Opinion

Ndi’Igbo and the 2019 Question

Published

7 years ago

October 15, 2018

Eric

By Raymond Nkannebe

No sooner had the Standard bearer of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Alhaji Abubakar Atiku announced his choice of former governor OF Anambra State─Peter Obi as his running mate in the forthcoming 2019 elections than news filtered through to the effect that certain elements in the PDP South Eastern caucus had protested the choice of the former governor on the ridiculous and outlandish grounds that they were not ‘carried along’ in the process leading to the selection. As at the time of writing, the arrowheads of this opposition namely, the governors of the region had just risen from what has been described as a deadlocked meeting where all sides agreed that a decision one way or another on the selection of Obi, should abide the return of the PDP candidate to the Country. Let me quickly say that this attitude of the governors is as despicable as it is reprehensible and in many ways puts in focus what Chinua Achebe, instructively referred to as the “Igbo Problem”.
Since this development became a cause celebre, the rumour mills have gone agog with different stories taking turns as the possible source of grievance of the governors. One of such rumours which have received widespread publicity in the last 48 hours is the Governor Nyesom Wike factor. This school of thought has it that for failure or refusal of the governors of the South East to support his preferred candidate─Alhaji Waziri Tambuwal at the recently concluded convention of the party, the Rivers State governor and a heavy weight in the party swore to take his pound of flesh by influencing who emerges the running mate to the standard bearer without any input from the governors. And this, it is said, he carried into effect by playing a key role in the eventual nomination of Peter Obi, whose choice it appears does not sit well with the governors of the region. There are other accounts that have made it to the rumour mills but so far, the Wike interventionist school of thought, if I might call it that, appears to be the most plausible and was affirmed by a leading national newspaper yesterday.

Having given the above background, it is my considered view that the reason(s) whatsoever of the grumblings by the Igbo governors, whether altruistic or parochial does not arise ab initio. Quite to the contrary, it is a contumacious excrescence on the perception of the Igbo man abroad and speaks to the political naivety of the region. This ugly reaction from a rather micro organ of the Igbo hierarchy, in many levels have once again put beyond peradventure the obvious lack of political consensus of the Igbo nation─a conflict-ridden political trait which has been fingered as the quintessential albatross to its political relevance in the odd years of Nigerian history. The attitude of these elements, particularly the governor of Ebonyi state who has been isolated to be in the headgear of this opposition in his capacity as the chairman of the South East Governors Forum, overlooks the fact that whoever emerges the running mate to his excellency Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, is not a right of the Igbo nation, and which until the nomination of Obi last week was largely contested with the South West which has a higher voting bloc as against the South East with a marginal voting demography and a well documented history of political apathy. It is against this backdrop that one would think therefore that the selection of an Igbo son would be seen as a privilege which it is, or a consolation to the region for having stuck with the party since its inception 20 years ago, and not the unhealthy resort to discordant tunes that has ruined the fan fare brought about by the nomination across the country, especially among Igbos.

Is it not rather embarrassing and awkward to the Igbo nation that despite having its closest shot at producing the second citizen of the country in the event of an Atiku victory by 2019, it is still mired in needless controversy over the circumstances of the selection of one of its own to a princely position? Or would a father who learns that his son is being garlanded in a distant country refuse to come to the party on grounds that he was not adequately informed of the son’s feat that merits his being celebrated? On Friday afternoon when the choice of Peter Obi became clearer after having being speculated to no end throughout the week, I was overwhelmed by the sheer energy and support shown by many, if not all citizens of Yoruba extraction who commented on the various social media platforms hailing the decision and describing it as a masterstroke that stood the ticket in good stead ahead of 2019. Never mind that prominent Yorubas all along were fingered as one of the possible choices to fill the position but which never became. The story is the same for many Northerners and even ardent supporters of the incumbent administration, I believe would do so even if in hush tones and in the privacy of their closets.

It is in this context that the bad energy flowing from Umahi and his friends, who by the way do not have the ears of the Igbo nation, nay Nigerians merits every condemnation. To be clear, nowhere is it pre-conditioned that a standard bearer of a political party must nominate his or her running mate upon a retreat with the political leaders of the nominee’s region. On the contrary, it is the leaders of the regions that lobby for the position on behalf of any of its son or daughter. At best the standard bearer only have to consult with the leadership of the party to have an all inside view of his preferred candidate vis-à-vis it’s electoral chances for the party at the general election. Whatever choice that is made at the end of the day behoves the region that produces the preferred candidate to rally round their son and deliver the needed votes to enhance his or her chances in becoming the second citizen. And if for any reason anybody should be aggrieved, it should be from regions who lost out in the political calculation, and not from those whose son emerged victorious as is the ugly scenerio before us.

And our political history lends credence to this: In 1979, Alhaji Shehu Shagari did not hold a conference with the Igbo nation before electing late Chief Alex Ekwueme as his running mate under the platform of the defunct NPN. In 1999, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo didn’t hold a conclave with the North East caucus of the PDP before choosing Alhaji Atiku Abubakar as his running mate. All those were dispensed with at the party level. Ditto in 2007, Chief Good luck Ebele Jonathan did not emerge as Yar Adua’s running mate after consultation with the Ijaw nation. After Chief Peter Odili was edged out by the establishment at the time, the Ijaw nation rallied round Jonathan and showed their support through their visibility on Election Day. In 2011, the choice of Namadi Sambo was not wrought by a fiat of the North West caucus of the PDP either. And neither Afenifere nor OPC were consulted before the learned silk, Professor Yemi Osibanjo was nominated as the running mate of the Candidate Muhammad Buhari at the time. Don’t get me wrong, no one says high wired political schemings aren’t at play before this choices are made. But the point is, irrespective of how it goes, it is unheard of elements within a region producing the second citizen querrelling bitterly about the choice, to the extent of calling for another meeting with the standard bearer. What does this say about us as Ndi Igbo? But more instructively as a people who have taken protests as far as Buckingham palace and 10 Downing Street, for perceived marginalisation at the hands of the North and her south west political cousins and asking for a romantic republic called Biafra.

It is good to know however that the Ohanaeze Ndi Igbo led by the inimitable Chief John Nnia Nwodo has called the bluff of these few Igbo elements seeking attention while behaving like outcasts unlike Peter Obi whom they have described as one. 48 years since after the civil war ended, to the great discount of the Igbo nation; and 35 years after the region produced the second citizen of the country, providence, it appears looks set to smile at her again politically when one factors the high chances of Atiku emerging the 6th democratically elected President of Nigeria by 2019 if my guaging of the pulse of the nation is right. Whether that would come to be however would depend on how the discordant tunes making the rounds around the choice of Obi as Atiku’s running mate is managed by the region as that would inform the extent of support other regions would give to the ticket as this writer sees it.

But it bears pointing out that if there was ever a time the Igbo nation needed to shed her self-defeating and individualistic political character, it is now. In 2015 when the North wanted a return of power to the region, we saw the campaign it led against the Jonathan administration at the time despite the proven accommodation of the region in the programmes and activities of that. Performance nay, governance apparently was out of the question. And the entire region rallied around that project aided by the alliance with the South West and which was enough to retire the Jonathan administration. I think Ndi Igbo has a lot to learn from that if it must produce the vice president of the Republic in 2019. To this end, what is expected of the South East PDP governors crying wolf is to devise ways to deliver the bloc votes expected from their region to actualise its long dream of being represented at one of the highest levels of our political hierarchy. The current energy dissipated over the circumstances of Obi’s emergence is needless and must therefore be forgone at once.

In 2017, the incumbent governor of Anambra state, Dr. Willie Obiano ran a campaign around the Nke a Bu Nke Anyi political philosophy which cast the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) as an Igbo party and from which it profited immensely by sweeping the entire 21 local government areas in the State. By way of extrapolation, I think the Igbo nation; especially the governors of the region should see the choice of Obi in that light in so far as the overall interest of the Igbo is in question. A deft move expected from these governors would be to reconcile the rift between Peter Obi and the incumbent governor of Anambra state, whom I understand is heavily opposed to his emergence, even though not being a member of the PDP.

To be sure, the choice of Obi has being widely received across the spectrum of the country on account of his intimidating qualifications both in the public and private sector. And so there is no question of his not being fit for the job. Indeed with a relatively younger age; a clean corruption bill of health; an impressive record in Anambra state for eight years; a good knowledge of political economy and what not, there couldn’t have been a better nominee from the entire region who would be received by Nigerians as he have been since his nomination all things considered.

Suffice it to say conclusively that once again, the Igbo nation is at a political crossroad with her destiny in her hands. And the options before her are twofold: whether to rally round one of its own in the finest traditions of Igbo lore, or to behave like the lizard in the proverb that ruined its mother’s funeral.

Raymond Nkannebe, a legal practitioner and public affairs analyst writes from Lagos and can be reached through raymondnkannebe@gmail.com.

Opinion

Nigeria’s Reforms Have Put the Country on the Global Economic Map

Published

5 days ago

June 8, 2025

Eric

By Abdul Samad Rabiu

As my country steadies itself, Britain, its Western allies and their companies should deepen this partnership

As ghosts of the 1930s haunt the global outlook, the scramble for trade deals has seized control of government agendas. The United States has leveraged its “tariff war” to secure better terms, driving both friend and foe to the negotiating table. British deals with the US and India have provided some refuge from the prevailing gloom.

Less reported – but with similar potential – was last year’s signing of the Enhanced and Trade and Investment Partnership (ETIP) between the UK and Nigeria , the former’s first such agreement with an African nation. Quiet in its arrival, the pact may yet echo louder.

As someone who has built multinational businesses across Africa, I know the vast opportunity the continent offers, and Nigeria in particular, which alone accounts for a fifth of sub-Saharan Africa’s 1.2 billion people. But I also understand the limitations we have often placed on ourselves when it comes to securing investment.

Lowering barriers to trade is crucial, and for that Britain’s ETIP looks prescient. However, investment and business potential will remain discounted as long as African nations cling to state intervention – from subsidies and price controls to exchange rate distortions – all of which have consistently bred dysfunction and economic instability. Fortunately, Nigeria has now decisively turned a corner, embracing market economics under a liberalising government.

In Morocco this week, Foreign Secretary David Lammy indicated Britain’s position is shifting too. Setting out his strategy for Africa, he said British policy must transition from aid to investment. “Trade-not-aid” is no new idea – but it is the first time a British government has so clearly echoed the demand the African continent has voiced for years.

In making that shift, Nigeria is taking the lead for a continent to follow. So many Nigerian administrations I have known have been hostage to economic events, doubling down time and again on state intervention rather than having the conviction to reform. This administration is proving different. After two years of difficult reforms, Nigeria – under President Bola Tinubu – is now poised to fulfil the promise of its vast natural resources, rapidly growing population of over 200 million people, and strategic coastal location along the Gulf of Guinea.

First, the Tinubu administration removed a crippling fuel subsidy – the most significant policy reform in years. At 25 to 30 cents per litre, petrol in Nigeria was among the cheapest in the world. But the subsidy was bankrupting the government: by 2023, it consumed over 15 per cent of the federal budget – roughly equivalent to the proportion the UK spends annually on the NHS.

When President Tinubu ditched the fuel subsidy on his first day in office, criticism quickly followed. Prices, at least for the time being, have risen. However, statistics must be understood in light of the wide-ranging distortions the subsidy created.

Officially, fuel consumption in Nigeria has dropped by 40 to 50 per cent. But that is not because Nigerians’ petrol use reduced by this amount. In reality the country was subsidising the region, with cross border fuel smugglers profiting from arbitrage. The illegal trade was so blatant that on a visit to neighbouring Niger a few years ago, then-President Mohamed Bazoum even joked about it, thanking Nigeria for the cheap fuel. Though the move was politically unpopular, the subsidy had become unsustainable. Now, spending is being redirected toward development and infrastructure – laying the foundations for long-term growth.

Second, the country has moved from a fixed to a market-determined exchange rate. Previously, only select groups could access the official rate – especially those with political connections; the rest had to rely on a more expensive parallel informal market determined by supply and demand. But selling dollars at an artificially low rate only entrenched scarcity, a problem compounded by an opaque exchange mechanism that deterred foreign investment.

Every two weeks, we used to make the 12-hour drive to Abuja to seek dollar allocations for imports – camping out at the Central Bank for three or four days. Now, I no longer need to go. I’ve met the new Governor only once in two years – because I haven’t had to. Monetary orthodoxy has finally arrived, bringing with it the liquidity that both domestic and foreign businesses depend on to smooth trade and de-risk investment.

Third, the shackles of politics are being prised from business, bringing greater certainty, fairness and stability to the landscape. Five years ago, I woke up one morning to find that the port concession for a new venture of mine had been revoked. It turned out my company was outcompeting a friend of an official of the Nigerian Ports Authority. In the end, it took then-President Buhari’s personal intervention to save the enterprise.

Had I not been politically connected, the business would have folded – along with the 4,000 jobs it provided – at a time when job creation was, and remains, Nigeria’s most urgent challenge. Today, such connections are no longer necessary. The playing field is being levelled, flattening the political ridges and dips that once skewed the game.

Many of these reforms required political courage to withstand the force of criticism. Prices rose as distortions were removed, yet the administration held firm, even as vested interests co-opted public discontent for their own ends.

Indeed, many of the benefits of reform are still to be felt by the wider public. But economic fundamentals must be fixed before that becomes possible. That lead-time often tempts market reformers to reverse course, or avoid reform altogether. Now that Nigeria has made it through the toughest phase, its direction should be clear to investors.

For Britain, the Enhanced Trade and Investment Partnership with Nigeria was a strategic bet on reform, resilience and long-term reward. Nigeria is now delivering its part of the bargain. As my country steadies itself, the UK, its Western allies – and their companies – should deepen this partnership.

Abdul Samad Rabiu is a Nigerian businessman and philanthropist

Culled from Daily Telegraph (UK)

Opinion

Democracy and Good Governance: How Have Niger-Delta Governors Fared?

Published

1 week ago

June 4, 2025

Eric

By Magnus Onyibe

The Niger Delta is often seen as a reflection of Nigeria in miniature—especially Delta State, where a rich tapestry of ethnic groups, each with its own dialect and cultural identity, mirrors the nation’s diversity.

The region comprises nine states: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Rivers, and Ondo. Among the current governors, only Alex Otti of Abia State, representing the Labour Party (LP), came into office without any prior experience in government. A seasoned banker, Otti entered the political arena as a newcomer to public administration.

In contrast, the other eight governors had already held significant public offices before their current roles. For example, Douye Diri (Bayelsa), Hope Uzodinma (Imo), Monday Okpebholo (Edo), and Bassey Otu (Cross River) all previously served as senators before transitioning to executive leadership in their respective states. Similarly, Lucky Aiyedatiwa rose from deputy governor to governor in Ondo, while Sheriff Oborevwori, former Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly, moved from a legislative role to become the state’s chief executive.

Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, who served as the state’s Accountant General under the previous administration, also brought with him deep familiarity with the government machinery. However, his tenure is currently on hold, following a six-month state of emergency declared by the federal government. Meanwhile, Umo Eno, the governor of Akwa Ibom, previously held the position of Commissioner for Works before ascending to the governorship.

With this wealth of prior experience, it was widely expected that these governors would not need much time to adjust to their roles. The prevailing assumption was that they would be ready to deliver from day one—mobilizing both human and financial resources to fulfill the lofty promises made during their campaigns.

As we move further into this analysis, we will evaluate how effectively these nine governors have lived up to expectations and whether they’ve delivered the much-anticipated dividends of democracy to the resilient people of the Niger Delta.

To borrow a phrase often attributed to former New York Governor Mario Cuomo, “You campaign in poetry but govern in prose.” In other words, while election campaigns are filled with passion, inspiration, and grand ideals—governance demands pragmatism, clarity, and results.

Which Niger Delta Governors Are Truly Governing in Prose?

Building on the earlier analysis, a crucial question arises: Which of the nine Niger Delta governors have transitioned from campaign poetry to the prose of governance, as famously framed by former New York Governor Mario Cuomo?

This article seeks to answer that by evaluating the performance of the region’s governors over the last two years—marking the halfway point in their four-year constitutional terms.

An exception must be made for Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, who only took office in November due to the state’s off-cycle election. With just six months in office, it would be too early—and unfair—to judge the effectiveness of his administration at this stage.

To conduct a fair assessment of the governors’ performance, it’s important first to define what “good governance” means within the Nigerian context.

What Defines Good Governance in Nigeria?

In Nigeria, good governance is evaluated through several key areas of impact:
1. Business Climate Improvement
Creating a more competitive, transparent, and investor-friendly environment is essential. This includes strengthening corporate governance and promoting economic sustainability to attract both local and international investment.
2. Reforming the Oil, Power, and Extractive Industries
Given the Niger Delta’s role as Nigeria’s energy hub, reforms in these sectors are crucial. Priorities include promoting transparency, accountability, and shifting from a “gas-for-export” model to a “gas-to-power” strategy that improves electricity access.
3. Innovation and Sustainable Development
Supporting governance innovations—especially those that emerge from local communities—is vital. These may include homegrown accountability mechanisms that ensure inclusive and transparent public administration.
4. Youth, Gender, and Social Inclusion
Effective governance must actively empower youth and women through education, entrepreneurship, and social protection programs.
5. Climate Resilience and Environmental Innovation
States are expected to implement climate-smart policies that promote environmental sustainability and protect communities from the growing threats of climate change.
6. Agricultural Transformation
With food security under pressure, improving agricultural governance through innovation, investment, and infrastructure is another vital benchmark of effective leadership.

Core Pillars Supporting Good Governance

In addition to sectoral initiatives, good governance in Nigeria rests on several foundational elements:
• Policy Engagement: Working with stakeholders and lawmakers to craft impactful, evidence-based reforms.
• Data-Driven Decision-Making: Utilizing research and analytics to inform policies and measure results.
• Institutional Capacity Building: Strengthening the ability of government bodies and personnel to deliver services effectively.
• Transparency and Accountability: Upholding openness and ethical stewardship of public resources.

As we continue this midterm review of Niger Delta leadership, these criteria will serve as the lens through which we measure whether the governors are living up to their campaign promises—and delivering real progress in the daily lives of their constituents.

Core Principles of Good Governance

Globally, good governance is rooted in universal principles that cut across borders and systems. These include:
• Responsibility: Diligent and consistent oversight of financial systems, legal compliance, and risk management.
• Transparency and Communication: Clear, inclusive dialogue between governments and their citizens, encouraging participation and trust.
• Equity and Justice: Ensuring fair treatment and equal opportunities for all members of society.

Integral to these principles is the protection of human rights, which is reinforced through:
• Democratic Institutions: Structures that facilitate active citizen involvement in policy decisions.
• Efficient Service Delivery: Governments must effectively provide essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.
• Rule of Law: Legal systems must be reformed to guarantee fairness, security, and equal enforcement of the law.
• Anti-Corruption Practices: Strong mechanisms must be in place to deter corruption and promote accountability at all levels.

At the heart of these elements is strategic vision—a long-term, actionable plan that guides decision-making and ensures consistent development across governance levels.

The Niger Delta: Unique Challenges and Governance Imperatives

While the Niger Delta shares commonalities as Nigeria’s oil-producing heartland, its states vary in environmental and socio-economic conditions. Many areas, especially in Delta, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, and parts of Bayelsa, are characterized by wetlands, creeks, and swampy terrain. These difficult geographies complicate infrastructure development, especially road construction, which is vital for connectivity and economic growth.

In contrast, states like Abia, Imo, Edo, Ondo, and Cross River are situated on firmer ground, making them relatively better positioned for infrastructure expansion.

Despite these differences, the entire region grapples with a similar set of environmental, economic, and social hurdles. To effectively address these challenges, governors in the Niger Delta must embrace holistic, strategic, and citizen-centric approaches. Priority areas include:
• Environmental Remediation: Governments must lead aggressive clean-up campaigns in oil-impacted areas, while also putting in place measures to prevent future ecological damage.
• Infrastructure Expansion: Robust investment in roads, bridges, hospitals, and public utilities is critical to improving quality of life and boosting commerce.
• Diversified Economic Growth: Moving beyond oil dependency, leaders must invest in agriculture, aquaculture, small businesses, and innovation-driven sectors to build resilient local economies.
• Community Participation: Engaging local populations in governance through consultation and inclusion helps foster trust and ensure policies align with grassroots realities.
• Security and Peacebuilding: Addressing insecurity requires a blend of conflict resolution strategies, dialogue, and inclusive peacebuilding initiatives tailored to local dynamics.
• Enforcing Accountability: Governors must ensure both public agencies and private corporations adhere to environmental and human rights standards, with strong regulatory systems in place to uphold these obligations.

Pathways to Sustainable Development in the Niger Delta

For governance to be truly transformative, it must also focus on long-term, sustainable outcomes. This includes:
• Community-Led Development Projects: Emphasizing initiatives that support local needs while preserving the environment.
• Youth Empowerment: Equipping young people with education, vocational skills, and employment opportunities to reduce restiveness and foster economic inclusion.
• Improved Service Delivery: Strengthening access to quality education, healthcare, and basic services will significantly raise living standards.

Ultimately, the path to real transformation in the Niger Delta lies in confronting entrenched structural issues and deploying practical, people-oriented solutions. If these priorities are pursued with vision, commitment, and transparency, the region can unlock sustainable development and lasting prosperity.

Midterm Governance Review: Are Niger Delta Governors Delivering?

At the halfway mark of their four-year tenure—reached on May 29—the performance of governors in the nine Niger Delta states is now under the spotlight. This review examines whether they have delivered on their promises using key benchmarks for democratic dividends and good governance.

When President Bola Tinubu assumed office in 2023, he implemented sweeping economic reforms, including removing the long-standing petrol subsidy and unifying the naira’s exchange rate. These policies freed up considerable funds, resulting in significantly increased federal allocations to state governments.

Many states are now estimated to receive up to 60% more from the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC). For the oil-rich Niger Delta, this financial windfall raised expectations for accelerated development, improved infrastructure, and better living conditions.

One of the most immediate and tangible outcomes of this revenue boost is the clearing of civil servant salary backlogs. Many states that previously owed up to two years’ worth of wages are now current on salary payments—offering much-needed relief to workers and their families.

Assessing Progress Without Standardized Tools

Nigeria currently lacks a uniform, institutionalized system for evaluating subnational governance performance—unlike the way inflation or poverty is tracked by the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, or GDP by global rating agencies. In this gap, the media has stepped in to measure progress.

Platforms like ThisDay and Arise News have focused on the Niger Delta, assessing governors’ achievements based on public perception and editorial judgment, though not always using data-driven metrics.

These reviews, while informal, have highlighted standout governors and shed light on leadership trends across the region.

Delta State Leads the Pack

Delta State has emerged as a top performer under Governor Sheriff Oborevwori. His administration has made clear strides in various sectors, earning him the title of Governor of the Year in some media assessments.

Key accomplishments include:
• Sports: Hosting major events like the National Youth Games and National Sports Festival.
• Judiciary: Upgrading court infrastructure and enhancing support for judicial personnel.
• Human Capital Development: Offering grants and support for artisans, small business owners, and traders.
• Security and Peace: Establishing the Delta State Advisory and Peace-Building Council to mediate conflicts.
• Education: Improving school facilities, awarding scholarships, and strengthening higher institutions.

Beyond these, Oborevwori’s administration has made major investments in roads, bridges, healthcare, and agriculture. His infrastructure drive—facilitated through contractors like Julius Berger—has positioned Delta not just as a regional leader, but arguably one of Nigeria’s best-performing states.

Akwa Ibom Close Behind

Akwa Ibom, led by Governor Umo Eno, ranks next in terms of development. Through a weekly television program featuring the governance activities in the state, and other structured media reports, public opinion acknowledges his steady progress across multiple sectors.

A more thorough, data-backed evaluation from transparency-focused organizations like BudgIT, Statista, or Nairametrics would give a clearer picture of the impact of how the 36 governors and the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT) minister nationwide have fared in their administration at the subnational level.

Currently, Delta and Akwa Ibom are viewed as the most progressive states in the Niger Delta based on visible governance efforts and citizen engagement.

The Power of Media Visibility

One thing both Delta and Akwa Ibom have in common is their effective communication strategies. Through sponsored programs on platforms like Arise News and collaborations with media influencers (tv anchor persons ,columnists and journalists), these states have maintained strong public visibility.

This strategic communication has helped them control the narrative, highlight successes, and stay connected to their citizens. As a result, media coverage has favored their administrations.

Conversely, the remaining seven Niger Delta states—Abia, Bayelsa, Imo, Ondo, Cross River, Rivers, and Edo—have suffered from poor communication, making their governance efforts largely invisible to the public. As the saying goes, “Governing without communicating is like winking at a pretty lady in a dark room. The man knows what he’s doing, but the lady doesn’t.”

Special Focus: Rivers and Edo States

In Rivers State, Governor Siminalayi Fubara began with high visibility but soon found his administration overshadowed by political conflict.

In Edo State, Governor Monday Okpebholo only assumed office six months ago due to the state’s off-cycle election. Despite the short time in office, he has made bold moves to tackle the state’s current biggest challenge in terms of insecurity—cracking down on cultism, removing traditional rulers involved in crime, and demolishing properties tied to illegal activities.

He has also initiated the construction of a major flyover at Ikpoba Hill to alleviate severe traffic congestion. Once completed, this project will improve traffic flow between eastern and western Nigeria, easing movement from Delta and Edo to Lagos.

Agriculture: A Neglected Sector

One major area where all Niger Delta governors need to improve is agriculture. With food prices rising due to subsidy removal and currency devaluation, food security is now a pressing concern.

While civil servants’ national minimum wages have risen—from ₦30,000 to about ₦70,000,commendably in all Niger Delta states it is higher than the national level —there has not been a commensurate increase in investment in farming. This is troubling, as agriculture remains the largest employer in Nigeria. So, without creating an enabling environment for agricultural activities to thrive in the rural areas, significant poverty alleviation may not be recorded in the hinterland as food insecurity will continue to be a source of hardship for the masses.

Despite ongoing challenges like farmer-herder clashes, flooding, and coastal erosion, Niger Delta state governments must prioritize agriculture to reduce hunger and boost rural livelihoods.

Conclusion: Unlocking the Region’s Potential

The takeaway is clear: with at least 60% higher inflow of funds to states from FAAC account,money is no longer the biggest or primary constraint to development in the Niger Delta and states nationwide.
That is because the state governors now have the resources to uplift their people—if managed wisely.

The real test is in vision, planning, and prioritizing projects that directly benefit the population. Governor Oborevwori has set a strong example by combining smart resource use with visible public engagement.

Advice to Other Governors

To governors whose performance remains under the radar, now is the time to act. Learn from Delta and Akwa Ibom—meet the real needs of your people and use the media as a governance tool.

If not, you risk being the proverbial man “winking in the dark”—your good efforts may go completely unnoticed.

With the 2027 election season approaching for all but Edo, this midterm point is an opportunity to turn things around, show leadership, and earn the people’s trust for a possible second term.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, an alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, a Commonwealth lnstitute scholar and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, wrote from Lagos

Opinion

Innocent Lives Behind Bars and the Call for Justice

Published

2 weeks ago

June 2, 2025

Eric

By Hezekiah Olujobi

In a world where justice is meant to prevail, the harsh reality of innocent individuals languishing in prison on allegations of capital offenses such as murder and armed robbery is a troubling phenomenon. The judiciary, a pillar of our society, sometimes falters, leading to arbitrary sentences that condemn the innocent to years, even decades, of incarceration. This article sheds light on the plight of these individuals, many of whom face the death penalty, and the urgent need for a thorough review of their cases.

The Harrowing Reality of Wrongful Convictions

Across the globe, countless people find themselves trapped in the unforgiving grip of the justice system, accused of heinous crimes they did not commit. The statistics are staggering. In many countries, thousands of individuals are imprisoned for capital offenses, with a significant number maintaining their innocence. These individuals often face the grim reality of life sentences or death row, with little hope of a fair review of their cases.

The Centre for Justice, Mercy, and Reconciliation (CJMR) has become a beacon of hope for many of these individuals. Reports indicate that a disturbing number of inmates from four different prison locations in South West Nigeria have reached out to our organization, sharing their heart-wrenching stories of wrongful convictions. These narratives are not just numbers; they are the voices of people who have spent 24, 27 years, or more behind bars, steadfast in their claims of innocence.

Case Studies of Innocence

1. *Oluwatoyin Abokokuyanro & 2 Others*

**Background**: Oluwatoyin Abokokuyanro, along with his co-defendants Olarewaju Ayan and Sunday Odoh, was arrested on November 28, 1998, in Oke Ayedun Ekiti, Ikole Local Government Area, on allegations of murder. The case involved a violent incident that resulted in the death of an individual, leading to a widespread police investigation.

**Trial and Conviction**: Initially, around 12 individuals were arrested in connection with the murder, but only four were charged. During the trial, one of the accused died in prison, raising concerns about the conditions of detention and the treatment of the accused. On October 25, 2006, Oluwatoyin and his two co-defendants were sentenced to death. They maintained their innocence throughout the trial, claiming that they were wrongfully accused based on unreliable witness testimonies and circumstantial evidence.

**Appeals**: The trio appealed their conviction, but their appeal was unsuccessful, and the Supreme Court upheld the death sentences. In 2018, the Ekiti State Governor commuted their sentences to life imprisonment, acknowledging the lengthy time they had already spent in prison. Oluwatoyin was later granted a 10-year sentence as part of an amnesty exercise, while the other two remain in prison serving life sentences. Oluwatoyin expressed his despair, stating, “If I committed this crime, it is of no use for me telling lies than to beg for mercy before the living God, the righteous judge. I am innocent.”

2. *Arinola Akinyele*

**Background**: Arinola Akinyele, a mother of eight children, faced a tragic turn of events when her husband died in a fire incident on October 21, 2014. The circumstances surrounding his death were murky, and Arinola was accused of murdering him.

*Trial and Conviction*: On July 5, 2018, Arinola was sentenced to death by hanging by the Ogun State High Court. The prosecution’s case relied heavily on circumstantial evidence, and crucial elements of the defense, such as the absence of medical reports and the withholding of evidence, were ignored by the court. Arinola’s appeal against the judgment was dismissed on October 22, 2024, despite her defense counsel raising significant issues regarding the fairness of the trial.

*Current Status*: With the support of the Centre for Justice, Mercy, and Reconciliation (CJMR), Arinola is now seeking amnesty from the Ogun State Governor. Her children have also appealed for her release, emphasizing their belief in her innocence and the injustice of her conviction.

3. Friday Okoro

**Background**: Friday Okoro was arrested on April 23, 2009, alongside Stephen Egwu, on allegations of armed robbery. The case garnered significant media attention, and both men were charged with a serious offense that carried the death penalty.

*Trial and Conviction*: On May 15, 2014, Friday and Stephen were sentenced to death. Following their conviction, both men filed separate appeals. Stephen’s appeal was heard at the Ibadan Court of Appeal, where his conviction was overturned on December 3, 2015, due to insufficient evidence. However, Friday’s appeal has yet to be heard, leaving him in a state of uncertainty.

**Current Status**: The CJMR has advocated for Friday, urging the Oyo State Board of Mercy to consider his case for clemency. The organization is pressing for the court to expedite the hearing of his appeal, especially in light of the favorable judgment for his co-defendant. The question remains: when will Friday’s case be heard, and will justice finally be served?

4. Rashidat Abdul and 3 Others

*Background*: Rashidat Abdul, her husband Oluwatoyin Akarakiri, their son Rashid Mutairu, and Rashidat’s niece Eronomo Iyoriegbhile were accused of being accomplices in the murder of their landlord in Odo-Owa Ekiti on April 5, 2017. The case was marked by a lack of concrete evidence linking them to the crime.

*Trial and Conviction*: On April 2, 2020, the family was sentenced to death by hanging. The prosecution’s case relied heavily on the testimony of a witness who claimed to have seen them with the deceased’s property. However, this witness’s credibility was questionable, as they provided no verifiable evidence, and the court ignored the defense’s arguments regarding the absence of physical evidence.

**Current Status*: The family has appealed their conviction, but their appeal was dismissed in 2022. The CJMR has submitted a plea for mercy to the Ekiti State Governor, highlighting the lack of evidence and the unjust nature of their sentencing. The emotional toll on the family has been profound, particularly on Rashidat’s son, who was a student at the time of their arrest and whose future has been severely impacted.

5. Ayodele Oladimeji

**Background**: Ayodele Oladimeji was accused of rape and subsequently arrested. His case drew attention due to the absence of the victim in court and a negative medical report that contradicted the charges against him.

**Trial and Conviction**: Despite the lack of substantial evidence, Ayodele was sentenced to life imprisonment by the Ado-Ekiti State High Court. The court relied primarily on the testimonies of two police officers, dismissing Ayodele’s alibi and the absence of the victim as irrelevant. This raised serious questions about the integrity of the judicial process.

**Current Status**: The case has been marred by allegations of external influence, as it was suggested that the former governor’s wife may have affected public perception surrounding the trial. Ayodele’s family has suffered immensely, with his mother experiencing severe emotional distress that led to health complications. The CJMR is advocating for a review of his case, emphasizing the need for justice and accountability in the judicial process.

These case studies illustrate the profound injustices faced by individuals wrongfully convicted of serious crimes. Each story reflects the broader systemic issues within the judicial system, including reliance on unreliable witness testimony, inadequate legal representation, and a lack of thorough investigations. The Centre for Justice, Mercy, and Reconciliation continues to fight for these individuals, advocating for their rights and seeking to bring attention to the urgent need for reform in the justice system.

*The Voices of the Innocent*

The stories shared by these individuals are often filled with despair, frustration, and a longing for justice. Many have been convicted based on flimsy evidence, coerced confessions, or the testimony of unreliable witnesses. The emotional toll of being imprisoned for a crime they did not commit is unimaginable. Families are torn apart, lives are put on hold, and the stigma of a wrongful conviction follows them even after their release.

One inmate, who has spent over two decades in prison, recounted how he was wrongfully accused based on circumstantial evidence. “I have always maintained my innocence,” he said. “Every day I wake up in this cell, I wonder if anyone will ever listen to my story.” His plea is echoed by many others who have found solace in the Centre for Justice, Mercy, and Reconciliation, hoping that their cries for help will not go unheard.

*The Need for Action*

The issue of wrongful convictions demands urgent attention. Just as any successful business requires focus and dedication, addressing the injustices within our judicial system requires a concerted effort from all stakeholders. It is imperative that we listen to the stories of those who claim innocence and take their pleas seriously. A systematic review of their cases could potentially uncover the truth and lead to the exoneration of the wrongfully convicted.

Legal experts, human rights advocates, and the general public must come together to advocate for these individuals. This includes pushing for reforms in the judicial process, ensuring that legal representation is accessible and effective, and promoting transparency in investigations and trials.

*Conclusion*

The plight of innocent individuals behind bars is a stark reminder of the imperfections within our justice system. As we reflect on the stories of those who have been wrongfully convicted, we must remember that every case represents a life disrupted, a family shattered, and a quest for justice that remains unfulfilled.

It is time to listen, to act, and to ensure that the voices of the innocent are heard. The Centre for Justice, Mercy, and Reconciliation stands ready to support these individuals, but it requires a collective effort to bring about meaningful change. Let us not turn a blind eye to their suffering; instead, let us strive for a justice system that truly serves all, ensuring that the innocent are not left to languish in silence.

*What Says the Scriptures?*

Proverbs 31:8-9: “Speak up for those who cannot speak for themselves; ensure justice for those being crushed. Yes, speak up for the poor and helpless, and see that they get justice.” (NLT)

Proverbs 24:11-12: “Rescue those who are unjustly sentenced to die; save them as they stagger to their death. Don’t excuse yourself by saying, ‘Look, we didn’t know.’ For God understands all hearts, and he sees you. He who guards your soul knows you knew. He will repay all people as their actions deserve.” (NLT)

Isaiah 1:17: “Learn to do right; seek justice. Defend the oppressed. Take up the cause of the fatherless; plead the case of the widow.”

*List of People Affected by Wrongful Conviction*

– Ekiti State: 14 Inmates
– Osun State: 8 Inmates
– Oyo State: 2 Inmates
– Ogun State: 8 Inmates
– Lagos State: 8 Inmates

Justice is very expensive; the majority of these people are trapped because of the cost of transmitting the case file to the Court of Appeal. We should stop paying lip service to reform. It is time to take action.

When you heard of injustice in your community, what concrete steps do you take to address the injustice?

Hezekiah Olujobi CRJ can be reached via hezekiaholujobi@gmail.com