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Opinion: President Buhari Goofed on Southern Governors’ Anti-Grazing Stance

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By Chief Mike Ozekhome SAN

President Muhammadu Buhari has obviously been ill-advised on the well thought out Southern Governors’ stance against open grazing by the AttorneyGeneral whose views were made known only two days ago.

Buhari, with all humility, is quite wrong to say the Southern Governors’ stance is an act of questionable legality. If the Federal Government feels strong and sure about its puritanical ,but legally flawed stance, I challenge the Federal Government to challenge the Governors’ resolutions by suing all the State Governors of Nigeria, through invocation of the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court under section 232(1) of the 1999 Constitution . The action will fail miserably.

I am ready,able and willing to defend such states probono. I can state categorically that neither the president’s views, nor those of the Attorney General, are anchored on any provisions of the Constitution.

The Constitution is the fons et origo, the grundnorm, the Oba, Eze, Oghie and Emir of our laws. Other laws must bow to the supremacy of this National identity card of a country; for such other laws or FG’s resistance are but mere warrant Chiefs, Daudus, Bales and Ukpi Drummers within the Constitution ‘s sacred domain.

The Governors have been given powers by the same Constitution in sections 5(2), 11(2), 14(2)(b), 176(2) and 215(4) of the 1999 Constitution to act as the Chief Security Officers of their various states to provide their citizens with welfare and security, which the Constitution says are the primary purpose of government.

The Houses of Assembly of the states have equally been given powers by section 4(7) of the same Constitution to make laws for the peace, order and good government in their states. In accordance with hallowed principles and practice of federalism and democracy, the Southern Governors do not require any permission from, or approval by,the FG for them to govern their states and protect their citizens, in the same way a boarding house pupil must first seek his Headmaster-s permission to visit his parents outside the school.

Mr. President’s statement, churned out, as usual, by his SSA on Media and Publicity, Mr Garba Shehu, to the effect that that the Governors were politicking with serious security issues and attempting a show of power, is therefore most unfortunate, embarrassing, devisive ethnocentric, insensate and insensitive to the memory of dead and dying Nigerians.

These are thousands of innocent Nigerians savagely and brutally mauled down in cold blood,either in their own homes, farms,or on the streets and alleys, by these rampaging pastoralists.

The President appears undisturbed and unperturbed that Nigerians,especially in the South,have their wives, mothers and daughters violently violated and raped by these marauding AK-47 riffles-wielding expansionists that wear the fake toga of herdsmen. What has the Government done about it? Nothing.

It usually customarily wrigs its hands in pretended helplessness and washes them off every loss of life like Pontius Pilate in the Bible. This is so despicable!. It is so abhorrent and shameful! Only yesterday, 124 people were slaughtered in just three states, with 100 of them being children, women and the elderly in Benue State alone.

Nigerians have become weary of mourning. The Governors are tired of being Chief mourners, undertakers and elegy poets of their citizens. And Buhari is saying they must shut up and worship on the blood-sucking alter of Nigeria’s so called unity,indivisibility and indissolubility? We are living a lie of a contraption called a country that has since been reduced to a big scam and a one-chance dilapidated vehicle on a drudgery journey to no destination. I challenge the Federal Government to go to the Supreme Court and challenge the states.By this, I hereby alter my earlier stance that the states should sue the Federal Government. No.

It is the complaining and fretting FG that should take that step if uncomfortable with the Southern Governors’s communique.The states should go ahead and enforce the anti-grazing laws in their respective domains ,using their neighbourhood and vigilante security outfits since ( and I can bet on this ), the FG will never lend its centrally -commanded Police Force to aid the states.

It is so easy to predict this clueless Government from the negatived.For empashis, we are operating a Federal system of government,not a unitary system. The Federal Government cannot therefore dictate to states like a slave owner to his purchased slaves.

It is an aberration. Freedom of movement and right of some Nigerians to associate certainly end where other Nigerians’ rights begin. These freedom and right do not permit or licence particular business merchants ( that is what nomadic cow rearers are ) to carry deadly AK-47 riffles and maim and kill other innocent Nigerians in their homes, rape their mothers, wives and daughters in their houses.Such must be evil freedoms and rights. Nigerians of a particular ethnic group do not have any right to freely graze their cattle on other people’s lands and thereby destroy their farm produce.

It is this archaic and odious tribialistic ,prebendalistic,sectionalistic and nepotic mindset that has made Buhari bring Nigeria down to her knees and to a despicable state of nadir,where she now wobbles, fumbles and tumbles. Have you ever heard any Southerner complain about all the currency changers and Bureau de Change (BDCs) operators across every nook and crany of Nigeria,even though everyone knows that over 95 % of the business is controlled by Northerners? No!

Do you know why?

Because they are not violent. They ply their trade peacefully, even if illegally and illegitimately. By the way,have you ever heard any Government raid or touch any of these special breed of Nigerians? I have personally never heard. This is because we live in a country that is governed by two different sets of laws- one for the highly revered Northerners; the other for the highly despised Southerners. No Nation grows that way.

The last time I checked,the freedom of movement guaranteed for Nigerians is not sacrosanct as it can be derogated from by the clear provisions of section 45 ,through enactment of a law that is “reasonably justifiable in a democratic society in the interest of defence,public safety, public order, public morality or public health”; or for “the purpose of protecting the rights and freedom of other persons”.

The last time I checked also, section 41 of the same Constitution is meant for full-blooded human beings ; not cows, goats and sheep.That is why section 41 of the Constitution starts by saying “every citizen of Nigeria is entitled to move freely throughout Nigeria and to reside in any part thereof…”

‘Citizen’ is defined as “an inhabitant of a particular town or city”; “a person who is at home in any country”; “one entitled to the rights and privileges of a freeman”. Other synonyms of citizen are civilian, national, inhabitant, resident, voter, settler and dweller.I checked very painstakingly and carefully, using different dictionaries, thesaurus, Black Law’s Dictionary and even Wikipedia, but I couldn’t and didn’t see where cows, goats and sheep were mentioned or regarded as ‘citizens’ of Nigeria or elsewhere.

The Constitution that gives the freedom of movement to “every citizen of Nigeria’ also didn’t provide that such a citizen must be accompanied by cows, goats and sheep before he can exercise it.

So, where is the Buhari Government getting its vibes from? I do not know. Or, do you ? Fellow Nigerians, the last time I checked also, we have not been told that Buhari has sucecessfully moved the NASS to amend and alter our country’s name, FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA, to FULANI REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA, or NIGERIAN REPUBLIC OF THE FULANIS, or FULANISED REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA, or THE REPUBLIC OF FULANIS, or FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF THE NORTH, or NORTHERN REPUBLIC , or FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN NIGERIA, or REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN NIGERIA, or NORTHERN NIGERIAN REPUBLIC, or REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN NIGERIA AND OTHER TERRITORIES, or ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA, or FEDERATION OF ISLAM AND OTHERS. So,what is going on here? I can no longer understand. Or can you? N

Nigeria, we hail thee.

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Opinion

Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet

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By Michael Abimboye

As the African Democratic Congress, ADC, gradually consolidates its coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election, attention has inevitably shifted from the emergence of Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate to the more delicate and strategic question of his running mate.

Several names have surfaced in political calculations and media speculation: Rotimi Amaechi, Emeka Ihedioha, and Dele Momodu, among them. Yet, beyond the noise of conventional political arithmetic lies a deeper electoral question: who among these options best expands Atiku’s coalition beyond traditional structures and into the modern political battlefield Nigeria has become?

Increasingly, the answer may well be Dele Momodu.

For years, Nigerian politics has operated under an outdated assumption that electoral victory is secured merely through governors, party leaders, and regional strongmen. The 2023 election disrupted that orthodoxy. The emergence of Peter Obi demonstrated that digital momentum, perception management, emotional resonance, and transregional appeal can significantly alter the political equation. Obi’s strongest weapon was not necessarily party structure. It was narrative dominance.

That reality has permanently changed Nigerian politics.

And in the current ADC coalition conversation, Dele Momodu may be one of the few figures who intuitively understands this new political environment.

Unlike many career politicians whose influence remains confined to state structures or elite caucuses, Momodu operates in multiple political ecosystems simultaneously: media, diplomacy, youth engagement, elite networking, pan-African influence, and digital communication. In modern electoral politics, that multidimensional relevance matters enormously.

One of Momodu’s most understated assets is his continental reach. Through decades of media work, political engagement, and elite interaction across Africa, he has cultivated relationships with presidents, former presidents, business leaders, diplomats, and intellectual figures across the continent. His network is not speculative mythology. It is publicly visible and historically documented through his long-running engagements as publisher of Ovation International and participant in high-level African political circles.

At a time when Nigeria seeks to reassert itself diplomatically and economically within Africa, such soft-power capital becomes politically valuable. A vice-presidential candidate today is no longer merely a ceremonial electoral appendage. He must also communicate competence, cosmopolitanism, and international legitimacy.

Momodu fits that profile more naturally than many conventional politicians. There is also the geographical intelligence behind his potential candidacy.

Though widely perceived nationally as a South-West figure because of his strong Yoruba cultural identity and media dominance in Lagos and the South-West, Dele Momodu is fundamentally from the South-South axis through his Edo roots. Politically, this creates a rare advantage. It allows the ADC to potentially tap into two strategic regions simultaneously without provoking the sharp regional anxieties that often accompany vice-presidential selections.

Amaechi, for instance, undoubtedly possesses political experience and administrative depth. But his polarising history in Rivers politics, coupled with his own presidential ambitions, complicates the chemistry required of a running mate. Indeed, reports have repeatedly suggested Amaechi has little interest in a vice-presidential role.

Ihedioha, meanwhile, brings stability and technocratic moderation, but lacks the national media visibility and emotional connection necessary for a fiercely competitive national election. Elections are not won only by competence. They are won by energy, narrative, symbolism, and visibility.
Dele Momodu possesses all four.

Then comes perhaps the most important factor of all: communication.

The 2027 election is unlikely to resemble previous Nigerian elections. It will be heavily digitised, media-driven, youth-influenced, and psychologically contested online. The political establishment still underestimates how profoundly social media has altered electoral mobilisation. The Obi movement in 2023 proved that online enthusiasm can shape national conversation, pressure traditional media, influence undecided voters, and energise urban youth demographics.

Momodu enters this terrain with an already established digital infrastructure.

Unlike many politicians who outsource communication to media aides, Dele Momodu himself is a communication institution. He understands headlines, optics, timing, public emotion, narrative construction, and audience psychology. His social media platforms command enormous engagement across demographics that traditional politicians often struggle to reach organically.

That matters.

In a coalition environment where ADC must unify disillusioned PDP voters, attract soft Obidients, retain Northern numerical strength, and penetrate urban youth constituencies, communication sophistication becomes central to survival.

Momodu also carries an outsider-insider advantage. He is politically experienced enough to understand power, yet sufficiently detached from the toxic baggage of conventional Nigerian political warfare. He has not governed a state, which critics may see as a weakness, but which supporters may frame as insulation from corruption controversies and governance fatigue associated with many old political actors.

In an anti-establishment electoral climate, that distinction could become useful.

Perhaps most importantly, Dele Momodu brings cultural elasticity. He can comfortably engage traditional rulers in Kano, intellectuals in Abuja, media elites in Lagos, young digital audiences in Port Harcourt, diaspora professionals in London, and political moderates in the South-East. Very few Nigerian political figures possess that adaptive national reach without appearing artificial.

And politics, ultimately, is the management of coalitions.

Atiku’s greatest challenge is not merely winning Northern votes. He already possesses substantial Northern recognition. His real challenge is rebuilding emotional trust across sections of Southern Nigeria while simultaneously energising younger demographics sceptical of establishment politics.

A conventional politician may help him consolidate structures.

Dele Momodu, however, may help Atiku reshape perception. And in modern politics, perception is often the first battlefield victory.

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Opinion

Dele Momodu: The Bridge Between Politics and the People

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By Adeoye Inioluwa

Across the Nigerian nation today, conversations have become remarkably similar. Whether in the crowded markets of Lagos, the farms of the North, the commercial centres of the East, or the towns and villages of the South-West and South-South, many Nigerians are asking the same questions. When will life become easier? When will the economy improve? When will businesses regain stability? When will citizens begin to feel safer and more secure in their daily lives?

The concerns are understandable.

The cost of living remains one of the most dominant issues confronting ordinary Nigerians. Food prices have become a source of daily anxiety for many families. Small businesses continue to struggle with rising operational costs. Young graduates face uncertainty about employment opportunities. For millions of citizens, conversations about economic indicators and policy reforms often feel distant from the realities they encounter every day.

Alongside these economic concerns are persistent security challenges. While progress may have been recorded in some areas, many communities still desire greater stability and peace. For ordinary citizens, security is not merely a policy issue. It is the ability to travel safely, conduct business confidently, and live without fear.

These realities inevitably shape the nation’s political mood.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office at a time when difficult economic decisions were already looming over the country. His administration has argued that several of its reforms are necessary steps toward long-term economic recovery and sustainability. Supporters maintain that difficult transitions are sometimes required to achieve lasting change.

However, politics rarely rewards intentions alone.

Citizens ultimately judge governments through their lived experiences. They assess leadership not only through policy announcements but through the practical impact of those policies on their everyday lives. As Nigeria gradually moves closer to another election cycle, public perception of the economy, security, and governance will inevitably influence political conversations.
This reality presents both a challenge and an opportunity for the opposition.

Among the leading opposition figures remains former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a politician whose name has become deeply woven into Nigeria’s democratic journey. Over the years, Atiku has built a reputation as one of the country’s most enduring political figures, participating in some of the most consequential electoral contests in modern Nigerian history.

Yet the challenge before Atiku today is different from the challenge he faced in previous elections.

Recognition is not the issue. Nigerians know who Atiku Abubakar is. They are familiar with his political history, his public service record, and his positions on national issues. The real question is whether opposition politics can successfully connect with the frustrations, hopes, and aspirations of ordinary Nigerians in a way that feels genuine and convincing.

For many citizens, the next election may not simply be a contest between political parties or personalities. It may become a referendum on who best understands the realities confronting everyday Nigerians.
This is why politics must move beyond publicity.

In a period marked by economic pressure and public anxiety, voters are becoming increasingly resistant to carefully crafted political narratives that appear disconnected from their lived experiences. What they seek are leaders who understand their concerns and individuals capable of translating those concerns into meaningful political engagement.

For Atiku, this may require something more valuable than conventional image management.

It requires access to voices that understand the mood of the nation.

It requires people who can move comfortably between boardrooms and marketplaces, between policy discussions and community conversations, between political strategy and public sentiment.
It requires individuals who possess not only influence but perspective.

This is where Aare Dele Momodu enters the conversation.

Perhaps what makes Aare Momodu’s position unique is that politics was never originally his defining platform. Unlike many public figures who built their reputations entirely within political structures, Momodu’s journey was shaped through journalism, publishing, entrepreneurship, and public engagement.

For decades, he cultivated relationships across various sectors of society. Through his work in the media, he interacted with presidents, governors, business leaders, diplomats, entertainers, academics, professionals, and ordinary citizens. His network was built long before his deeper involvement in political affairs.

That distinction matters.

Because it means his influence extends beyond party structures and political loyalties. It is rooted in years of listening, observing, documenting, and engaging with people from different backgrounds and perspectives.

In many ways, Momodu represents an increasingly rare asset in contemporary politics: someone capable of understanding both elite conversations and grassroots realities.

Perhaps this explains why a man who was never primarily known as a politician now finds himself at the forefront of some of the country’s most important political conversations.

His relevance is not merely a product of political ambition. It is the result of decades spent building relationships, understanding public sentiment, and maintaining connections across different segments of Nigerian society.

As the political landscape begins to evolve ahead of 2027, such qualities may become increasingly important.

The next election will not be won solely through campaign slogans, social media strategies, or political advertising. It will be influenced by trust, credibility, and the ability to connect with citizens who are searching for answers in uncertain times.

For President Tinubu, the challenge is to convince Nigerians that current sacrifices will ultimately lead to meaningful progress.
For Atiku Abubakar and the opposition, the challenge is to persuade Nigerians that they offer a credible and compelling alternative.
And for those who operate around the corridors of political influence, the challenge is to ensure that leaders remain connected to the people whose lives are affected by every policy decision.

Nigeria’s future will not be determined by image management alone. It will be shaped by ideas, solutions, trust, and meaningful engagement with the concerns of ordinary citizens.

In a nation yearning for reassurance, leaders need more than advisers who can polish their public image. They need people who can help them hear the voices that matter most.

Those voices are not found in political echo chambers. They are found in the markets, the classrooms, the farms, the offices, and the communities where Nigerians continue to navigate the realities of everyday life while hoping for a better future.

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Opinion

The Bridge Nigeria Needs: Reflections on Leadership, National Unity, and the Ati-Dele Conversation

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By Anjorin Fehintola Stella

Nigeria today is a nation searching for reassurance.

Across the country, conversations increasingly revolve around familiar concerns; insecurity, economic hardship, unemployment, inflation, and the uncertainty surrounding the future. For many Nigerians, politics is no longer a distant contest among elites. It has become deeply personal, they wake up each day hoping for news that things are getting better.

Nigeria stands at a significant crossroads. The challenges before it are interconnected, Insecurity affects agriculture. Behind every headline about insecurity are real people, farmers afraid to return to their farms, traders worried about the safety of the roads, parents concerned about the future their children will inherit. Also, Economic hardship affects education and healthcare, Unemployment contributes to social instability. Weak institutions undermine public confidence.

The growing discussion around a potential partnership between Atiku Abubakar and Aare Dele Momodu offers an opportunity to reflect on the kind of leadership many Nigerians appear to be seeking in a period marked by pressure and widespread uncertainty. The conversation is therefore larger than two personalities. It is fundamentally about governance, national cohesion, credibility, and the qualities citizens increasingly expect from those who aspire to lead a complex and diverse nation.

For many observers, the Ati-Dele proposition presents an interesting answer.

Atiku Abubakar remains one of the most recognisable figures in Nigeria’s democratic history. His years in public service, particularly as Vice President, placed him at the centre of important national conversations about economic reform, governance, and development. He chaired the National Economic Council, championed the privatisation of public enterprises, and helped shape the institutional foundations of one of Nigeria’s most consequential periods of economic restructuring. His emergence as the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress for 2027, having won a primary widely described as one of the freest in recent memory, confirms that his political moment has not passed. It has arrived with renewed purpose.

Yet experience alone is rarely sufficient in a country as socially and culturally complex as Nigeria.

Leadership today requires not only the ability to formulate policy but also the ability to connect with people across regional, religious, ethnic, and generational divides. It requires bridge-builders. This is where the discussion often turns to Aare Dele Momodu.

For decades, Aare Dele Momodu has occupied a unique place in Nigerian public life and across Africa. As a journalist, publisher, entrepreneur, and public commentator, he has built relationships that extend across politics, business, traditional institutions, entertainment, civil society and youth culture. He did not inherit access, he created it. Through Ovation International, through decades of engaged storytelling, and through a personal network that spans every geopolitical zone, he has become something increasingly rare in Nigerian public life. A figure trusted across divides.
This is what made the partnership compelling. It brings together institutional experience and social reach, governance expertise and communication strength, political structure and cultural influence. Where Atiku offers the architecture of policy, Aare Dele Momodu offers the architecture of connection and in a democracy, both are essential.

The insecurity confronting the nation illustrates why this balance matters. For those directly affected, insecurity is not a policy debate. It is a daily reality of pain and fear. The same applies to the economy. Beneath every statistic are real people making difficult decisions about school fees, healthcare, transportation, housing, and survival. Citizens are not merely evaluating personalities. They are evaluating possibilities.

The bridge Nigeria needs is not merely political.

It is social. It is economic. It is cultural. It is national.

And as the country continues its search for stability, opportunity, and hope, the leaders who can help construct that bridge will continue to command the attention of a nation eager and ready to move forward.

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