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Fayemi: Second Time Around + Why He’s Contesting
Published
8 years agoon
By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
Ever since his victory at the May 12, 2018 rescheduled Ekiti APC primary election, Dr. John Olukayode Fayemi, has been receiving a good deal of accolades from politicians across board; some positive, some near positive. But whichever way it is approached, Fayemi has won, declared the APC flag bearer in the July 14, Governorship election, as well as been presented to the leader of the party and President, Muhammadu Buhari.
Fayemi’s victory is applauded by his core believers and fans as a result of his ability to pick the ticket against all odds, even as a very late entrant; his never say never attitude even as pressure mounted on him to withdraw his aspirations.
Hails from Isan-Ekiti I Oye Local Government, where he was born on February 9, 1965, he is the immediate past Governor of Ekiti State, and his attempt at making a return to the Government has raised more questions than answers.
Currently the Minister of Solid Minerals Development, investigations have revealed that Fayemi’s quest to return to Ekiti Government is a calculated attempt to remain relevant in the political schemes in the next dispensation.
“It would be recalled that His Excellency joined the Ekiti governorship race very late; that was because it was never his intention to run. However, political wrangling both in the seat of power and the leadership of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) made the former governor chose to throw his hat into the ring,” TheBoss learnt.
Further enquiry revealed that Fayemi, after due consultations, foresaw a paradigm shift which may not be advantageous to him. This shift, it was further learnt, lies in the about to happen obvious change in the party leadership, where the current party chairman, Chief John Odigie Oyegun, is bent on giving way for former Edo State Governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole.

Even before the arrival of Oshiomhole, the party has been divided on parallel lines – the Oyegun camp and the Bourdillon/Oshiomhole camp. It was based on these camps that the fiasco that disrupted the May 5 botched Ekiti APC primary was premised upon.
“Fayemi knows that the tiny political life he may enjoy in the next dispensation lies on a balance, and he is bent on utilizing it to the best of his abilities. Being an Oyegun-man, he is aware that the exit of Oyegun and the coming of Oshiomhole will bring about a massive hurricane where all those that has ever stood against Tinubu will be swept away. This means that he will be losing his ministerial position, and will be politically out of space,” the Boss learnt.
Consequently, mustering enough goodwill as well as financial muscle, Fayemi clung to the last dying breath which is Oyegun. It is obvious that if he wins Ekiti election as governor, whatever happens in the next four years beginning from 2019, will not give him any sleepless. But otherwise, there is tension.
Except for political intrigues, watchers are of the opinion that the one oftentimes called elitist, is qualified to be governor, the fact that he was voted out four years ago notwithstanding. He is actually elitist as many has unwittingly remarked: his secondary education was at Christ School, Ado Ekiti from 1975 to 1980. His attendance at the Universities of Lagos and Ife at separate times bestowed on him degrees in History, Politics and International Relations. He also has a Doctorate degree in War Studies from the prestigious King’s College, University of London, England, majoring in civil-military relations.

Kayode Fayemi has been lecturer, journalist, researcher and Strategy Development adviser in Nigeria and the United Kingdom with stints at The Guardian, City Tempo and Nigeria-Now. He is a former Director of the Centre for Democracy & Development, a research and training institution dedicated to the study and promotion of democratic development, peace-building and human security in Africa. He was Strategy Development Adviser at London’s City Challenge; research fellow at the African Research & Information Bureau in London. As a prominent leader of the Nigerian opposition to military rule in exile, he was responsible for the founding and management of the opposition radios – Radio Freedom, Radio Democracy International & Radio Kudirat and played a central role in the opposition’s diplomatic engagements in exile. He is the writer of Out Of The Shadows.
Amongst his numerous academic and public policy engagements at home and abroad, Kayode Fayemi has lectured in Africa, Europe, the Americas and Asia. He has also served as an adviser on transitional justice, regional integration, constitutionalism, security sector reform and civil-military relations issues to various governments, inter-governmental institutions and development agencies.
In an interview with the Daily Independent in 2005, Mr. Fayemi made poverty, education and healthcare central to his manifesto. The implementation of which he asserts will be consultative, including being open to ideas from the diaspora.
After three and a half years fighting through the legal system on 15 October 2010 the appeal court sitting in Kwara state declared him the duly elected Governor of Ekiti State, and marked the end of Segun Oni’s administration.
His vision is summed up in an 8-point Agenda which centres around: Governance, Infrastructural Development, Modernising Agriculture, Education and Human Capital Development, Health Care Services, Industrial Development, Tourism Development, and Gender Equality and Woman Empowerment.
Fayemi runs an open administration, becoming the first governor in this present political dispensation in Nigeria to openly declare his Seven Hundred and Fifty Million Naira assets, Fayemi was also the first governor in Nigeria to sign into law the Freedom of Information Act on Monday, 4 July 2011.
He was defeated by Ayo Fayose of the PDP in the 2014 election while attempting to go second term. A few months ago, a panel of enquiry set up by Governor Fayose banned him from participating in public administration in Ekiti State for five years; a verdict he has declared a joke.
The clandestine Radio Freedom, later Radio Kudirat operator of those days, has said that his quest to return to governance has nothing to do with vengeance, but to complete the works he started, which he believes have been truncated by his successor, chiefly among them restoration of respect to elders.
It is really not uhuru for Fayemi yet as the election comes up in July, many weeks after a part of his war chest may have left office, paving the way for one if not an avalanche of his albatross.
Time, as usual, will tell.
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The Ooni of Ife, Adeyeye Ogunwusi, has announced the birth of twin princes with his wife Mariam Ajibola, to the Royal House of Oduduwa.
The monarch disclosed this in a post shared on his official Facebook page on Friday, expressing gratitude to God for the safe delivery of the children and the wellbeing of their mother.
“To God be all the glory and adoration for His wondrous works and abundant blessings once again.
The announcement has drawn congratulatory messages from admirers and members of the Yoruba royal institution celebrating the arrival of the newborn princes.
After his marriage to Naomi Silekunola ended, the Ooni married several queens within a short period in 2022.
Among the queens are Mariam Anako, Elizabeth Akinmuda, Tobiloba Phillips, Ashley Adegoke, Ronke Ademiluyi and Temitope Adesegun.
During celebrations marking his 48th birthday and seventh coronation anniversary, the monarch explained that his marriages were connected to the traditional heritage and responsibilities attached to the throne of Ile-Ife.
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“Siddon Look” Policy of Chief Bola Ige As a Panacea for Nigeria’s Current Democratic Malaise
Published
6 days agoon
May 15, 2026By
Eric
By Hon. Femi Kehinde
Chief James Ajibola Idowu Ige, SAN, popularly known as the “Cicero of Esa-Oke,” was one of Nigeria’s most influential legal minds and political figures. He was a master orator, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), and a key player in both the First and Second Republics. He had seen and fought many political battles in his lifetime.
In the first Republic, during his tumultuous period, he was the Federal Publicity Secretary of the Action Group in 1962. He was affable, charismatic and a consummate lawyer. He was a polyglot and had seen many wards of the Nigerian prison, but was never battle weary. As a democrat per excellence and an Awoist, who believed in a just, humane and egalitarian society, he lived his life within the ambience of those principled stance until he was murdered in his Solemilia Court home in Bodija, Ibadan on the 23rd December, 2001. Through his political binoculars, he could easily discern what may not be easily discernible by ordinary eye.
The Military overtook the democratic government of Nigeria on the 31st of December, 1983, and thus the collapse of the Second Republic, of which Bola Ige had been a prominent political player as the first democratically elected Executive Governor of Oyo State from the 1st October, 1979 to 30th September, 1983. He was subsequently clamped into various prison wards in Nigeria by the military government of General Muhammadu Buhari as Head of State.
After release from prison by the military government of General Ibrahim Babangida, Bola Ige, perhaps from the benefits of hindsight, refused to participate in the various transition programs of the military government, because he knew it would hit a Cul de sac, and rather would according to him, siddon look -(Sit down and look).
This “Siddon Look” policy was a strategic political stance adopted by Chief Bola Ige,during the transition program of General Sani Abacha in the mid1990s.This phrase, derived from the Nigerian Pidgin English “sit down and look,” perfectly captured a philosophy of tactical withdrawal and passive observation in the face of what Ige viewed as a fraudulent democratic process.
During the 1990s, General Sani Abacha initiated a transition-to-civil-rule program. However, many political observers and pro-democracy activists believed the process was designed to fail or to eventually “self-succeed” Abacha as a civilian president. This era was marked by the presence of five political parties, often mockingly referred to by Chief Bola Ige as the “five fingers of a leprous hand”, that were widely seen as subservient to the military junta.
Bola Ige, a staunch Awoist and leader within the Pan-Yoruba group Afenifere, refused to participate in the elections. His policy was built on several key principles.
Ige argued that engaging with the Abacha transition would lend legitimacy to an insincere and undemocratic process.Instead of active rebellion, which often led to imprisonment or exile during that regime, he advocated for staying quiet, observing the unfolding events, and waiting for the inevitable collapse of the flawed system. By “sitting down and looking,” Ige and his associates maintained their political integrity, positioning themselves as the alternative leadership once the military eventually exited.
The policy became a defining characteristic of the progressive opposition in Nigeria at the time. While some critics argued that it left a vacuum for less-principled actors to fill, Ige’s foresight was largely vindicated when the transition program ended abruptly with Abacha’s death in June, 1998.
Following the transition to the Fourth Republic in 1999, the “Siddon Look” practitioners emerged with their reputations intact, allowing Ige to play a central role in the formation of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and subsequently serve as the Attorney General of the Federation.
Interestingly today, the term remains a part of the Nigerian political lexicon, used to describe a deliberate choice to remain neutral or observant during a suspicious or chaotic event.
At the last convention of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) held in Abeokuta on the 15th December 1983, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a sage, philosopher, clairvoyant and visionary leader, bemoaning the fate of democracy in Nigeria, of which he had been a key player for almost five (5) decades, made an epochal speech that was purely valedictory and instructive.
The speech was delivered in the wake of the controversial 1983 general elections, where the UPN had lost to the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) amidst widespread allegations of electoral malpractices.The NPN had become a behemoth capturing virtually all the states of Nigeria. The speech is often cited for its sharp critique of the Nigerian political state and its warning of impending instability.
Awolowo expressed deep disillusionment with the democratic process as it was then being practiced. He remarked:
“I do fervently and will continue fervently to pray that I may be proved wrong. But the present twilight of democracy, individual freedom, and the rule of law will change or might change into utter darkness. But after darkness, and this is a commonplace, comes a glorious dawn. It is, therefore, with a brave heart, with confident hope, and with faith in my unalterable destiny, that I go from this twilight into the darkness, unshaken in my trust in the Providence of God that a glorious dawn will come on the morrow.
“For something within me tells me, loud and clear, that we have embarked on a fruitless search. At the end of the day, when we imagine that the new order is here, we would be terribly disappointed.
In other words, at the threshold of our new social order, we would see for ourselves that, as long as Nigerians remain what they are, nothing clean, principled, ethical, and idealistic can work with them.
I venture to assert that the ills of the nation will not be exorcised, and indeed they will be firmly entrenched, unless God Himself imbues a vast majority of us with a revolutionary change of attitude to life and politics… or unless we succumb to permanent social instability and chaos.”
On the moral Crisis of the leadership, Awolowo argued that the failure of the Second Republic was not just a failure of the ballot box, but a failure of character:
“It is a sad and painful thing to observe that, in our country today, the more highly placed a man is, the more likely he is to be a liar, a cheat, and a deceiver. We have reached a stage where truth is regarded as an enemy, and where the man who speaks it is hounded as a rebel or a nuisance.
As long as we continue to elevate mediocrity and corruption over merit and integrity, the search for a stable democracy will remain an exercise in futility. We must realize that no constitution, however perfect, can work in the hands of men who have no conscience.”
One of the most technical parts of the speech dealt with the mismanagement of the national treasury. He warned that the “landslide” victory would lead to a “landslide” economic collapse:
“I have warned before, and I warn again: our economy is bleeding to death. The reckless spending, the unbridled importation of luxuries, and the total neglect of our productive sectors have brought us to the brink of a precipice.
The current administration (NPN) has turned our foreign reserves into a personal fund for a few. Very soon, the naira will lose its value, and the common man, who was promised ‘Green Revolution’ rice, will find that he can no longer afford to even smell it. The day of reckoning is not years away; it is at the door.”
On the Future of the UPN and His Own Role, as many were calling for him to lead a protest or an insurrection, Awolowo’s paragraphs took a more philosophical, almost valedictory tone:
“Some of you ask, ‘Papa, what do we do now?’ My answer is simple: remain steadfast in the truth. We in the UPN have played our part. We have offered the people Free Education, Free Health, and Integrated Rural Development. If the people have been robbed of these, the responsibility lies with the robbers, and the consequence will be borne by the nation.
I have fought the good fight. I have finished my course. Whether I am here to see the new social order or not, I am satisfied that the seeds we have sown are imperishable. They will grow, and they will flourish, long after the noise of today’s ‘winners’ has been silenced by history.”
Awolowo furthered in his 1983-period reflections by predicting that the people would eventually reclaim their destiny:
“A time will come when the misery of the people will become unbearable, they will then rise by themselves to demand a redirection of their destinies.
My adversaries might say, ‘Who am I to think that if I am sidelined the country might suffer?’ The point, of course, is that the spirit of man knows no barrier, never dies, and can be projected to any part of the world. I am confident that the ideals of social justice and individual liberty which I hold dear, will continue to be projected until they are realized in our lifetime.”
He ended the speech with a call to personal resilience, moving from the political to the spiritual:
“Let no man’s heart fail him. The history of the world is a history of the struggle between light and darkness. For now, the darkness seems to have the upper hand. But I tell you, even in this gloom, I see the rays of a glorious dawn.
My trust in the Providence of God is unshaken. I go into the twilight with a clear conscience, knowing that I have never once compromised the interests of the common man for a mess of pottage. To God be the glory.”
Some few years thereafter, specifically on the 9th of May, 1987, Chief Obafemi Awolowo passed on to join the saints triumphant at the age of 78 years, as if he had lived for a century in the service of mankind. His good deeds still lives after him.
In this present Nigeria political conundrum, the voice of Obafemi Awolowo still echoes and reverberates. The Nigerian political space, in its present disillusionment, still remains a huge cause for concern to every discerning mind.
Oyelagbawo Comprehensive High School is a secondary educational institution located in the Babalomo community within the Ifelodun Local Government Area of Kwara State, Nigeria. The School was patterned after the popular Comprehensive High School, Ayetoro, in present day Ogun State, that was established in 1963, by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the Ford Foundation, the defunct Western Region Government, through the ideas of the founding Fathers- Chief B. Shomade and Dr. Adams Skepson.
However, the name of the school “Oyelagbawo”- Elders are usually far-sighted, and its choice of location “Babalomo”- God knows, are very instructive to our present political malaise as a search point and the need for elders’ introspective look into our present political firmament. What an elder sees while sitting down, a young man from the rooftop of a twenty-five (25) storey Cocoa House, Ibadan, may certainly not see it.
With the monstrous Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), one would still insist that fair play is lost when in a football match between IICC Shooting Stars FC Ibadan and Rangers International FC Enugu. The IICC Shooting stars FC Ibadan is asked to pick the Referee for the match. Oyelagbawo!
In the Yoruba epic film, “Saworoide”, the centerpiece of Tunde Kelani’s 1999 masterpiece, is the mystical talking drum adorned with brass bells, which gives the movie its name- “Saworo” meaning brass bell” and “Ide” meaning brass.
In the fictional town of Jogbo, this drum is much more than a musical instrument. It is a sacred tool of political accountability and spiritual law. The drum acts as a check and balance system.
In Saworoide, the late Alagba Adebayo Faleti plays the character Baba Opalaba, the palace bard and official praise singer, Akigbe to the King of Jogbo. While his role begins as a traditional functionary of the court, it carries significant weight in the film’s exploration of power, ethics, and the duty of the intellectual.
As the palace bard, Baba Opalaba is the custodian of the town’s oral history. He doesn’t just sing praises; he recites the Oriki (lineage epithets) that reminds the King of his ancestors and the weight of the crown. His presence gives the monarchy its cultural legitimacy, framing the King’s authority within the long-standing traditions of Jogbo.
In Yoruba palace culture, the bard is one of the few people allowed to speak truth to power, albeit through metaphors and proverbs. Faleti portrays Opalaba with a quiet, observant dignity. He witnesses Oba Lapite’s descent into corruption and greed. Through his chants, he often inserts subtle warnings or reminders of the “Saworoide” pact, signaling that he knows the King has bypassed the sacred rituals.
One of the most poignant aspects of Faleti’s role is the depiction of the internal struggle of the courtier. He is part of the system, but he is not of the corruption. He serves the “Throne” rather than the “Man”. When Oba Lapite attempts to consolidate power through violence and theft, Opalaba’s discomfort is visible. He observed in a solemn voice and measured tone-
“Yo ma leyin
Oro yi yo ma leyin.
Ajan ti ele…”
That is, a great repercussion is imminent.
He represents the traditional elite who must navigate staying alive under a tyrant while trying to preserve the integrity of the culture they represent.
Beyond the script, Adebayo Faleti was a legendary Yoruba scholar, poet, and actor in real life. His casting brought an unmatched authenticity to the film. His command of the Yoruba language, the nuances, the tonal poetry, and the deep idioms, elevated the movie from a standard drama to a high-art cultural document.
When he speaks or chants in the film, he is not just acting; he is demonstrating the actual power of the Yoruba oral tradition to command attention and respect, even in a palace filled with soldiers and politicians.
Ultimately, Faleti’s role serves as a bridge between the mystical world (the drums and the crown) and the political world. He is the “memory” of the state, reminding both the audience and the characters that while kings may come and go, the culture and the consequences of their actions remain.
In a broader sense, the Saworoide is a powerful allegory for transparency and the power of the collective voice. Even today, it remains one of the most culturally significant symbols in Nigerian cinema, representing the idea that no leader, no matter how powerful, is above the “drums” of public accountability.
In a chanced encounter with Alagba Adebayo Faleti at the Solemilia Court home of Chief Bola Ige, Bodija, Ibadan, in February, 1999, I had a raw experience of Faleti’s interventionist role in human conduct as a soothsayer. Chief Bola Ige was meant to travel abroad and was to leave Ibadan that morning to Lagos. It was few days to the Presidential primary of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) of which Bola Ige and Olufalaye were contestants.
A leader in my constituency, Bashorun Saliu Akanni, had informed me of the need to pick him from Oluponna to Ibadan to see Chief Bola Ige before he travels to Lagos that morning for his intending trip abroad. According to him, he had some words of advice for Chief Bola Ige and he wished that I listen to the conversation. Dutifully, I picked him up and we arrived Chief Bola Ige’s house few minutes to 8:00 o’clock in the morning. Chief Bola Ige was ready for the trip to Lagos and we met him at the antic sitting room. Bashorun Akanni told Chief Bola Ige of his mission and gave him a letter and also repeated the content of the letter. In the letter, he advised Chief Bola Ige to shelve his proposed trip abroad to a later date after the presidential primary of the AD.
We were on this brief discussion when Alagba Bayo Faleti breezed into the antic sitting room. Bola Ige welcomed him enthusiastically and said “Seriki, o ma ku ojo meta. I’m on my way out of Ibadan for a trip to the United States”. And Seriki replied him, “Exactly! That was why I came around this morning to advise you against your trip abroad, and to delay your trip ‘til after the outcome of your presidential primary of the AD”. Bashorun Akanni, Chief Bola Ige and myself were surprised that Seriki was on the same direction with Akanni.
The outcome of the presidential primary did not favour Chief Bola Ige and he was already abroad. My respect for Oloye Bayo Faleti blossomed after the outcome of the AD primary presidential election at the D-Rovans Hotel, Ibadan, where majority of the members of the Electoral College were Bola Ige’s bosom friends and loyalists. Oyelagbawo!
May the sacred voice of our Elders now provide for us a complete direction, otherwise we may all echo the words of Professor Olarotimi in his epic play “Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again”!
Hon. (Barr.) Femi Kehinde, MHR is a
Former Member, House of Representatives, National Assembly, Abuja (1999-2003), representing Ayedire-Iwo-Olaoluwa Federal Constituency of Osun State and Principal Partner, Femi Kehinde & Co. Solicitors, Ibadan, Oyo State
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Tinubu Forced Obi, Kwankwaso to Work Together – Dele Momodu
Published
2 weeks agoon
May 7, 2026By
Eric
A chieftain of the African Democratic Congress, Dele Momodu, has claimed that President Bola Tinubu is the one who forced opposition leaders such as Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso into working together ahead of the 2027 elections.
In an interview on Channels Television on Wednesday, Momodu argued that the current unity among some opposition figures is not born out of genuine long-term commitment but is a reaction to pressure from the ruling government.
“Tinubu forced all of them together. And that is why they all moved in one direction. Which would have been beautiful, because it would have been like a two-party race,” Momodu said.
The publisher of Ovation International made the comment while reacting to the defection of Obi and Kwankwaso to the Nigeria Democratic Congress.
Obi, the 2023 Labour Party presidential candidate, dumped the ADC on Sunday alongside former New Nigeria People’s Party presidential candidate, Kwankwaso, citing legal disputes within the coalition and a toxic political climate.
The move sparked debate about a possible joint presidential ticket between the two opposition figures in the 2027 election.
Momodu, however, warned that the political situation has changed significantly since the 2023 election and cautioned against assumptions of automatic voter retention for major candidates.
“Are you saying that Tinubu will retain all the 8 million plus people that voted for him last time? How are you sure… What is the guarantee that Obi and Kwankwaso are the only people who will retain all those who voted for them last time? The situation has changed,” he queried.
Momodu added that if Tinubu allows a free and fair election, “he might not even get 3 million votes.”
He cited the poor performance of some G5 governors who could not secure senatorial seats in their states, including Enugu, Abia, and Benue, as evidence of shifting voter loyalty.
On coalition talks, the ADC chieftain said his party remains focused and steadfast.
He welcomed those willing to join but rejected any form of blackmail or the idea that victory depends on a single individual.
“Those who want to join should join. Those who do not want to join, you cannot succumb to blackmail. That only one man can make us win,” he declared.
He noted that the 2019 alliance between Atiku Abubakar and Obi did not produce victory, while their separate contests in 2023 also failed to unseat the ruling party.
He advised political actors to remain calm, quoting his late unlettered mother: “Stop running from whatever is chasing you, because you might run into what is chasing you.”
He wished the former Anambra governor well in testing his popularity elsewhere and stressed that no one should be forced out of the race based on one person’s claims.
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