both to the Land Registry and this Tribunal, stating that Mr. Tali Shani was born on 2nd April 1973. I do not have the evidence, or any sufficient basis, to find that this document – unlike the various poor and pitiful forgeries on the side of the “Applicant” – is forged, and I do not do so.
“Paragraph 200: First, I find that General Useni, since he was in truth the sole legal and beneficial owner of this property (albeit registered in a false name), must in some way have been connected to this transfer, and to have directed it. He was clearly close to, and on good terms with, the Respondent. There is no question of this being some sort of attempt by the Respondent to steal the general’s property without his knowledge.
“Paragraph 201: As to precisely why General Useni chose to direct this transfer to the Respondent, I do not need to (and indeed cannot) make detailed findings. I consider that it is highly possible that it was in satisfaction of some debt or favour owed. The Respondent initially angrily denied the allegation (made in the various statements filed on behalf of the “Applicant”) that this was a form of repayment of a loan of 54 million Naira made during the general’s unsuccessful election campaign. In his oral evidence, both he and his son then appeared to accept that the general had owed the Respondent some money, but that it had been fully paid off. The general himself, when asked about this, said that he “did not know how much money he owed” the Respondent.
“Paragraph 202: I do not, however, need to find precisely whether (and if so, how much) money was owed. The transfer may have been made out of friendship and generosity, or in recognition of some other service or favour. The one finding I do make, however, is that it was the decision of General Useni to transfer the property to the Respondent.”
It must be emphasised that even where a court finds that a witness has given inconsistent, fluctuating, or implausible testimony, as some have latched on, such a finding does not, without more, translate into civil or criminal liability. At best, it affects the weight and credibility to be attached to such evidence. It does not constitute proof of fraud, conspiracy, or criminal intent. See MANU v. STATE (2025) LPELR-81120(CA) and IKENNE vs. THE STATE (2018) LPELR-44695 (SC)
Notwithstanding the Tribunal’s engagement with the evidence, certain passages had been selectively extracted and sensationalised by critics. On the ipssisima verba (precise wordings) of the Tribunal, only the above paragraphs which are always suppressed clearly stand out in support of Chief Ozekhome’s case, as the others were more like opinions.
Some paragraphs in the judgement in particular, appear to have been carefully selected as “weapons” in Chief Ozekhome’s enemies’ armoury, as they are most bandied about in the public space. The assumption appears to be that such findings are conclusive of his guilt in a civil property dispute. This is unfortunate, as the presumption of innocence is the bedrock of our adversarial criminal jurisprudence. It is a fundamental right guaranteed under section 36 of the Constitution and Article 7 of the African Charter which, regrettably, appear to have been more observed in the breach in his case.
More fundamentally, the selective reliance on few passages that disagreed with his evidence or testimony and that of Mr. Tali Shani, ignore the above wider and more decisive findings of the Tribunal itself. A holistic reading of the judgment reveals that the Tribunal was far more concerned with exposing an elaborate scheme of impersonation, forgery, and deception orchestrated in the name of a fictitious Applicant, Ms Tali Shani, and not Mr. Tali Shani (Ozekhome’s witness), who is a living human being. These findings, which have been largely ignored in public discourse, demonstrate that the gravamen of the Tribunal’s decision lay not in any indictment of Chief Ozekhome, but in the collapse of a fraudulent claim against him, which was founded on false identity and fabricated documents.
The Tribunal carefully distinguished a fake “Ms” Tali Shani (the Applicant), who said she was General Useni’s mistress and owner of the property, and the real owner, Mr Tali Shani, who was Chief Ozekhome’s witness before the Tribunal. It was the Tribunal’s finding that she was nothing but a phantom creation and therefore rejected her false claim to the property (par. 123). It also rejected the evidence of her so called cousin (Anakwe Obasi) and purported son (Ayodele Obasi) (par. 124).
The Tribunal further found that it was the Applicant and her cohorts that engaged in diverse fraud with documents such as a fraudulent witness statement purportedly from General Useni; all alleged identity documents; fabricated medical correspondence; the statement of case and witness statements; a fake death certificate; and a purported burial notice. (Paragraph 125). Why are these people not concerned with Barrister Mohammed Edewor, Nicholas Ekhoromtomwen, Ayodele Damola, and Anakwe Obasi? Why mob-lynching Chief Ozekhome?
The Tribunal found that the proceedings amounted to an abuse of process and a deliberate attempt to pervert the course of justice. It therefore struck out the Applicant’s claim (Paragraphs 130–165). The Tribunal significantly found that Mr Tali Shani exists as a human being and had testified before it in June, 2024. It accepted a certified Nigerian passport he produced, and accepted its authenticity and validity (Paragraph 168). Can any objective person hold that Ozekhome forged any passport as widely reported by his haters when the maker exists?
Having examined the factual findings of the Tribunal and their proper context, the next critical issue is the legal status and probative value of such findings. The central question, therefore, is whether the observations and conclusions of a foreign tribunal, made in the course of civil proceedings, are sufficient in law to establish civil or criminal liability against a person in subsequent proceedings.
STATUS OF JUDGEMENTS UNDER THE LAW
The relevant statutory provisions in Nigeria are sections 59, 60, 61, 173 and 174 of the Evidence Act 2011, provide as follows, respectively:
Section 59: “The existence of any judgment, order or decree which by law prevents any court from taking cognisance of a suit or holding a trial, is a relevant fact, evidence of which is admissible when the question is whether such court ought to take cognisance of such suit or to hold such trial”;
Section 60(I): “A final judgment, order or decree of a competent court, in the exercise of probate. Matrimonial, admiralty or insolvency jurisdiction, which confers upon or takes away from any person any legal character. or which declares any person to be entitled to any such character or to be entitled to any specific thing, not as against any specified person but absolutely, is admissible when the existence of any such legal character, or the title of any such legal persons to an) such thing, is relevant (2) Such judgment, order or decree is conclusive proof (a)that any legal character which it confers accrued at the time when such judgment, order or decree came into operation; (b) that any legal character. to which it declares any such person to be entitled. accrued to that person at the time when such judgment order or decree declares it to have accrued to that person; (c) that any legal character which it takes away from any such person ceased at the time from which such judgment, order or decree declared that it had ceased or should cease; and (d) that anything to which it declares any person to be so entitled was the property of that person at the time from which such judgment. order or decree declares that it had been or should be his property”;
Section 61: “Judgments, orders or decrees other than those mentioned in section 60 are admissible if they relate to matters of a public nature relevant to the inquiry; but such judgments, orders or decrees are not conclusive proof of that which they state”
Section 173: “Every judgment is conclusive proof, as against parties and privies. of facts directly in issue in the case, actually decided by the court. and appearing from the judgment itself to be the ground on which it was based; unless evidence was admitted in the action in which the judgment was delivered which is excluded in the action in which that judgment is intended to be proved”.;
Section 174(1): “If a judgment is not pleaded by way of estoppel it is as between parties and privies deemed to be a relevant fact, whenever any matter, which was or might have been decided in the action in which it was given, is in issue, or is deemed to be relevant to the issue in any subsequent proceeding”;
(2):”Such judgment is conclusive proof of the facts which it decides, or might have decided, if the party who gives evidence of it had no opportunity of pleading it as an estoppel”.
It can be seen that the decision of the Tribunal falls under the purview of section 61 of the Evidence Act, as the provisions of sections 59 and 60 and of sections 173 and 174 thereof, are clearly inapplicable to it. In other words, even though some Judge Paton’s findings in respect of Chief Ozekhome’s testimony at the Tribunal relate to matters of public nature (i.e., the provenance and status of No. 79 Randall Avenue, Neasden, London, U.K and the validity of his application for its transfer to him) none of those comments or even findings is in any way conclusive of whatever they may assert or state (to use the language of section 60 of the Evidence Act).
In this regard, see the case of DIKE V NZEKA (1986) 4 NWLR pt.34 pg. 144 @ 159 where the Supreme Court construed similar provisions in section 51 of the old Evidence Act, 1948. I agree with Tar Hon, SAN (S. T. Hon’s Law of Evidence in Nigeria, 3rd edition, page 1041) that the phrase ‘public nature’ in the provision is satisfied where the judgement is clearly one in rem as opposed to in personam. It is pertinent to say a few words about both concepts, as they differ widely in terms of scope. The former determines the legal status of property, a person, a particular subject matter, or object, against the whole world, and is binding on all persons, whether they were parties to the suit or not. See OGBORU V IBORI (2005) 13 NWLR pt. 942 pg. 319 @407-408 per I. T. Muhammed, JCA (as he then was).
This was amplified by the apex court in OGBORU V UDUAGHAN (2012) LLJR -SC, where it held, per Adekeye, JSC that: “A judgment in rem maybe defined as the judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction determining the status of a person or thing as distinct from the particular interest of a party to the litigation. Apart from the application of the term to persons, it must affect the “res” in the way of condemnation forfeiture, declaration, status or title”.
By contrast, “Judgments ‘in personam’ or ‘inter partes’, as the name suggests, are those which determine the rights of parties as between one another to or in the subject matter in dispute, whether it be corporeal property of any kind whatever or a liquidated or unliquidated demand but which do not affect the status of either things or persons or make any disposition of property or declare or determine any interest in it except as between the parties (to the litigation). See HOYSTEAD V TAXATION COMMISSIONERS (1926) A. C. 155. These include all judgments which are not judgments in rem. None of such judgments at all affects any interest which third parties may have in the subject matter. As judgment inter partes, though binding between the parties and their privies, they do not affect the rights of third parties. See CASTRIQUE V IMRIE 141 E. R. 1062; (1870) L. R. 4H. L. 414”.
Suffice it to say that the decision of the London Property Tribunal was, in substance, one affecting proprietary rights in rem, in the sense that it determined the status and registrability of the property in dispute. However, it did not determine any civil or criminal liability, nor did it pronounce on the personal culpability of any party. The implication of this is that, even though the decision was in respect of a matter of a public nature, it was, nonetheless, not conclusive as far as proof of the status of the property, or – more importantly – Chief Ozekhome’s role in relation to it. Indeed, the property involved was not held to have been traced to the owner (General Useni) as having ever tried or convicted for owning same. I submit that the foregoing is the best case scenario in terms of the value of Judge Paton’s said decision, because under section 62 of the Evidence Act, (depending, of course, on its construction), it will fare even worse, as it provides that judgments “other than those mentioned in sections 59. 60 and 61 are inadmissible unless the judgment, etc is a fact in issue or is admissible under some other provision of this or any other Act”.
CONCLUSION
Some people’s usual proclivity to rush to judgment and condemn unheard any person (especially a high profile figure like Chief Ozekhome), has exposed him to the worst kind of unfair pedestrian analysis, malice, mud-slinging and outright name-calling especially by those who, by virtue of their training, ought to know better, and, therefore, be more circumspect, restrained and guarded in their utterances. This is all the more so because, no court of competent jurisdiction has tried or pronounced him guilty. It is quite unfortunate how some select lawyers are baying for his blood.
The decision of the London Tribunal remains what it is: a civil determination on attempted transfer of a property based on the evidence before it. It is not, and cannot be, a substitute for civil or criminal adjudication by a competent court. The presumption of innocence under Nigerian laws remains inviolable. Any attempt by commentators to usurp that judicial function through premature verdicts is not only improper, but inimical to the fair administration of justice.
Related
Opinion
The Atiku Effect: Why Tinubu’s One-Party Dream Will Never Translate to Votes in 2027
Published
3 days agoon
February 5, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
It is deeply disappointing if not troubling to watch a former governor like Donald Duke accuse Atiku Abubakar of contesting for the presidency “since 1992” without identifying a single provision of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria that such ambition violates. Donald Duke was once widely regarded as one of the most intelligent and forward-thinking leaders of his generation, which makes it even more puzzling to understand what must have come over him to suddenly align with those throwing tantrums at others who are by far more competent, experienced, and eligible than themselves. While I acknowledge that Duke has recently moved to the ADC, the party that Atiku belongs to, Nigerians should not be distracted by his kind of rhetoric.
As former presidential candidate and ADC chieftain Chief Dele Momodu has repeatedly stated, “everyone is afraid of Atiku Abubakar,” particularly as the 2027 presidential election approaches. That fear, according to Momodu, explains the ongoing campaign of calumny against him. Donald Duke’s remarks therefore cannot be separated from this wider effort to diminish a man widely seen as the most formidable opposition figure in Nigeria today.
However, the issue of Donald Duke is not the central purpose of my message today. It is only incidental. The real purpose is to share what should be considered good news for Nigerians, the growing perception among ordinary citizens and the conversations happening daily at junctions, gatherings, markets, campuses, mosques, churches, and in the nooks and crannies of the country. The truth is that Nigerians are largely unbothered by the APC’s one-party state ambition. They are not impressed by forced defections or elite political gymnastics. What occupies their minds instead is the unrelenting presence of opposition, sustained hope, and the quiet but powerful confidence inspired by what has now become known as the “Atiku Effect”.
In my own opinion, which aligns with the thinking of many discerning Nigerians, no one in either the opposition or the ruling camps today appears healthier physically, mentally, socially and politically than Atiku Abubakar. Health is not determined by propaganda or ageism, but by function, resilience, and capacity. As we were taught in medical school, “healthspan, not lifespan, defines vitality,” and “physiological resilience is age-independent.” These principles make it clear that fitness, clarity of thought, stamina, cognitive and physiological reserve matter far more than the number of years lived. By every observable measure, Atiku remains fitter and more grounded than many who are younger but visibly exhausted by power.
It is no longer news that Nigeria is being pushed toward a one-party state through the coercion of opposition governors into the ruling APC. What is increasingly clear, however, is that this strategy reflects anxiety rather than strength. Nigerians understand that governors do not vote on behalf of the people, and defections do not automatically translate into electoral victory. This same script was played before, and history has shown that elite alignment cannot override popular sentiment. Just as it happened in 2015, decamping governors cannot save a sitting president when the people have already reached a conclusion.
This is where the Atiku Effect becomes decisive. Atiku Abubakar represents continuity of opposition, courage in the face of intimidation, and the refusal to surrender democratic space. His consistency reassures Nigerians that democracy is still alive and that power can still be questioned. This is precisely why Dele Momodu’s assertion that “everyone is afraid of Atiku Abubakar” resonates so strongly across the country. It is not fear of noise or recklessness, but fear of discipline, experience, and endurance.
Across Nigeria today, the ruling party is increasingly treated as the most unserious political party in the history of Nigeria, not because it lacks power, but because it lacks credibility. Nigerians know that hunger does not disappear because governors defect, inflation does not bow to propaganda, and hardship does not respond to political coercion. What they see instead is a widening gap between political theatrics and lived reality. In that gap stands Atiku Abubakar, a constant reminder that an alternative voice still exists and that the idea of a one-party state cannot survive where hope remains alive.
Let me say this unapologetically: the one-party project being pursued by the ruling party is dead on arrival. It is dead because Nigerians are politically conscious. It is dead because votes do not move with defections. And above all, it is dead because Atiku Abubakar remains standing, indefatigable, resilient, and central to the national conversation. As long as he continues to challenge bad governance and embody opposition, democracy in Nigeria will continue to breathe. And that, more than anything else, explains why so many are desperately trying and failing to stop him because Atiku Abubakar is a phenomenon and a force that cannot be stopped in 2027…
Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com
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