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Friday Sermon: The Devil’s Rectangle 1

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By Babatunde Jose

Devil’s Rectangle is an apocalyptic scenario depicting the satanic coalition of political leadership, the gullible and lethargic followership, and irresponsible mass media and conniving religious institutions. When these forces are mixed together in the political blender, the result is a poisonous smoothy capable of oozing noxious political instability and retrogression.

The worst side of this rectangle is the religious as it is usually the source of social and communal unrest, riots and general state of insecurity. Religion which ought to bring some temperance into the political atmosphere and check the utterances and behaviours of political players has sadly failed. Rather, Religion has formed an alliance with the political actors and in the process the conscience of the people has been killed.

Religion is a complex phenomenon which Bouquet described as “a fixed relationship between the human self and some non-human entity, the sacred, the supernatural, the self-existent, the absolute or simply, God” (J.I. Omoregbe, A Philosophical Look at Religion. Lagos: 1993).

However, religion could be seen as human activities manifesting through beliefs and ritual practices in response to the Super-sensible Being, believed to exist.

Seeing as it were that man is homo politicus and at the same time homo religio, it follows that we cannot do without politics as well as religion in our everyday life. Therefore, we tend to politicize religion and religionize politics. Mixing the two however makes religion to lose its sanctity. This is the reality of our post-colonial state, particularly the capture and control of state power by a self-centered and divided political class. They whip up religious sentiments and accentuate its divisive tendencies. Hence, almost all political actions are seen through the prism of religion. A Moslem President becomes a Jihadist and religious extremist in the eyes of the opposition, even though there are Moslems within their own ranks. The herdsmen imbroglio was also used to whip up anti-Islam sentiments amidst name calling and painting of the President as the mastermind of a situation which ordinarily resides in the socio-economic domain.

The Boko Haram issue is also a good example. These misguided terrorists and their international affiliates have continued to wreck havoc on our society, killing, kidnapping and maiming, regardless of the religious affiliation of their victims. Yet, they have been seen as an arm of a wider Islamic tendency to Islamize the country.

According to Onapajo, the amalgamation of Nigeria in 1914 and the emergence of indigenous national politics saw religion effectively representing a source of ethnic identity, group unity, political mobilization, regime legitimization and delegitimization in the country (H. Onapajo, “Politics for God: Religion, Politics and Conflict in Democratic Nigeria”, in The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.4, No.9. pp. 36-46, 2012.).

Basically, this accounts for the reason why the first political party in the North, the Northern People’s Congress (NPC), overtly and covertly bears the touch of Islam. To this, Prof B J Dudley (B. Dudley, Parties and Politics in Northern Nigeria, London, Frank Cass, 1968) affirmed that the NPC represented the consensus of the Northern Muslim Society- the Ijma.

Similarly, the non-Muslims in the North formed opposition political groups and parties to protest the ethno-Islamic political hegemony of the NPC in the region. Among such groups are the Tiv Progressive Union (TPU); Middle Zone League (MZL); Middle-Belt People’s Party (MBPP); United Middle-Belt Congress (UMBC); Northern Nigeria Non-Muslim League; Birom Progressive Union (BPU), with a strong backing from the Christian Missionaries.

According to Prof H O Danmole (A Visionary of the Lagos Muslim Community: Mustapha Adamu Animashaun, 1885-1968)Animashaun formed a Muslim party in Lagos in the 1950s and it had the support of the Lagos Central Mosque.

Today, the politics of religious identification and affiliation has gone beyond that and now revolves round the religious inclination of the political leadership of the country. Hence, Moslems identify with a Moslem president and support him regardless of policy issues. This was also the case of the massive support of the Christian community for the presidency of Obasanjo and Jonathan.

Under this ‘satanic’ atmosphere incumbent presidents are vilified, bedraggled and abused by opposition based on the religious affiliation. This is often translated into hatred for his party, despite the fact that these parties are not in any way monolithic religion-wise. Currently, the president has been labeled as a Moslem Fulani irredentist whose raison d’être is to Islamize the country. Yet, when Obasanjo and Jonathan ruled for a cumulative period of 13 years there was no outcry of perceived Christianization of the country. It is however, inconceivable and an over-stretch of the imagination bordering on incredulity for anyone to say that a President harbors an agenda to Islamize or Christianize Nigeria, more so with the National Assembly and the Judiciary in place. Obviously, the days of Jihad and Missionary Evangelism has passed.

Religion and politics some may argue should not mix but it very obvious that religion cannot be divulged of politics; especially in a society where  political leadership find it very convenient to hide under the umbrella of religion. There is no doubt, as Prof Ali Mazrui noted:

In those African countries, where Islam is in serious competition with Christianity and both are politicized, the two creeds become divisive rather than unifying, destabilizing rather than legitimizing. Where religion reinforces ethnic differences on regional variation, governments become less stable rather than more… On the whole, the two Semitic religions in Nigeria Christianity and Islam reinforce regional and ethnic differences, and make stability more difficult. (Mazrui, A.A. (1996) “Military Intervention in African Politics”. In Ralph Uwechue (ed), Africa Today. Third Edition. United Kingdom)

It would be misleading to conclude that religious organisations have been uniformly or consistently supportive of democratic processes and values in Nigeria. On the contrary, they have periodically exhibited disturbing anti-democratic proclivities that have found expression in religious violence and intolerance, in the corruption and manipulation of religious leaders. In general religion is functional or dysfunctional, depending on the extent to which it contributes to the achievement of societal goals.

The ferocious gyration of Nigerians about religious matters which will not be replicated when it comes to national interest has weakened the Nigerian state. A survey of ethno-religious crisis in Nigeria reveals that blood of innocent Nigerians are shed and properties destroyed on account of this passion, fervour, emotional and emotive reactions, moral certitude and religiosity. (Ojo, E.O. (2006) “A Survey of Ethno-Religious Crisis in Nigeria and its implication for Democracy” in Ojo, E.O. (ed). Challenges of Sustainable Democracy in Nigeria; Ibadan). Unfortunately, the North has always been the bedrock of religious crisis.

Since 1992, over tens of thousands of people have died from communal-religious conflicts. Plateau, Benue, Taraba, Borno and Kaduna States constitute the highest figure of causalities. In recent years, incidents of Christian Muslim violence have become more frequent and bloodier.

The political class cannot exonerate itself from the present predicament of Nigeria. A lot of useful energy is diverted to building religious sentiment. Rather than mobilize Nigerians to their cause as politicians, the new political elites are busy mobilizing their religious constituencies for a war against one another. With religion generating so much passion, the polarization of the nation has found full expression as the country is finally pitched as a battleground between Christians and Muslims.

Religion does not make people good or bad. On the contrary, it is being used as an instrument of oppression and deceit in Nigeria. It appears that Nigerians have resigned themselves to fate and this is possibly further compounded by poverty, illiteracy, and lack of political education on the part of majority. (Egbewole, W. O., and Etudaiye, M. A. (2011). Religion, Politics and Justice: Interplay of Forces in Nigeria).

The manipulation of religion by some powerful individuals who hide under the guise of religion to pursue selfish interests, and the greed and avariciousness of some religious leaders who patronize corrupt rulers remains part of the negative effects of religion on the polity. Efforts by Nigerian politicians to gain ascendancy and power have led to situation in which politics have swept away sacred precepts of religion, and in the process, contaminated the hearts of people with bitterness and enmity for the religion of others

After Obasanjo was elected president, Pentecostal leaders conducted an all-night prayer meeting for him. This gesture was politically endorsed and rewarded with the construction of a chapel in the Presidential Villa.

The effect of religion on politics all over the world is bifocal, in the sense that it is both positive and negative. It is positive in the sense that religion, as earlier identified, is value- driven and it naturally robs off on the polity through the participation of ardent religious believers. The negative effect could be deciphered from the perspective of sectarian tendency; where religious bigots do anything in the name of religion to ensure that positions or offices are gained by their adherents. Such people stand on the position that their ideals and beliefs dominate any environment they find themselves (New York Times, 2005).

Barka Juma’at and happy weekend

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Fubara’s Impeachment Suffers Setback As Judge Rejects Invitation to Set Up Probe Panel

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The Chief Judge of Rivers State, Justice Simeon Amadi, has declined to set up a judicial panel to investigate Governor Siminalayi Fubara, citing a court order.

The Rivers State House of Assembly had requested that Amadi set up a seven-member panel to probe Fubara and his deputy, Ngozi Odu, over allegations of gross misconduct.

However, in a letter dated January 20 and addressed to the Speaker of the House, Martins Amaewhule, the chief judge cited two court orders barring him from receiving, forwarding, or considering any requests to form such a panel.

The judge stated that the orders were served on his office on January 16, 2026 and remain in force.

The chief judge emphasised that constitutionalism and the rule of law require all authorities to obey subsisting court orders, irrespective of their perception of the orders’ validity.

He referenced legal precedents, noting that in a similar case in 2007, the Chief Judge of Kwara State was condemned for ignoring a restraining court order when setting up an investigative panel, a decision later voided by the Court of Appeal.

Justice Amadi further observed that the Speaker has already filed an appeal against the court orders at the Court of Appeal, adding another layer to the ongoing legal proceedings surrounding the allegations.

“By the doctrine of ‘lis pendens’, parties and the court have to await the outcome of the appeal,” he said.

Justice Amadi further stated that the existence of the injunctions and the pending appeal had effectively tied his hands.

“In view of the foregoing, my hand is fettered, as there are subsisting interim orders of injunction and appeal against the said orders. I am therefore legally disabled at this point from exercising my duties under Section 188(5) of the Constitution in the instant,” he said.

The chief judge appealed to the lawmakers to recognise the legal constraints surrounding the matter.

Justice Amadi, therefore, urged the state assembly to be “magnanimous enough to appreciate the legal position of the matter.”

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2027: ADC Draws Battleline Against Tinubu’s APC

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By Eric Elezuo

“We will work in concert with other leaders of the opposition and Nigerians to chase the APC out of government” – Atiku Abubakar 

The permutations that had made the rounds regarding the invincibility of President Bola Tinubu and his All Progressives Congress (APC) as the 2027 Presidential Election approaches, have taken a major shift with the recent alliances and reinvestments in the new coalition party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

Only last week, a chieftain of the ADC, Chief Dele Momodu, aroused attention of the public towards the party, with his much celebrated officially and formal declaration of membership of the party in Benin City, Edo State. The event was attended by party stakeholders in the state, and was adjudged as a huge as it created the desired awareness of the party presence in the APC controlled state.

Earlier, the former Governor of Anambra State, who was the presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 elections, Mr. Peter Obi, had moved to the coalition ADC, in another elaborate ceremony held in Enugu, in what analysts and observers describe as strategic, and one of the most important alliances the party has enjoyed since its expanded emergennce many months ago.

While many believe that the moves may have sent jitters to the camp of the APC, and continue to pave for the democratic removal of Tinubu and the APC from office, the ruling part remains offbeat, raveling in the euphoria of so far amassing and harvesting 28 out of the 36 state governors in the Federation, and still counting.

But the ADC is unwavering in its efforts to see Tinubu out, much as the ruling party is stone-solid certain of retaining power in 2027, the much awaited battleline has then been drawn between the now two major political parties in the country.

If there’s one good thing so far the ADC has done to and for Nigerians in this dispensation, it’s their ability to truncate the government’s alleged ambition of reducing the country to a one-party state. This notion was fueled by the malformed shape the two former frontline parties; the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Labour Party have taken in recent times. None of the two parties can boost of an appropriate Executive Council or Working Committee, making it practically impossible for any aspirant to seek political position through those parties. This has led to the massive defections of politicians to the APC of governors, senators, representatives and other wannabe office holders.

This credit has gone to the likes of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, former Senate President David Mark, former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola and a host of others, who in their words felt the need to ‘rescue’ Nigeria and Nigerians from the shackles of misrule and one-party inclination of the APC.

The ADC’s heighened readiness to contend the seat of Aso Rock against the APC and Tinubu, is made more more manifest in the recent interview granted by the party’s spokesperson, Mallam Baji Abdullahi, on Channels Television, where he noted that the only way Nigeria can overcome its current challenges is to remove President Bola Tinubu in 2027, describing in vivid colours with copious evidences the objective to remove the president from power as a necessary step towards rescuing Nigeria from an unprecedented governance crisis.

Insisting that Nigeria has been hijacked, Abdullahi accused the Tinubu-led government of carelessness in the affairs and living conditions of Nigerians, and the state governors for failing to improve Nigerians’ livelihoods despite receiving larger allocations from the federal government.

He further accused the government of prioritizing stranglehold on power rather than governance with a human face, saying those and more are the reasons Nigerians will shun the party, and embrace ADC in 2027.

“It’s solely to get Tinubu out of power. There is no scenario where he remains in power, and we can save this country. When people say you can smash it, grab it, and run with it, that is the language of banditry”.

Abdullahi, who himself, had been in the corridors of power as a minister, stressed that the atrocities of the present administration is enough for Nigerians to show them the way out in 2027, with ADC providing the platform, just as he raised concerns about allegations of legislative manipulation, particularly regarding tax laws, and the hiring of lobbyists at a whooping sum of $9 million, describing those and other recent events as unprecedented in Nigeria’s democratic history.

“A government that can forge a duly passed law; what do you call that?” he asked.

Speaking on the federal government’s reported payment of $9 million to foreign lobbyists in the United States, allegedly to improve Nigeria’s image before American political leaders, including President Donald Trump, Abdullahi said he had reviewed documents and found no transparency model or legal basis for the process.

“Is it a bad thing to lobby? No, it’s not a bad thing. But what they are doing, number one, I don’t even want to go into all the processes.

“How was this contract awarded? How was the money paid? Who paid the money? What budget line was it taken from? How was the money transferred out of Nigeria? he asked.

He argued that the expenditure revealed misplaced priorities.

“If you invest nine million dollars in internal security, you will see results. You won’t have to convince the president of another country that your country is safe,” he added.

“Instead, he accused the government of caring more about appearances before foreign audiences than about the daily insecurity faced by Nigerians.”

“They don’t care whether Nigerians are still dying. They don’t care that people are still being killed. They want to look good before Americans,” Abdullahi said.

The ADC spokesperson also expressed alarm over a recently signed medical memorandum of understanding (MOU) between Nigeria and the United States.
According to him, the agreement, reportedly signed around December 19, grants the US significant control over how funds are spent, including determining the regions that would benefit, despite Nigeria contributing more financially.

“No Nigerians have seen the details of this MOU,” he said, describing the terms as “shocking” while raising questions about sovereignty and accountability.

Abdullahi accused state governors of failing to improve Nigerians’ livelihoods despite receiving larger allocations from the federal government.

He noted that with the removal of fuel subsidy, Nigerian governors have more money in their coffers but have not done much with it.

“The governors, by their own, by the president’s own declaration, he has given more money to the governors than maybe any president has ever given to governors in our history. And how has that reflected in the improved livelihood of the people in the states?” the ADC spokesman asked.

“I’m not saying all of them are bad, but what I’m saying is that they have received more money than any other generation of governors have received in the history of this country,” the former minister said.

“You can say devaluation. The reason we have more money going to the states is that they removed subsidies, and that money is now going to them. In what way has that reflected a better life for the people in the states?” he queried.

But with only eight governors in ‘fragile’ opposition against Tinubu, the APC has dismissed ADC’s efforts as a waste of time. They have noted that the eight opposition governors, are only so in name, at least majority of them.

In Anambra State, where Prof Charles Soludo is the governor, the government has consistently lauded Tinubu, canvassed for his reelection, and even derided the ambition of one of their own, Mr. Peter Obi.

In Kano State, it is just a matter of time before the NNPP governor defects to the APC as he has practically severed relationship with his mentor, Rabiu Kwankwaso, and entered into a new romance with Tinubu’s APC.

And with the barage of attacks being faced by the Abia State governor Alex Otti, from opposition elements including the three governors before him; Orji Uzo Kalu, Theodore Orji and Okezie Ikpeazu, Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu and other fractions of opposition voices, observers say Otti buckle, and join the fray. However, the support of Abia citizens has been overwhelming, and appears enough to see the governor through another in 2027.

It is also believed that except Seyi Makinde of Oyo State is on the ballot paper, his loyalty is likely to go to Tinubu, a ‘Yoruba man’ if the revelations of former Ekiti State governor, Ayo Fayose, is anything to hold on to.

As for the Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke; if not that his defection to the APC was thwarted by elements that do not like his face in the party, he would have been in APC today, and singing the reelection song of Tinubu. He is in Accord Party, and is still keeping his presidential allegiance close to his chest.

Bauchi State governor Bala Mohammed is presently been haunted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and a dramatic move to Tinubu’s side may erased whatever corrupt case allegations against. Adams Oshiomhole was once quoted as saying that ‘once you join the APC, your sins are forgiven’.

In a Premium Times report, and quoting the National President, Campaign for Democracy (CD), Ifeanyi Odili, the issue of Nigeria sliding into one-party state appears real

“With several governors joining the APC, the party now controls about 28 out of 36 states, leaving four for PDP, one for APGA, one for NNPP, and one for Accord. Abuja’s status is uncertain with (FCT Minister Nyesom) Wike’s influence.”

“This trend has sparked fears that Nigeria’s democracy is being undermined, as a weak opposition can lead to a lack of accountability and checks on the ruling party,” Odili said.

But the ADC has said that its emergence has changed all the talks about one-party agenda as more Nigerians are proudly queuing behind the party.

But beyond rhetoric, the battleline appears to be a very long one because in the words of Dele Momodu, ‘Tinubu has already locked down the south, and therefore, ADC needs someone with the capacity to lock down the north if tangible can be made.

Nigerians variously have asked that if the ADC is really serious about dislodged Tinubu and the APC in 2027, their two biggest talisman, Atiku and Obi, must develop a healthy collaboration, where whomever emerges as the candidate of the party later in the year, must enjoy the unalloyed support of the others.

The coming together of the two political heavyweights has obviously boosted the party’s and coalition’s political strength, the players and their supporters must not allow it become a weakness or spell its doom

So, with the two frontline leaders yet to agree on who steps down for the other so that a formidable force could be forged against Tinubu and his APC family, all eyes are therefore, on the fast approaching primary election expected to some time this year.

It is no longer a case of who crosses the battleline first, it is a case of who has a more superior firing power in terms of reach, history, achievement, and not forgetting financial muscle, that will carry the day.

ADC says it is ready! APC says it is ready!! Time, and the people will tell!!!

 

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Undeclared $40k: Supreme Court Upholds Conviction of Ex-Gov Lamido’s Son

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The Supreme Court has dismissed the appeal of the son of a former Jigawa State governor, challenging the decision of the trial court, which convicted him for failing to declare $40,000 at Kano airport.

In a unanimous decision, the apex court panel dismissed the appeal of Aminu Sule Lamido, the son of former governor Sule Lamido, for lack of merit.

Operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) arrested Aminu on December 11, 2012, at the Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport while preparing to travel to Cairo, Egypt.

The prosecution said Aminu declared $10,000 to the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), but was found with an additional $40,000, which was not disclosed on his currency declaration form.

The EFCC charged him before the Federal High Court in Kano on a one-count offence of false declaration of foreign currency, contrary to provisions of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act.

On July 12, 2015, the court convicted Aminu and ordered him to forfeit 25 per cent of the undeclared sum to the Federal government.

Dissatisfied with the ruling, Aminu approached the Court of Appeal in Kaduna to overturn the conviction and set aside the forfeiture order.

In a judgment delivered on December 7, 2015, however, the Court of Appeal dismissed the appeal.

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court has ordered that the trial of former governor Lamido, his two sons, and others, over alleged N1.35billion fraud, should continue before the Federal High Court in Abuja.

A five-member panel of the apex court issued the directive in two unanimous judgments, in the two appeals filed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The Supreme Court upheld the decision of the trial court, which dismissed the no-case submission filed by the Lamidos and held that the defendants had a case to answer.

Both appeals were against the July 25, 2023, judgments of the Court of Appeal in Abuja, which upheld the no-case submission made by Lamido and others and struck out the 37-count charge on which they were being prosecuted, on the grounds that the Federal High Court in Abuja lacked the jurisdiction to hear the case.

In the lead judgments of the Supreme Court, Justice Abubakar Umar set aside the July 25, 2023 judgments of the Court of Appeal and affirmed the earlier decision by Justice Ijeoma Ojukwu of the Federal High Court, Abuja, which overruled the no-case submissions by Lamido and others and ordered them to enter their defence.

The EFCC, in the 37-count charge, among others, accused Lamido of abusing his position as a governor between 2007 and 2015, allegedly laundering sums of money received as kickbacks from companies that were awarded contracts by the Jigawa State Government under his leadership.

The other defendants charged alongside Lamido are his two sons – Aminu and Mustapha; Aminu Wada Abubakar and their companies – Bamaina Holdings Ltd and Speeds International Ltd.

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