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Opinion: Best Time to Be Onye Igbo is Now

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By Ikeddy Isiguzo

New Nigerians are emerging who greatly attempt definitions of Nigeria that excludes Onye Igbo. They speechify it, they act it, when all these fail, they problematise Onye Igbo as the defying part of Nigeria. There are no consequences for profiling.

Muhammadu Buhari, as President, called Ndigbo a dot in a circle, in a June 2021 television interview, he assumed he was the one who conferred importance on people. He has watched the dot expand.

Two years on, the army of those stopping Onye Igbo from participating in the affairs of Nigeria has grown. And so have those who question whether Onye Igbo’s rights are as a citizen or ethnic.

All manners of people sprouted to grab campaigns positions that seem to benefit from them saying anything that pleased them in 2023. They have created doubts about the relevance of education to human behaviour.
Onye Igbo was unimportant. Onye Igbo can’t win an election. Onye Igbo was on the fringes, hardly a major thing that mattered that they would not want to rule Onye Igbo out.
Among their target had been to get Onye Igbo to accept he was not part of the same Nigeria he is found in every part. His wards gain admissions into federal educational institutions with higher cut off points even when he is a trader. Nobody explains the logic of these ridiculous practices that are criminal, discriminatory, and contrary to the Constitution. This official policy which goes against the Constitution is annually announced.
Onye Igbo moves on, exploring the few areas where the doors have not been shut. Onye Igbo is toughened daily through these measure. He has gained numbers, among them those who oppose evil, speak out, see the possibility of a better Nigeria.

When criminals ravaged igbo land they were called unknown gunmen, an admission that government would not tackle them. They have run out of hand.

Criminals almost over ran the President’s home State, Katsina. The plight of a Katsina farmer Saidu Faskari was captured in media reports of 9 January 2022 as he was taking down roofing sheets of his house to raise money for ransom. “They (bandits) kidnapped my son day before yesterday (Thursday). He had gone to pay the ransom money for my release. I spent 13 days in their den. When my children gathered the N50,000 one of my sons was asked to take the ransom but the bandits released me and apprehended him. I don’t even have what to eat not to talk of the money to go and pay ransom,” said Faskari. The kidnappers wanted N100,000 to release the son. Is he too Onye Igbo?
Elections held throughout Nigeria. Onye Igbo turned out to be the aggregation of those who chose differently. They came from all beliefs, disbeliefs, unbeliefs, religions, regions to shock those who think a different Nigeria was impossible.

Thugs and touts, parading titles that sustained electoral crimes brutalised people and outrightly stopped some from voting. This was mainly in Lagos.

Freedom to vote a candidate of Onye Igbo’s choice was ethnicised to mean a move to snatch Lagos from its owners, and run. Security agencies did not protect voters, including non-Onye Igbo, in electoral misconducts in Lagos.
Jennifer Seifegha was attacked by thugs at the Nuru/Oniwo Ward, Polling Unit 065, in Surulere while she was waiting to vote. The brave woman got treated and returned to vote. Whatever her origins, she became Onye Igbo as those who attacked her so classified her.
Chief Fred Nwajagu was arrested by the Department of State Services, DSS, over an alleged threat to invite members of the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, to Lagos to secure properties of Igbo people in the State.
Attacks on Onye Igbo continued after the elections. They did not seem to be important enough to gain the attention of our agile security agencies.

In a 49-second video, Chief Nwajagu allegedly said, “IPOB, we will invite them. They have no job. All of the IPOB will protect all of our shops. And we have to pay them. We have to mobilise for that. We have to do that. We must have our own security so that they will stop attacking us in the midnight, in the morning, in the afternoon’
“When they discover that we have our own security, before they will come, they will know that we have our own men there. I am not saying a single word to be hidden. I am not hiding my words, let my words go viral. Igbo must get their right and get stand in Lagos State.”

These utterances were offensive the security agencies said as they took him away.
What MC Oluomo, a known chieftain of the All Progressives Congress, APC, said in a viral video before the governorship election in Lagos, “We have begged them. If they don’t want to vote for us, it is not a fight. Tell them, Mama Chukwudi, if you don’t want to vote for us, sit down at home. Sit down at home.”
He enforced the threat by stopping people who were Onye Igbo or looked like Onye Igbo from voting.

The Commissioner of Police in Lagos State, Idowu Owohunwa reacted to Oluomo thus, “With regards to this specific video you mentioned, it is currently a subject of a detailed investigation. Of course, we are deploying our cyber security access to solve that. And, I can assure you that nobody is above the law.
“Anybody that tries to use his position, or his influence on others to deepen hate, or engender political tension which could, of course, snowball into violence, it remains the responsibility and the mandate of the Nigeria Police to investigate such cases.

“This specific one you mentioned will not be in isolation. It is already a subject of review.”
Police later said he was joking.

Weeks after Oluomo’s threat the police have issued what looks like the final words on Oluomo with this 4 April tweet from Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Olumuyiwa Adeobi, “You can take the case of attack up with MC (Oluomo) if you have a case or evidence of attacks against him. Many people and lawyers, even the deputy gov of Lagos, have said it severally. He has no immunity, so if you have a case of an attack against him, take it up.

“There is no need to pass judgement or do trial on Twitter. Very simple. Many of you just follow others to raise this issue on Twitter.”
He was replying to a Twitter user @AjammaS who lamented that the police did nothing to protect voters from attacks in Lagos.
Nobody knows how long it will take police forensic experts to study the video of Chief Nwajagu before charging him to court. They are holding him without shame about their double standards.

Perhaps, if he had said, “Let them continue attacking us, we would do nothing,” the police would have invited him to dinner. Without protection from the state, he was supposed to have acquiesced so he would be accepted as a great Igbo leader, a peaceful man.

A community reading of Chief Nwajagu’s comment shows he was talking about Igbo business people protecting themselves, taking measures to prevent future attacks. Was that a planned attack on anyone?

Some say he shouldn’t have mentioned IPOB. The truth is even if he had said he we would use MC Oluomo’s followers, he would still have been arrested.

Unlike MC Oluomo, the police didn’t think Chief Nwajagu could crack jokes. Now that I have reminded them, they should set him free to make a new video.

Then from the blues Prof Wole Soyinka careered into a condemnation of Peter Obi for losing the election because of the attitude of his supporters, the same supporters who Obi has always restrained his supporters from being violent. Datti Ahmed was his next target.
Soyinka owes Nigerians apologies for his unbridled support for Maj-Gen Muhammadu Buhari which made him President in 2015, and which chiefly accounts for how Nigeria got to this point. His attacks on corruption under Goodluck Jonathan, insecurity, the marches against prices of petroleum products, hardships, all ceased once Buhari became President. Soyinka’s monumental silence over Buhari’s decisive downslope measures are in full public view.

He ran into semantic debacle last year when he tried to make a distinction between “supporting Buhari in 2015”, and “voting for him”. He asked people to produce proof that he voted for Buhari as if his single vote was more than votes of hundreds of thousands of Nigerians who followed his big voice that Buhari was the better option. His voice thinned ever since until his curious interjection that added to the distractions around the elections.

Who won the elections? Who didn’t win the elections? The tribunals and courts would decide. There will be no surprises if Onye Igbo is blamed for the outcomes.

Finally…

COULD the interception of the said telephone conversation between Obi and Bishop David Oyedepo have been without a breach of their constitutional rights to privacy? We are still run with laws.

LAI Mohammed should not waste public funds addressing the foreign media abroad. Their representatives are here. If he needs a holiday, he should take one.

IMMENSE thanks to Chief Olusegun Obasanjo for intervening on Senator Ikechukwu Ekweremadu’s matter. You bi man.

Culled from BusinessDay

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Opinion

When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection

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By Shakirat Akintola

For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.

Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.

Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.

To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.

A Referendum on Lived Realities

The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.

The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.

Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.

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Opinion

Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet

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By Michael Abimboye

As the African Democratic Congress, ADC, gradually consolidates its coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election, attention has inevitably shifted from the emergence of Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate to the more delicate and strategic question of his running mate.

Several names have surfaced in political calculations and media speculation: Rotimi Amaechi, Emeka Ihedioha, and Dele Momodu, among them. Yet, beyond the noise of conventional political arithmetic lies a deeper electoral question: who among these options best expands Atiku’s coalition beyond traditional structures and into the modern political battlefield Nigeria has become?

Increasingly, the answer may well be Dele Momodu.

For years, Nigerian politics has operated under an outdated assumption that electoral victory is secured merely through governors, party leaders, and regional strongmen. The 2023 election disrupted that orthodoxy. The emergence of Peter Obi demonstrated that digital momentum, perception management, emotional resonance, and transregional appeal can significantly alter the political equation. Obi’s strongest weapon was not necessarily party structure. It was narrative dominance.

That reality has permanently changed Nigerian politics.

And in the current ADC coalition conversation, Dele Momodu may be one of the few figures who intuitively understands this new political environment.

Unlike many career politicians whose influence remains confined to state structures or elite caucuses, Momodu operates in multiple political ecosystems simultaneously: media, diplomacy, youth engagement, elite networking, pan-African influence, and digital communication. In modern electoral politics, that multidimensional relevance matters enormously.

One of Momodu’s most understated assets is his continental reach. Through decades of media work, political engagement, and elite interaction across Africa, he has cultivated relationships with presidents, former presidents, business leaders, diplomats, and intellectual figures across the continent. His network is not speculative mythology. It is publicly visible and historically documented through his long-running engagements as publisher of Ovation International and participant in high-level African political circles.

At a time when Nigeria seeks to reassert itself diplomatically and economically within Africa, such soft-power capital becomes politically valuable. A vice-presidential candidate today is no longer merely a ceremonial electoral appendage. He must also communicate competence, cosmopolitanism, and international legitimacy.

Momodu fits that profile more naturally than many conventional politicians. There is also the geographical intelligence behind his potential candidacy.

Though widely perceived nationally as a South-West figure because of his strong Yoruba cultural identity and media dominance in Lagos and the South-West, Dele Momodu is fundamentally from the South-South axis through his Edo roots. Politically, this creates a rare advantage. It allows the ADC to potentially tap into two strategic regions simultaneously without provoking the sharp regional anxieties that often accompany vice-presidential selections.

Amaechi, for instance, undoubtedly possesses political experience and administrative depth. But his polarising history in Rivers politics, coupled with his own presidential ambitions, complicates the chemistry required of a running mate. Indeed, reports have repeatedly suggested Amaechi has little interest in a vice-presidential role.

Ihedioha, meanwhile, brings stability and technocratic moderation, but lacks the national media visibility and emotional connection necessary for a fiercely competitive national election. Elections are not won only by competence. They are won by energy, narrative, symbolism, and visibility.
Dele Momodu possesses all four.

Then comes perhaps the most important factor of all: communication.

The 2027 election is unlikely to resemble previous Nigerian elections. It will be heavily digitised, media-driven, youth-influenced, and psychologically contested online. The political establishment still underestimates how profoundly social media has altered electoral mobilisation. The Obi movement in 2023 proved that online enthusiasm can shape national conversation, pressure traditional media, influence undecided voters, and energise urban youth demographics.

Momodu enters this terrain with an already established digital infrastructure.

Unlike many politicians who outsource communication to media aides, Dele Momodu himself is a communication institution. He understands headlines, optics, timing, public emotion, narrative construction, and audience psychology. His social media platforms command enormous engagement across demographics that traditional politicians often struggle to reach organically.

That matters.

In a coalition environment where ADC must unify disillusioned PDP voters, attract soft Obidients, retain Northern numerical strength, and penetrate urban youth constituencies, communication sophistication becomes central to survival.

Momodu also carries an outsider-insider advantage. He is politically experienced enough to understand power, yet sufficiently detached from the toxic baggage of conventional Nigerian political warfare. He has not governed a state, which critics may see as a weakness, but which supporters may frame as insulation from corruption controversies and governance fatigue associated with many old political actors.

In an anti-establishment electoral climate, that distinction could become useful.

Perhaps most importantly, Dele Momodu brings cultural elasticity. He can comfortably engage traditional rulers in Kano, intellectuals in Abuja, media elites in Lagos, young digital audiences in Port Harcourt, diaspora professionals in London, and political moderates in the South-East. Very few Nigerian political figures possess that adaptive national reach without appearing artificial.

And politics, ultimately, is the management of coalitions.

Atiku’s greatest challenge is not merely winning Northern votes. He already possesses substantial Northern recognition. His real challenge is rebuilding emotional trust across sections of Southern Nigeria while simultaneously energising younger demographics sceptical of establishment politics.

A conventional politician may help him consolidate structures.

Dele Momodu, however, may help Atiku reshape perception. And in modern politics, perception is often the first battlefield victory.

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Opinion

Dele Momodu: The Bridge Between Politics and the People

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By Adeoye Inioluwa

Across the Nigerian nation today, conversations have become remarkably similar. Whether in the crowded markets of Lagos, the farms of the North, the commercial centres of the East, or the towns and villages of the South-West and South-South, many Nigerians are asking the same questions. When will life become easier? When will the economy improve? When will businesses regain stability? When will citizens begin to feel safer and more secure in their daily lives?

The concerns are understandable.

The cost of living remains one of the most dominant issues confronting ordinary Nigerians. Food prices have become a source of daily anxiety for many families. Small businesses continue to struggle with rising operational costs. Young graduates face uncertainty about employment opportunities. For millions of citizens, conversations about economic indicators and policy reforms often feel distant from the realities they encounter every day.

Alongside these economic concerns are persistent security challenges. While progress may have been recorded in some areas, many communities still desire greater stability and peace. For ordinary citizens, security is not merely a policy issue. It is the ability to travel safely, conduct business confidently, and live without fear.

These realities inevitably shape the nation’s political mood.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office at a time when difficult economic decisions were already looming over the country. His administration has argued that several of its reforms are necessary steps toward long-term economic recovery and sustainability. Supporters maintain that difficult transitions are sometimes required to achieve lasting change.

However, politics rarely rewards intentions alone.

Citizens ultimately judge governments through their lived experiences. They assess leadership not only through policy announcements but through the practical impact of those policies on their everyday lives. As Nigeria gradually moves closer to another election cycle, public perception of the economy, security, and governance will inevitably influence political conversations.
This reality presents both a challenge and an opportunity for the opposition.

Among the leading opposition figures remains former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a politician whose name has become deeply woven into Nigeria’s democratic journey. Over the years, Atiku has built a reputation as one of the country’s most enduring political figures, participating in some of the most consequential electoral contests in modern Nigerian history.

Yet the challenge before Atiku today is different from the challenge he faced in previous elections.

Recognition is not the issue. Nigerians know who Atiku Abubakar is. They are familiar with his political history, his public service record, and his positions on national issues. The real question is whether opposition politics can successfully connect with the frustrations, hopes, and aspirations of ordinary Nigerians in a way that feels genuine and convincing.

For many citizens, the next election may not simply be a contest between political parties or personalities. It may become a referendum on who best understands the realities confronting everyday Nigerians.
This is why politics must move beyond publicity.

In a period marked by economic pressure and public anxiety, voters are becoming increasingly resistant to carefully crafted political narratives that appear disconnected from their lived experiences. What they seek are leaders who understand their concerns and individuals capable of translating those concerns into meaningful political engagement.

For Atiku, this may require something more valuable than conventional image management.

It requires access to voices that understand the mood of the nation.

It requires people who can move comfortably between boardrooms and marketplaces, between policy discussions and community conversations, between political strategy and public sentiment.
It requires individuals who possess not only influence but perspective.

This is where Aare Dele Momodu enters the conversation.

Perhaps what makes Aare Momodu’s position unique is that politics was never originally his defining platform. Unlike many public figures who built their reputations entirely within political structures, Momodu’s journey was shaped through journalism, publishing, entrepreneurship, and public engagement.

For decades, he cultivated relationships across various sectors of society. Through his work in the media, he interacted with presidents, governors, business leaders, diplomats, entertainers, academics, professionals, and ordinary citizens. His network was built long before his deeper involvement in political affairs.

That distinction matters.

Because it means his influence extends beyond party structures and political loyalties. It is rooted in years of listening, observing, documenting, and engaging with people from different backgrounds and perspectives.

In many ways, Momodu represents an increasingly rare asset in contemporary politics: someone capable of understanding both elite conversations and grassroots realities.

Perhaps this explains why a man who was never primarily known as a politician now finds himself at the forefront of some of the country’s most important political conversations.

His relevance is not merely a product of political ambition. It is the result of decades spent building relationships, understanding public sentiment, and maintaining connections across different segments of Nigerian society.

As the political landscape begins to evolve ahead of 2027, such qualities may become increasingly important.

The next election will not be won solely through campaign slogans, social media strategies, or political advertising. It will be influenced by trust, credibility, and the ability to connect with citizens who are searching for answers in uncertain times.

For President Tinubu, the challenge is to convince Nigerians that current sacrifices will ultimately lead to meaningful progress.
For Atiku Abubakar and the opposition, the challenge is to persuade Nigerians that they offer a credible and compelling alternative.
And for those who operate around the corridors of political influence, the challenge is to ensure that leaders remain connected to the people whose lives are affected by every policy decision.

Nigeria’s future will not be determined by image management alone. It will be shaped by ideas, solutions, trust, and meaningful engagement with the concerns of ordinary citizens.

In a nation yearning for reassurance, leaders need more than advisers who can polish their public image. They need people who can help them hear the voices that matter most.

Those voices are not found in political echo chambers. They are found in the markets, the classrooms, the farms, the offices, and the communities where Nigerians continue to navigate the realities of everyday life while hoping for a better future.

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