Opinion
Opinion: Open Letter to Wole Soyinka
Published
3 years agoon
By
Eric
By Promise Adiele
I greet you, sir. I crouch and genuflect before your domineering presence – the irrepressible man of letters, the first black man to win a Nobel Prize in Literature. Despite your recent paradoxical posturing, which suggests a striking alignment with corrosive forces in Nigeria, you remain a global totem of literary ingenuity. You are a legend in the literature fraternity, a position you share with your late friends and compatriots Chinua Achebe and J.P. Clark. No genuine engagement of African literature is complete without a mention of your name. Besides your creative imput to the literary family, you are a critic, autobiographer, activist, translator and a radical opposer to all forms of misrule. In appropriating Ogun, the Yoruba god of iron and subterranean agent of self-examination as your patron god, you challenge humanity to self-purify and reject all forms of subjugation. You are a great man and there is no controversy about it.*
**Sir, recently, the literary family was embarrassed when you engaged your children and grandchildren known as Obidients in a war of words. How can Soyinka, father, grandfather, elder stateman, Nobel laureate and a global icon allow his wards to denigrate him?**
Soyinka, the same one who, every year, sets many departments of English across the world on fire as they study his works. Sir, some people have earned PhD degrees studying your works and literary worldview, the same for master’s degrees and bachelor’s degrees. You belong to the realm of the gods. You are a typical example of the biblical assertion “the gods have come down to us in the likeness of men.”
** But you traded your invincible status by engaging in verbal fisticuffs and linguistic onslaught with your children and grandchildren. You are wrong, sir. But we understand that the best men are still men. Even though you are Soyinka the Great, you are still a man; therefore, fallible.**
**Sir, literary criticism permits disagreement. Accordingly, I humbly disagree with your use of ‘fascism’ when you described Datti Baba-Ahmed’s comments during his interview with Channels Television. Was it a slip of the tongue or a deliberate attempt by you, the master of words, to exercise your right of poetic license? Fascism? No, sir, there was nothing in Datti’s statements to qualify him as a fascist.**
**Fascism is an ideology associated with former Italian despot Benito Mussolini that emphasizes absolute use of powers without tolerating any opposition. Fascism is exercised by someone in power, especially military power. Datti is not in power. He does not have the structures to enact fascism.** He said, ‘if Bola Tinubu is sworn in as the President of Nigeria given that he won the election on the back of monumental fraud, it will signal the end of democracy in Nigeria’. Sir, there is nothing fascist about that statement, however the length of our journey to redefinition.
**Many people view it as an ideological dilemma for you to criticize Datti for suggesting the protection of our democracy while you looked away when Yemi Osinbajo of the APC threatened to form a parallel government in 2015. You also looked away recently when INEC, with Mahmood Yakubu presiding, grounded BVAS to orchestrate the worst electoral heist in living memory. What has happened to you, sir? It would be delusional for anyone to think that your words or ideas are sacrosanct. Because Soyinka said it, therefore, it is correct. No sir!**
** The current generation has gone beyond such a sycophantic, grovelling, obsequious attitude because it hinders existential fluency. The typical Nigerian youth of today questions and challenges everything. It is an objective reality, which unites his sensibilities. Your abuse of the Obidient family strengthens APC’s tyranny, further providing textures through which it is diffused, albeit subliminally. A careful logical introspection of your younger days decorates you with an Obidient garment. You were impetuous, young, daring, confrontational, fearless and courageous. These are the manifest characteristics of Obidients, and they are following in your footsteps. But you insulted them, yes, you did.**
**Expectedly, Obidients challenged you. I must admit that the methods adopted by some of them were extreme and condemnable. But, sir, you embarrassed the literary family when you hurriedly issued a response, “Fascism On Course.” In that write-up, you descended low with some of the Obidient children and called them unprintable names, using inappropriate words. By doing so, you lowered your iconic head to allow your children and grandchildren to harvest it and, believe me, this generation will gladly oblige such invitation.**
**Kongi, sir, there are professionals in the Obidient family, doctors, lawyers, lecturers, bankers, engineers, journalists, entrepreneurs, business executives, diplomats and many more. Of course, in every family, you have all kinds of characters, some are brash, while some are temperate. The Obidient Movement is one large family with different characters pursuing one purpose – the dethronement of criminal structures in governance and the enthronement of dynamic, egalitarian, equitable and responsible government.**
**Sir, the Obidients are driven by your philosophy that “the man dies in all who keep silent in the face of tyranny.” The quote provokes delightful, radical impulses, which currently drive the Obidient Movement. They have refused to keep quiet in the face of APC’s unmitigated, dissimulating tyranny ravaging the country. When tyranny ruled the Nigerian state, you and your contemporaries challenged the establishment. That is exactly what the Obidients are doing now.**
**At 31, you stormed a radio station armed with a gun to force the presenter to announce your election results. Imagine that an Obidient Nigerian, acting like young Soyinka, stormed Abuja with a 9mm Baretta gun, invaded the INEC collation centre and pointed it at Yakubu to stop him from announcing manipulated election results? Imagine for one second what would have been the fate of that Obidient youth now. Sir, recall the abiding principles and compelling ideology of the Pirate Confraternity, of which you were a founding member. Many of your men are Obidients. Obidients are young Nigerians across ethnic and religious lines disenchanted with the roguery and pervasive attitude of the current political class. They have risen to say ‘no more.’ It, therefore, lacerates my heart when you describe them in those vile, insulting words. As an elder, your pronouncements should be conciliatory and peaceful.**
The most shocking thing you did was to invite Datti to a debate on national television. Haba! That cannot be our Wole Soyinka. Inviting Datti to debate over what? Many of your disciples are embarrassed by this challenge. Has it gotten to the level that Wole Soyinka, the Nigerian custodian of literature, will go on national television to argue with a young man who can pass for his son? What will be the topic of the debate? Literature or politics? If it is literature, you will win. If it is politics, especially in the last election in Nigeria, Datti will win. Whatever the case, it is condescending for you to ask Datti and your Obidient children for a debate on national television. From my records, they have accepted the debate. Of course, they will accept the debate. They are offering you your daughter Chimamanda Adichie, your potential successor to the Nobel laureate throne. These Obidient children are way ahead of their time. More than one thousand volunteers, all your children and grandchildren, are offering to debate with you. God forbid!
Please, sir, I plead with you to stop further exchange with the Obidient family. They are your children and grandchildren, young, vibrant and angry. It is not gainful by any stretch of the imagination with your towering status to continue with your children and grandchildren who all read and still read your books to pass their examination. Sir, kindly enjoy your old age because it is by grace, that arcane principle of undeserved providence, that you are still alive. Some of us are praying to attain your age. In Nigeria’s current situation, the possibility of hitting 88 years seems a mirage, but we are hopeful. We need elders like you to make peace, advise people and especially speak to your children in a placatory tone. You are still Wole Soyinka the Great. Sir, quit further exchange with Obidients, they are your children and grandchildren. Any day you answer the inevitable call, in commemoration of your life and times, there will be literary festivals across all universities in Nigeria, perhaps, all Africa. There will be lectures in public places across the world. Please, sir, do not erase that legacy. God bless you!
Adiele, PhD works with Mountain Top University, and can be reached via Promee01@yahoo.com
Culled from The Sun
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Opinion
Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet
Published
11 hours agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Michael Abimboye
As the African Democratic Congress, ADC, gradually consolidates its coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election, attention has inevitably shifted from the emergence of Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate to the more delicate and strategic question of his running mate.
Several names have surfaced in political calculations and media speculation: Rotimi Amaechi, Emeka Ihedioha, and Dele Momodu, among them. Yet, beyond the noise of conventional political arithmetic lies a deeper electoral question: who among these options best expands Atiku’s coalition beyond traditional structures and into the modern political battlefield Nigeria has become?
Increasingly, the answer may well be Dele Momodu.
For years, Nigerian politics has operated under an outdated assumption that electoral victory is secured merely through governors, party leaders, and regional strongmen. The 2023 election disrupted that orthodoxy. The emergence of Peter Obi demonstrated that digital momentum, perception management, emotional resonance, and transregional appeal can significantly alter the political equation. Obi’s strongest weapon was not necessarily party structure. It was narrative dominance.
That reality has permanently changed Nigerian politics.
And in the current ADC coalition conversation, Dele Momodu may be one of the few figures who intuitively understands this new political environment.
Unlike many career politicians whose influence remains confined to state structures or elite caucuses, Momodu operates in multiple political ecosystems simultaneously: media, diplomacy, youth engagement, elite networking, pan-African influence, and digital communication. In modern electoral politics, that multidimensional relevance matters enormously.
One of Momodu’s most understated assets is his continental reach. Through decades of media work, political engagement, and elite interaction across Africa, he has cultivated relationships with presidents, former presidents, business leaders, diplomats, and intellectual figures across the continent. His network is not speculative mythology. It is publicly visible and historically documented through his long-running engagements as publisher of Ovation International and participant in high-level African political circles.
At a time when Nigeria seeks to reassert itself diplomatically and economically within Africa, such soft-power capital becomes politically valuable. A vice-presidential candidate today is no longer merely a ceremonial electoral appendage. He must also communicate competence, cosmopolitanism, and international legitimacy.
Momodu fits that profile more naturally than many conventional politicians. There is also the geographical intelligence behind his potential candidacy.
Though widely perceived nationally as a South-West figure because of his strong Yoruba cultural identity and media dominance in Lagos and the South-West, Dele Momodu is fundamentally from the South-South axis through his Edo roots. Politically, this creates a rare advantage. It allows the ADC to potentially tap into two strategic regions simultaneously without provoking the sharp regional anxieties that often accompany vice-presidential selections.
Amaechi, for instance, undoubtedly possesses political experience and administrative depth. But his polarising history in Rivers politics, coupled with his own presidential ambitions, complicates the chemistry required of a running mate. Indeed, reports have repeatedly suggested Amaechi has little interest in a vice-presidential role.
Ihedioha, meanwhile, brings stability and technocratic moderation, but lacks the national media visibility and emotional connection necessary for a fiercely competitive national election. Elections are not won only by competence. They are won by energy, narrative, symbolism, and visibility.
Dele Momodu possesses all four.
Then comes perhaps the most important factor of all: communication.
The 2027 election is unlikely to resemble previous Nigerian elections. It will be heavily digitised, media-driven, youth-influenced, and psychologically contested online. The political establishment still underestimates how profoundly social media has altered electoral mobilisation. The Obi movement in 2023 proved that online enthusiasm can shape national conversation, pressure traditional media, influence undecided voters, and energise urban youth demographics.
Momodu enters this terrain with an already established digital infrastructure.
Unlike many politicians who outsource communication to media aides, Dele Momodu himself is a communication institution. He understands headlines, optics, timing, public emotion, narrative construction, and audience psychology. His social media platforms command enormous engagement across demographics that traditional politicians often struggle to reach organically.
That matters.
In a coalition environment where ADC must unify disillusioned PDP voters, attract soft Obidients, retain Northern numerical strength, and penetrate urban youth constituencies, communication sophistication becomes central to survival.
Momodu also carries an outsider-insider advantage. He is politically experienced enough to understand power, yet sufficiently detached from the toxic baggage of conventional Nigerian political warfare. He has not governed a state, which critics may see as a weakness, but which supporters may frame as insulation from corruption controversies and governance fatigue associated with many old political actors.
In an anti-establishment electoral climate, that distinction could become useful.
Perhaps most importantly, Dele Momodu brings cultural elasticity. He can comfortably engage traditional rulers in Kano, intellectuals in Abuja, media elites in Lagos, young digital audiences in Port Harcourt, diaspora professionals in London, and political moderates in the South-East. Very few Nigerian political figures possess that adaptive national reach without appearing artificial.
And politics, ultimately, is the management of coalitions.
Atiku’s greatest challenge is not merely winning Northern votes. He already possesses substantial Northern recognition. His real challenge is rebuilding emotional trust across sections of Southern Nigeria while simultaneously energising younger demographics sceptical of establishment politics.
A conventional politician may help him consolidate structures.
Dele Momodu, however, may help Atiku reshape perception. And in modern politics, perception is often the first battlefield victory.
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Opinion
Dele Momodu: The Bridge Between Politics and the People
Published
18 hours agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Adeoye Inioluwa
Across the Nigerian nation today, conversations have become remarkably similar. Whether in the crowded markets of Lagos, the farms of the North, the commercial centres of the East, or the towns and villages of the South-West and South-South, many Nigerians are asking the same questions. When will life become easier? When will the economy improve? When will businesses regain stability? When will citizens begin to feel safer and more secure in their daily lives?
The concerns are understandable.
The cost of living remains one of the most dominant issues confronting ordinary Nigerians. Food prices have become a source of daily anxiety for many families. Small businesses continue to struggle with rising operational costs. Young graduates face uncertainty about employment opportunities. For millions of citizens, conversations about economic indicators and policy reforms often feel distant from the realities they encounter every day.
Alongside these economic concerns are persistent security challenges. While progress may have been recorded in some areas, many communities still desire greater stability and peace. For ordinary citizens, security is not merely a policy issue. It is the ability to travel safely, conduct business confidently, and live without fear.
These realities inevitably shape the nation’s political mood.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office at a time when difficult economic decisions were already looming over the country. His administration has argued that several of its reforms are necessary steps toward long-term economic recovery and sustainability. Supporters maintain that difficult transitions are sometimes required to achieve lasting change.
However, politics rarely rewards intentions alone.
Citizens ultimately judge governments through their lived experiences. They assess leadership not only through policy announcements but through the practical impact of those policies on their everyday lives. As Nigeria gradually moves closer to another election cycle, public perception of the economy, security, and governance will inevitably influence political conversations.
This reality presents both a challenge and an opportunity for the opposition.
Among the leading opposition figures remains former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a politician whose name has become deeply woven into Nigeria’s democratic journey. Over the years, Atiku has built a reputation as one of the country’s most enduring political figures, participating in some of the most consequential electoral contests in modern Nigerian history.
Yet the challenge before Atiku today is different from the challenge he faced in previous elections.
Recognition is not the issue. Nigerians know who Atiku Abubakar is. They are familiar with his political history, his public service record, and his positions on national issues. The real question is whether opposition politics can successfully connect with the frustrations, hopes, and aspirations of ordinary Nigerians in a way that feels genuine and convincing.
For many citizens, the next election may not simply be a contest between political parties or personalities. It may become a referendum on who best understands the realities confronting everyday Nigerians.
This is why politics must move beyond publicity.
In a period marked by economic pressure and public anxiety, voters are becoming increasingly resistant to carefully crafted political narratives that appear disconnected from their lived experiences. What they seek are leaders who understand their concerns and individuals capable of translating those concerns into meaningful political engagement.
For Atiku, this may require something more valuable than conventional image management.
It requires access to voices that understand the mood of the nation.
It requires people who can move comfortably between boardrooms and marketplaces, between policy discussions and community conversations, between political strategy and public sentiment.
It requires individuals who possess not only influence but perspective.
This is where Aare Dele Momodu enters the conversation.
Perhaps what makes Aare Momodu’s position unique is that politics was never originally his defining platform. Unlike many public figures who built their reputations entirely within political structures, Momodu’s journey was shaped through journalism, publishing, entrepreneurship, and public engagement.
For decades, he cultivated relationships across various sectors of society. Through his work in the media, he interacted with presidents, governors, business leaders, diplomats, entertainers, academics, professionals, and ordinary citizens. His network was built long before his deeper involvement in political affairs.
That distinction matters.
Because it means his influence extends beyond party structures and political loyalties. It is rooted in years of listening, observing, documenting, and engaging with people from different backgrounds and perspectives.
In many ways, Momodu represents an increasingly rare asset in contemporary politics: someone capable of understanding both elite conversations and grassroots realities.
Perhaps this explains why a man who was never primarily known as a politician now finds himself at the forefront of some of the country’s most important political conversations.
His relevance is not merely a product of political ambition. It is the result of decades spent building relationships, understanding public sentiment, and maintaining connections across different segments of Nigerian society.
As the political landscape begins to evolve ahead of 2027, such qualities may become increasingly important.
The next election will not be won solely through campaign slogans, social media strategies, or political advertising. It will be influenced by trust, credibility, and the ability to connect with citizens who are searching for answers in uncertain times.
For President Tinubu, the challenge is to convince Nigerians that current sacrifices will ultimately lead to meaningful progress.
For Atiku Abubakar and the opposition, the challenge is to persuade Nigerians that they offer a credible and compelling alternative.
And for those who operate around the corridors of political influence, the challenge is to ensure that leaders remain connected to the people whose lives are affected by every policy decision.
Nigeria’s future will not be determined by image management alone. It will be shaped by ideas, solutions, trust, and meaningful engagement with the concerns of ordinary citizens.
In a nation yearning for reassurance, leaders need more than advisers who can polish their public image. They need people who can help them hear the voices that matter most.
Those voices are not found in political echo chambers. They are found in the markets, the classrooms, the farms, the offices, and the communities where Nigerians continue to navigate the realities of everyday life while hoping for a better future.
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The Bridge Nigeria Needs: Reflections on Leadership, National Unity, and the Ati-Dele Conversation
Published
18 hours agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Anjorin Fehintola Stella
Nigeria today is a nation searching for reassurance.
Across the country, conversations increasingly revolve around familiar concerns; insecurity, economic hardship, unemployment, inflation, and the uncertainty surrounding the future. For many Nigerians, politics is no longer a distant contest among elites. It has become deeply personal, they wake up each day hoping for news that things are getting better.
Nigeria stands at a significant crossroads. The challenges before it are interconnected, Insecurity affects agriculture. Behind every headline about insecurity are real people, farmers afraid to return to their farms, traders worried about the safety of the roads, parents concerned about the future their children will inherit. Also, Economic hardship affects education and healthcare, Unemployment contributes to social instability. Weak institutions undermine public confidence.
The growing discussion around a potential partnership between Atiku Abubakar and Aare Dele Momodu offers an opportunity to reflect on the kind of leadership many Nigerians appear to be seeking in a period marked by pressure and widespread uncertainty. The conversation is therefore larger than two personalities. It is fundamentally about governance, national cohesion, credibility, and the qualities citizens increasingly expect from those who aspire to lead a complex and diverse nation.
For many observers, the Ati-Dele proposition presents an interesting answer.
Atiku Abubakar remains one of the most recognisable figures in Nigeria’s democratic history. His years in public service, particularly as Vice President, placed him at the centre of important national conversations about economic reform, governance, and development. He chaired the National Economic Council, championed the privatisation of public enterprises, and helped shape the institutional foundations of one of Nigeria’s most consequential periods of economic restructuring. His emergence as the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress for 2027, having won a primary widely described as one of the freest in recent memory, confirms that his political moment has not passed. It has arrived with renewed purpose.
Yet experience alone is rarely sufficient in a country as socially and culturally complex as Nigeria.
Leadership today requires not only the ability to formulate policy but also the ability to connect with people across regional, religious, ethnic, and generational divides. It requires bridge-builders. This is where the discussion often turns to Aare Dele Momodu.
For decades, Aare Dele Momodu has occupied a unique place in Nigerian public life and across Africa. As a journalist, publisher, entrepreneur, and public commentator, he has built relationships that extend across politics, business, traditional institutions, entertainment, civil society and youth culture. He did not inherit access, he created it. Through Ovation International, through decades of engaged storytelling, and through a personal network that spans every geopolitical zone, he has become something increasingly rare in Nigerian public life. A figure trusted across divides.
This is what made the partnership compelling. It brings together institutional experience and social reach, governance expertise and communication strength, political structure and cultural influence. Where Atiku offers the architecture of policy, Aare Dele Momodu offers the architecture of connection and in a democracy, both are essential.
The insecurity confronting the nation illustrates why this balance matters. For those directly affected, insecurity is not a policy debate. It is a daily reality of pain and fear. The same applies to the economy. Beneath every statistic are real people making difficult decisions about school fees, healthcare, transportation, housing, and survival. Citizens are not merely evaluating personalities. They are evaluating possibilities.
The bridge Nigeria needs is not merely political.
It is social. It is economic. It is cultural. It is national.
And as the country continues its search for stability, opportunity, and hope, the leaders who can help construct that bridge will continue to command the attention of a nation eager and ready to move forward.
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