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Opinion

The Oracle: The NASS: Manual or Electronic Rigging? (PT. 1)

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By Chief Mike Ozekhome

INTRODUCTION

The National Assembly was thrust into chaos during the consideration of the Electoral Amendment Bill on the 15th day of July, 2021. Both Houses of the National Assembly were presented with the duty of reviewing the Electoral Act of 2010 by the advent of the Electoral Amendment Bill. While the House of Representatives were unable to pass the Electoral Act Amendment Bill because of major contentious issues that emanated during the debate, the Senate, however, successfully passed the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill, 2021 (“the Bill”). While this amendment should have been an upgrade to the Electoral Act, 2010, the reverse seems to be the case. The Bill dragged Nigeria back into the past, when its Clause 52(3) stripped the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of the exclusive powers to conduct voting electronically.

The Senate’s ruling was divided between members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and those of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on the practicability or otherwise of transmitting election results electronically. The debate on this sole issue rendered other provisions in the Bill less prominent, as it became the centre of attention. While all the supporters for Clause 52(3) of the Bill were members of the APC, members of the PDP expressed their reservations and voted otherwise. It is brow-raising that significant Bills and Laws passed in Nigeria seem to be debated more on a party-basis, rather than on the basis of merits. The decision of the Senate has received nationwide scrutiny for its unconstitutionality and as a Constitutional Lawyer who always seeks to contribute to Nigeria’s development, I cannot sit and watch from the side-lines as a spectator. It is on this basis that I offer my humble analysis of the Senate’s decision.

THE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION (INEC)

The 1999 Constitution establishes INEC as a federal executive body tasked with regulating elections into different political offices in Nigeria. The Constitution broadly defines the scope of the Commission’s powers, functions and responsibilities, and provides for the appointment of the Chairman and other members of the Commission by the President, subject to the Senate’s confirmation. The functions of INEC include organising and supervising all elections to political offices; registering and monitoring the operation of political parties in accordance with the provision of the 1999 Constitution and Acts of National Assembly; conducting voter and civic education; promoting knowledge of sound democratic election processes; etc.

Notwithstanding the appointment of the Chairman and other members of the Commission by the President (Executive) subject to confirmation by the Senate (Legislature), INEC is an independent body. The word “independent” is forged into INEC’s name to emphasise the importance of its independence when carrying out its functions. Moreover, its mission statement reads, “to serve as an INDEPENDENT and effective EMB committed to the conduct of free, fair and credible elections for sustainable democracy in Nigeria” (underline supplied for emphasis). INEC is therefore empowered to carry out all its functions independently, free from external control and influence. Both the 1999 Constitution and the Electoral Act, 2010, provide that INEC is the regulatory body in charge of operating the electoral system of voting in Nigeria.

ELECTORAL SYSTEM OF VOTING

The electoral system or voting system in Nigeria is a set of rules that determine how elections are conducted and how their results are determined; when elections occur; who is allowed to vote; who can stand as a candidate; how ballots are marked and cast; how they are counted; how they translate the election outcome; and other factors that can affect the result. The duty to operate Nigeria’s electoral system has been bestowed on INEC by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999. Section 78 of the 1999 Constitution provides, in clear and unambiguous words, thus:

“The registration of voters and the conduct of elections shall be subject to the direction and supervision of the Independent National Electoral Commission”.

ELETRONIC VOTING

Electronic voting (also known as e-voting) is voting that utilises electronic means in aiding the casting and counting of votes. It encompasses a range of internet services, from basic transmission of tabulated results to full-function online voting through common connectable household devices. E-voting may be limited to simple tasks such as marking a paper ballot, or comprehensive enough to include vote input, vote recording, data encryption and transmission to servers, and consolidation and tabulation of election results.

E-voting can be done either physically (through electronic voting machines located at polling stations which can be supervised by representatives of governmental or independent electoral authorities) or through remote means (such as the internet, where the voter submits his or her vote electronically to the election authorities, from any location. A functional e-voting system must perform most of these tasks while complying with a set of standards established by regulatory bodies, and must also be capable to deal successfully with strong requirements associated with accuracy, privacy, security, integrity, swiftness, auditability, accessibility and effectiveness. This regulatory body is provided by section 78 of the 1999 Constitution to be INEC.

TYPES OF ELECTRONIC VOTING SYSTEMS AND COUNTRIES THAT HAVE UTILISED THEM

Paper-based voting systems

Electronic voting systems for electorates have been in use since the 1960s, when the United States of America (USA) made use of punched card systems in its 1964 presidential election. Since then, different types of electronic systems have been utilised during elections. Paper-based voting systems originated as a system where votes are cast and counted by hand. But, electronic tabulation gave rise to systems paper cards or sheets could be marked by hand, but counted electronically. These systems include ballot marking devices, digital pen voting systems and punched card voting. The Johnson County of Iowa, USA, made use of these systems in 2010.

Direct-recording electronic (DRE) voting system

A DRE voting machine records votes, processes data with computer software, and records voting data and ballot images. After the election, it produces a tabulation of the voting data stored in a removable memory component and as a printed copy. The system helps to transmit individual ballots and vote totals to a central location for consolidating and reporting results from polling units. This system was greatly used by the USA in 2004, where over 28.9% of its registered voters made use of the DRE voting system. In 2004, India adopted the DRE voting system in the form of Electronic Voting Machines (EVM) to conduct elections to its parliament with 380 million voters casting their ballots using more than one million voting machines. DRE voting machines continue to be used in all elections in Brazil and India, and also on a large scale in Venezuela and the USA. It was however decommissioned in Netherlands after public concerns were raised.

Internet voting system

Internet voting can use remote locations (voting from any internet capable computer) or can use traditional polling locations with voting booths equipped with such internet capable computers. Internet voting systems have been used privately in many modern nations and publicly in the USA, United Kingdom, Switzerland, Brazil, France, Portugal, Spain and Estonia. In Switzerland, voters get their passwords to access the ballot through the postal service. Several voters in Estonia cast their vote via the Internet, as most of those on the electoral roll have access to an e-voting system.

Online voting system

Online voting is majorly used by the Japanese private sector, with smartphones being the mainstream used for online voting. This system of voting is also utilised in Australia, Estonia, Switzerland, Russia and the United States. The introduction of online voting in municipal elections in the Ontario, Canada, resulted in an average increase in turnout of around 3.5 percentage points, as it helped to induce some occasional voters to participate who would have abstained if online voting was not available. In the 2017 Estonian local elections, the internet voting system proved to be most cost-efficient system introduced compared to other voting systems.

Electronic Ballots

Electronic voting systems may use electronic ballot to store votes in computer memory. This voting system dissolves the risk of inadequate ballot papers and also removes the need for printing paper ballots, which are usually at a significant cost. The electronic ballots can be programmed to provide ballots in multiple languages for a single machine. This advantage with respect to different languages is unique to electronic voting. This was used in King County, Washington where the electronic ballot provided access to Chinese in the US Federal election. This is obviously useful in a diverse multi-ethnic country like Nigeria who boasts of over 374 ethnic groups eith different languages (according to Professor Onigu Otite). This would better inform voters (who are not well versed in English language) and encourage them to participate in the election process.

BENEFITS OF ELECTRONIC VOTING

Electronic voting technology helps to speed the counting of votes, reduce the labour costs of workers who manually count votes and provides improved accessibility for voters. Ultimately, it helps to decrease expenses used in conducting elections. Results are reported and published faster. Voters save time and cost by being able to vote independently from their location, with no form of duress, panic voting or forced voting, which will likely overall voter turnout.

It is also more secure than ballot/physical voting. Here, cases of election malpractice often experienced in elections conducted in Nigeria – such as ballot boxes snatching and burning, shortage of ballot papers, over-crowding in polling units (especially in a time where Covid-19 is ravaging), disruption and discontinuation of voting by street thugs and even security agencies, having one person thumbprint on multiple ballot papers – will be significantly limited and ultimately avoided.

CONCERNS ASSOCIATED WITH ELECTRONIC VOTING

Critics of electronic voting argue that humans are not equipped to verify operations occurring with an electronic machine and therefore, the operations cannot be trusted. Cases have been recorded of machines making unpredictable, inconsistent errors. Therefore, there is no guarantee that the collated and tabulated results are authentic and accurate. This is further worsened by the fact that commercial voting machines results may be changed by the company providing the machine or any skilled hacker.

There is also the issue of cost. While e-voting may decrease expenses in the long run, it is very expensive to introduce. The installation of electronic voting systems are very high; so high that many governments do not invest in it. Many also critic electronic voting to be unnecessary believing that it is not a long-term solution. Afterall, it retains many problems associated with physical ballot voting.

Moreover, electronic voting is usually practicable in countries with technological growth and development. Countries with low technological advancement and low network/internet coverage will face issues with e-voting. People without internet access and/or the skills to make use of such e-voting means will be totally excluded from the voting process, which is a breach of their right to vote. It is this concern that electronic voting and transmission of votes would disenfranchise some Nigerians in areas with poor or no network coverage, that led members of the APC to recommend that for electronic transmission of results to be allowed during election, the national network coverage across Nigeria must be adjudged to be adequate by the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and approved by the National Assembly.

THE SENATE’S RULING ON ELECTRONIC TRANSMISSION OF RESULTS

The Senate passed the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill, 2021, after a clause-by-clause consideration of the report of the Committee on INEC. The Committee on INEC had reported that “INEC may transmit results of elections by electronic means where and when practicable”. Senator Aliyu Sabi Abdullahi (APC, Niger) proposed an amendment to this recommendation on the basis that electronic transmission of results would disenfranchise some Nigerians in areas with poor or no network coverage. Senator Albert Bassey Akpan (PDP, Akwa Ibom) contended this proposal via a motion, which was unsuccessful after a voice vote. The approval of Senator Sabi’s amendment by Senate President, Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan, was met with chaos and uncomplimentary verbal exchanges amongst Senators.

Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe of PDP, Abia, then cited Order 73, calling for division and allowing Senators to contest the ruling of the Senate President. The Senators took turns to vote on the amendment proposed by Senator Sabi and at the end, 52 Senators voted for Sabi’s amendment while 28 voted against it. All 52 Senators who voted for the amendment were from the APC ruling party, while the 28 who voted against were of PDP. There is no other parliamentary or legislative decision taken elsewhere in the world, where the divide is based solely on a political basis, rather than a merit basis.

Consequent upon the conclusion of the open voting, he Senate President thus approved the amendment which provided for electronic transmission of results during elections, but with a caveat that, “the national network coverage is adjudged to be adequate and secured by Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and approved by the National Assembly”.

To be continued…

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Opinion

PDP Crisis: Illegal Factional Convention is a Direct Assault on Party Constitution and Democracy

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By Prince Adedipe Dauda Ewenla

The attention of party faithfuls and the general public has been drawn to the desperate and unconstitutional attempt by a faction within the Peoples Democratic Party to foist an illegal National Convention on the party in clear violation of its constitution and established democratic norms.

Let it be stated unequivocally: the Constitution of the PDP is clear, unambiguous, and binding on all members only a duly elected National Working Committee (NWC) has the constitutional authority to convene, approve, and conduct a National Convention.

This position is firmly grounded in the provisions of the PDP Constitution:

1. Section 31(3) clearly vests the power to summon and convene the National Convention in the appropriate constitutional organ of the party, which operates through the National Working Committee.

2. Section 29(2)(a) establishes the National Working Committee as the principal executive organ responsible for the day-to-day administration and decision-making of the party.

3. Section 47(1) affirms the supremacy of the party constitution, making it binding on all members and organs of the party without exception.

Flowing from these provisions, any gathering, meeting, or assembly convened outside this constitutional framework is illegal, null, void, and of no consequence, being ultra vires, null ab initio, and incapable of conferring any legal rights or obligations whatsoever.

The ongoing attempt by a faction reportedly aligned with the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, to organize a so-called convention through an imposed and illegitimate caretaker structure is nothing but a brazen assault on the rule of law, party supremacy, and internal democracy, and amounts to a clear case of constitutional subversion.

For the avoidance of doubt:
Individuals who have been suspended or expelled from the party lack the locus standi to act on its behalf.

Any caretaker arrangement not constitutionally backed by the elected organs of the party remains a nullity ab initio.
No faction, no matter how powerful, can override the supremacy of the party constitution.

Any purported action taken in furtherance of this illegality is void and liable to be set aside ex debito justitiae by any court of competent jurisdiction.

It is instructive that the Federal High Court and other competent courts have already taken judicial notice of these constitutional breaches by entertaining suits challenging the legality of the proposed convention. This alone is a clear warning that the entire process is fundamentally defective and cannot stand the test of law.

We therefore align firmly and unequivocally with the leadership direction and stabilizing efforts under Kabiru Turaki, whose commitment to constitutional order, due process, and party unity remains the only credible path forward for the PDP at this critical time.

The party cannot and must not be hijacked by individuals driven by personal ambition, vendetta politics, or external influence.

The survival of the PDP as a viable opposition platform depends on strict adherence to its constitution and respect for its legitimate structures.

We warn, in the strongest possible terms, that:

Any convention conducted outside the authority of a duly elected NWC will be resisted and rejected by loyal members of the party.

Any outcome from such an illegal exercise will be treated as void ab initio and will not be recognized within the party or before the Independent National Electoral Commission.

Those promoting this illegality are inviting avoidable chaos, multiplicity of suits, and grave political consequences for the PDP ahead of 2027.

This is not just about a convention this is about the soul, legality, and future of our great party.

I call on all genuine stakeholders to rise above factional manipulation and defend the constitution of the PDP with courage and clarity.

The rule of law must prevail. Fiat justitia ruat caelum. The constitution must stand. The PDP must not fall.

Prince Amb. (Dr.) Adedipe Dauda Ewenla
PDP Southwest Ex-Officio

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Opinion

Intentional Progressive Leadership and Disciplined Security: Catalysts for Unlocking Possibilities

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By Tolulope Adegoke PhD

In an increasingly interconnected and volatile world, the twin forces of intentional progressive leadership and disciplined security stand as indispensable drivers of meaningful advancement. Intentional progressive leadership is characterized by deliberate, forward-thinking decision-making that prioritizes inclusive growth, innovation, accountability, and long-term societal transformation over short-term gains or entrenched interests. Disciplined security, in turn, refers to a professional, rule-of-law-based, human-centered approach to safeguarding citizens, institutions, and resources—one that integrates military, intelligence, law enforcement, and community engagement while upholding human rights and fostering trust. Together, these elements do not merely maintain stability; they actively unlock possibilities across three interconnected spheres: peoples (individuals and communities), corporates (businesses and organizations), and nation building (state institutions and societal cohesion).

This write-up examines their active roles, portrays the current realities as they stand in Nigeria, Africa, and the wider world, provides relevant global and regional examples, and offers practical, unbiased solutions. Drawing on established patterns of development, the analysis underscores that where these forces converge effectively, they generate exponential outcomes; where they falter, stagnation and fragility ensue. The goal is to present a balanced, evidence-informed perspective suitable for policymakers, business leaders, scholars, and development practitioners internationally.

Defining and Contextualizing the Core Elements

Intentional progressive leadership goes beyond charisma or authority. It demands strategic vision anchored in data, ethical governance, stakeholder inclusion, and adaptive resilience. Leaders in this mold invest in human capital, promote transparency, and align policies with sustainable development goals. Disciplined security complements this by creating the enabling environment of safety and predictability. It emphasizes professional training, intelligence-led operations, community policing, and the rule of law rather than militarization or repression. When these operate in synergy, they transform potential into tangible progress: educated citizens innovate, businesses thrive without fear, and nations build resilient institutions.

Active Roles in Delivering Possibilities for Peoples

For individuals and communities, intentional progressive leadership and disciplined security create pathways to dignity, opportunity, and empowerment. Progressive leaders prioritize education, healthcare, and skills development, viewing people as the primary asset. Disciplined security ensures freedom from fear, enabling daily pursuits of livelihood and aspiration.

In practice, this synergy fosters social mobility and cohesion. Progressive leadership invests in youth programs and vocational training, while disciplined security protects learning environments and public spaces. The result is reduced vulnerability to exploitation and increased civic participation.

Active Roles in Delivering Possibilities for Corporates

Corporations require stable operating environments to invest, innovate, and expand. Intentional progressive leadership enacts policies that ease business registration, combat corruption, and promote public-private partnerships. Disciplined security safeguards supply chains, intellectual property, and personnel against threats like extortion or sabotage.

This combination drives economic dynamism. Businesses flourish when leaders provide predictable regulations and when security forces respond swiftly to disruptions, allowing corporates to focus on value creation rather than risk mitigation.

Active Roles in Delivering Possibilities for Nation Building

At the national level, these elements are foundational to sovereignty, legitimacy, and prosperity. Progressive leadership builds inclusive institutions, diversifies economies, and integrates regional and global partnerships. Disciplined security preserves territorial integrity, deters external interference, and supports internal harmony.

Nation building succeeds when leadership fosters national identity and security architecture reinforces it through equitable protection and justice.

The Current Picture: Realities in Nigeria, Africa, and the Wider World

Nigeria exemplifies both promise and persistent hurdles. As Africa’s most populous nation and largest economy, it possesses immense human and natural potential. Yet, as of early 2026, security challenges remain acute: insurgency and banditry in the Northeast and Northwest, farmer-herder conflicts in the Middle Belt, kidnapping for ransom nationwide, and separatist tensions in the Southeast. These have displaced millions, stifled agriculture and commerce, and eroded public trust. Leadership under President Bola Tinubu has pursued reforms, including kinetic and non-kinetic counter-insurgency measures, the appointment of a new Chief of Defence Staff in late 2025 for better operational coherence, and emphasis on human capital development (HCD 2.0). Progress includes reported surrenders of insurgent affiliates and targeted infrastructure investments, yet gaps persist in governance coordination, community engagement, and addressing root causes such as poverty and youth unemployment.

Across Africa, the landscape is heterogeneous. Positive models include Rwanda, where post-genocide leadership under President Paul Kagame has combined visionary governance with disciplined security to achieve sustained growth, digital innovation, and regional stability. Botswana stands as another exemplar: decades of prudent, transparent leadership have turned diamond revenues into broad-based development while maintaining professional security institutions that uphold democratic norms. Ghana demonstrates democratic continuity with progressive economic policies and relatively effective security cooperation. Conversely, parts of the Sahel face coups, jihadist expansion, and governance fragility, highlighting how leadership vacuums and undisciplined security exacerbate cycles of instability.

Globally, the interplay is evident in success stories such as Singapore’s transformation under Lee Kuan Yew, where meritocratic leadership and disciplined, corruption-free security institutions propelled a resource-poor city-state into a high-income economy. South Korea’s post-war reconstruction similarly blended visionary leadership with security alliances and human capital focus. In contrast, nations experiencing leadership complacency or fragmented security—such as certain conflict zones in the Middle East or Latin America—illustrate stalled development and eroded possibilities.

These realities reveal a clear pattern: intentional progressive leadership and disciplined security are not luxuries but necessities. Their absence perpetuates underdevelopment; their presence catalyzes breakthroughs.

Relevant Examples Illustrating Essence and Impact

  • Rwanda: Post-1994 genocide, intentional leadership focused on reconciliation, education, and technology hubs, supported by disciplined security reforms that prioritized professional training and community policing. This has elevated Rwanda to one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies, attracting foreign investment and reducing poverty dramatically.
  • Botswana: Progressive leadership emphasized accountable resource management and anti-corruption measures, paired with a professional military and police force. The outcome is one of Africa’s most stable democracies and highest Human Development Indices.
  • Singapore: Lee Kuan Yew’s intentional policies built a merit-based civil service and rigorous, rule-based security apparatus. This created a safe, efficient environment that transformed the nation into a global financial and logistics hub.
  • Nigeria-specific: Initiatives like community-based security arrangements in some states, when aligned with progressive local leadership, have reduced localized banditry. Corporate examples include Lagos tech ecosystems thriving amid targeted security enhancements in business districts.

These cases justify the essence: deliberate leadership and disciplined security deliver measurable possibilities when integrated holistically.

Proffering Relevant Solutions: Pathways Forward Without Prejudice

Solutions must be context-specific yet universally applicable, emphasizing collaboration across stakeholders.

For Peoples (Individuals and Communities):

  • Nigeria and Africa: Scale up human capital programs like Nigeria’s HCD 2.0 through universal basic education, vocational training, and digital literacy, especially in rural and conflict-affected areas. Integrate community policing models that empower local vigilantes under professional oversight to build trust.
  • Wider World: Adopt inclusive social safety nets and mental health support in post-conflict settings. International partners can provide technical assistance for youth entrepreneurship funds.
  • Outcome: Reduced vulnerability and empowered citizens who contribute actively to development.

For Corporates:

  • Nigeria and Africa: Enact progressive policies such as streamlined business regulations, tax incentives for security technology investments, and public-private security partnerships (e.g., joint task forces for critical infrastructure). Encourage corporate social responsibility in community safety initiatives.
  • Wider World: Promote global standards like ISO security management systems and cross-border investment guarantees tied to stability metrics.
  • Outcome: Enhanced investor confidence, job creation, and innovation ecosystems.

For Nation Building:

  • Nigeria: Strengthen institutional reforms, including anti-corruption enforcement, judicial independence, and devolved security responsibilities (e.g., state police with federal safeguards). Foster inclusive national dialogues and leverage technology for intelligence sharing.
  • Africa: Enhance African Union mechanisms for peer review, joint peacekeeping, and economic integration to address transnational threats.
  • Wider World: Support multilateral frameworks that reward progressive governance with development aid and security cooperation, emphasizing capacity-building over external imposition.
  • Cross-cutting Measures: Invest in data-driven monitoring (e.g., peace indices), leadership training academies, and civil society engagement to ensure accountability.

Implementation requires political will, sustained funding, and adaptive evaluation. International standards—such as those from the World Bank’s governance indicators or the Institute for Economics and Peace—can guide benchmarking without external overreach.

Conclusion: A Call to Deliberate Action

Intentional progressive leadership and disciplined security are not abstract ideals but active agents that shape destinies. In Nigeria and across Africa, where challenges are pronounced yet potential is vast, their effective deployment can convert vulnerabilities into strengths. Globally, they offer proven blueprints for resilient, prosperous societies. The current picture, while marked by setbacks, also reveals pathways of hope through ongoing reforms and exemplary models. By embracing these forces with intentionality, stakeholders at all levels can deliver genuine possibilities—empowered peoples, thriving corporates, and cohesive nations. The imperative is clear: invest in people-centered leadership and professional security today to secure a more equitable and stable tomorrow. Through collaborative, evidence-based strategies, Nigeria, Africa, and the wider world can realize their full potential in an interdependent global order.

Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and resilient nation-building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.comglobalstageimpacts@gmail.com

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Opinion

Characterisation of Biomass Feedstocks Relaxation Properties Using Visco Elastic Models

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By Dr. Aminu Owonikoko, PhD

Overview

This thesis investigates a deceptively simple but industrially important question: what happens to biomass materials when they are compressed and then allowed to relax? Biomass — such as woodchips, wheat straw, leafy residues, cotton seeds, and wood pellets — is a major renewable resource used for energy production and sustainable manufacturing. However, its physical behaviour during handling, storage, and processing is poorly understood. Unlike uniform materials such as sand or grain, biomass is irregular, springy, and unpredictable. This unpredictability leads to blockages, equipment failures, and inefficient energy use in biomass processing plants.

The research provides a scientific foundation for predicting how biomass behaves under pressure by combining controlled experiments with Visco elastic modelling. The work introduces a new method for extracting key model parameters, enabling more accurate and transparent predictions of biomass relaxation behaviour.

Why Biomass Behaviour Matters

Biomass supply chains involve several mechanical steps: compaction, transport, storage, and feeding into processing equipment. During these steps, biomass is often compressed. Once the pressure is removed, the material “relaxes” — it expands, shifts, and redistributes internal stresses. This relaxation affects:
• how much biomass can be stored
• how reliably it flows through hoppers and conveyors
• how much energy is required to process it
• the likelihood of blockages or equipment downtime

Understanding this behaviour is essential for designing efficient, reliable, and cost effective biomass systems.

Research Aim

The central aim of the thesis is to characterise the stress relaxation behaviour of five biomass feedstocks and to develop robust Visco elastic models that can predict this behaviour under different loading conditions.

Experimental Approach

Five biomass materials were selected due to their relevance in renewable energy and agricultural supply chains:
• Fuzzy cotton seeds
• Leafy biomass
• Wheat straw
• Woodchips
• Wood pellets

Each material was compressed using a Shimadzu MTS testing machine. After reaching a target stress level, the load was held constant while the material’s stress decay was recorded over time (typically 60, 120, and 180 seconds). These measurements captured both fast relaxation (immediate stress drop) and slow relaxation (longer term settling).

The experimental data revealed that each biomass type behaves differently, reflecting differences in structure, moisture content, particle shape, and internal bonding.
Modelling Approach

To interpret the experimental results, the thesis applies Visco elastic models — mathematical tools traditionally used to describe materials that behave partly like solids and partly like fluids. Two models were central:
1. Zener Model
– Captures both elastic and viscous behaviour
– Useful for materials with a clear fast relaxation component

2. Two Maxwell Elements Model
– Represents two relaxation processes simultaneously
– Ideal for materials with both fast and slow relaxation phases

A key contribution of the thesis is the development of a numerical and graphical method for estimating model parameters (such as relaxation time constants) without relying heavily on curve fitting software like MATLAB or OriginPro. This method improves transparency, reduces error, and makes the modelling approach more accessible to engineers.
Key Findings

1. Biomass Has Distinct Relaxation “Signatures”

Each biomass type exhibits a unique pattern of stress decay. For example:
• Wood pellets relax quickly and predictably.
• Leafy biomass relaxes slowly and irregularly.
• Wheat straw shows intermediate behaviour.
These signatures can be used to classify materials and predict their handling performance.

2. Fast and Slow Relaxation Are Mechanically Meaningful

The two Maxwell elements model successfully separates fast and slow relaxation processes. This distinction helps engineers understand how biomass responds immediately after compression versus how it settles over time.

3. New Parameter Extraction Method Improves Accuracy

The thesis introduces a novel approach for estimating relaxation time constants and stress components. This reduces dependence on automated curve fitting tools and provides more reliable model predictions.

4. Models Predict Real Behaviour Well

When applied to experimental data, both the Zener and two Maxwell models accurately reproduce the relaxation curves. This confirms that Visco elastic modelling is a powerful tool for biomass characterisation.

Practical Implications

The findings have direct relevance for industries that handle biomass:
• Improved equipment design: Better predictions of relaxation behaviour reduce blockages and mechanical failures.
• Optimised storage: Understanding how biomass settles helps determine safe and efficient storage densities.
• Reduced energy use: More predictable flow reduces the energy required for conveying and processing.
• Enhanced process reliability: Plants can operate more consistently with fewer interruptions.

Conclusion

This thesis provides a comprehensive experimental and theoretical framework for understanding biomass relaxation behaviour. By combining detailed measurements with improved Visco elastic modelling, it offers new insights into how biomass responds under pressure — insights that are essential for scaling up renewable energy and sustainable manufacturing.

The work advances both scientific understanding and practical engineering, contributing to the development of cleaner, more efficient biomass systems.

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