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Archives: How Gen Buhari Forced Justice Jinadu Out of Office
Published
6 years agoon
By
Eric
Disobedience of the order of courts did not start today. This is the story of how a judge fought the duo of Gen Muhammadu Buhari and Odigie Oyegun in 1984 and sacrificed his job to save the integrity of the judiciary against the Military junta’s disobedience of court orders. Excerpts:
It was supposed to be a simple case of enforcement of human rights, and one of the several cases that he had to attend to in the normal course of his work. But it was the case that set Justice Yahaya Jinadu of the High Court of Lagos State and the Supreme Military Council under the leadership of General Muhammadu Buhari on collision, and which the judge, rather than compromise the integrity and independence of the judiciary, offered himself as a sacrificial lamb, and ended his carrier as a judge.
It all started on January 24, 1983, when Lagosians and entire Nigeria woke up to the sad news that the NET Building was up in flames. The popular 37 storey- building was the tallest building and the pride of the nation. It was the building that belonged to Nigerian External Communications, an agency of government. The men of the fire fighters were immediately contacted and they rose up to the occasion.
At the helm of affairs of the Fire department was Alhaji Adamu Akokhia who was the Chief Fire Officer of the Federation. He immediately got his men under the Divisional Fire Officer in charge of Lagos, Mr Seidu Garba and other men together and they confronted the inferno. Although they could not save the building, that saved more than 600 men from roasting while they lost two persons to death.
Despite their valour, Akokhia, Garba, and 19 fire fighters were arrested by the police and charged before Chief Magistrate A. Atiba at the Tinubu Magistrate Court, Lagos, for the murder of the two persons that died in the NET Building fire. Two weeks after being in detention for murder, they contacted their lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi to defend them. On February 16, 1983, Chief Fawehinmi filed an application for the enforcement of their fundamental human rights before Justice Charles Bada of the Lagos High Court. On the same date, Justice Bada, after hearing the application granted the release of all the accused persons.
They all happily went back to their homes and resumed back to work. However, 28 days after their release, both Akokhia and Garba again received a letter from the Federal Ministry of Internal Affairs, placing them on interdiction for the offence of murder which a court of competentent jurisdiction quashed 28 days earlier. The letter was signed Mr R.A Akanni, on behalf of the Permanent Secretary, Mr John Oyegun (former APC Chairman).
Justice Jinadu now 90 years old
The two approached Chief Fawehinmi again. Two days later, Chief Fawehinmi filed a Writ of Summons and Statement of Claims before Justice Yahaya Jinadu, seeking to quash the interdiction of the two civil servants. The cases were filed separately namely Suit No LD/578/83 and Suit No LD/579/83 respectively. At the hearing of the first case (Akokhia), Chief Fawehinmi and the State Counsel representing the defendants, Mr Moshood Adio agreed before the court that since the two cases were similar, the outcome of the first should determine the second one.
On February 20, 1984, Justice Jinadu ordered the reinstatement of Akokhia. However, when it got to the case of Garba, the defendant’s counsel, Adio reneged on his agreement and opted to contest the case. In the course of the trial, on April 11, 1984, Garba received another letter from Mr Oyegun that he had been dismissed. An alarmed Fawehinmi immediately filed a contempt of court application, seeking the court to commit Oyegun to jail. In the application, Chief Fawehinmi said that it was wrong to terminate the employment of his client while he was still challenging his suspension in court. “it amounts to an undue interference with the administration of justice and violent encroachment on the constitutional rights of this court and the applicant”, he argued.
He then continued: “Any attempt by any litigant in any action, either overtly or covertly to prevent any other person, be he litigant, or not, to exercise or continue to exercise his vested constitutional right of resorting to a court of law for adjudication of grievances amounts to contempt of court”.
On April 24, 2004, Justice Jinadu ordered the plaintiff to serve Mr Oyegun the contempt application against him so as to avail him the right to defend himself. On May 9, 2004, the matter came up again and the defendant’s counsel asked for more time to file a defence. Although Chief Fawehinmi objected to further adjournment, the judge granted the application till May 16.
The late Chief Gani Fawehinmi SAN, defended Seidu Garba to the Supreme Court
It was in the course of these adjournments that the military government came up with Decree No 17 of 1984 on June 27, 1984 and backdated it to December 31, 1983. The decree made it practically impossible for any sacked public officer to challenge his sack in a court of law. Section 3(3) of the decree stated thus: “No civil proceedings shall lie or be instituted in any court for or on account of or in respect of any act, matter or thing done or purported to be done by any person under this decree and if any such proceedings have been or are instituted before o or after making this decree, the proceedings shall abate, be discharged and made void”.
Despite this decree however, the case continued in court. On July 16, Mr Oyegun again refused to appear before the court. Justice Jinadu therefore found him guilty of contempt of court but cautioned and discharged him on condition that he withdrew the sack letter issued to Seidu Garba not later than 1.00pm on July 18.
The case came up again on July 23 and again, Mr Oyegun had not complied with the order of court. Mr Dele Awokoya who stood in for Chief Fewhinmi urged the court to deliver its judgement on the substantive case. However, the lawyer to the defendants, Mr Adio stood up and informed the court of an appeal he filed on July 19 before the appellate court, seeking to dismiss the case in view of the new Decree 17. The trial judge asked Adio if the order of the court have been complied with.
Justice Jinadu further asked whether the contemnor was in court to which Adio’s reply was in the negative. The judge thereafter adjourned the matter till 12 noon for his order to be complied with. He said he would hear the application by 1.00 pm. Oyegun, the contemnor neither complied with the order nor appeared in court. He adjourned till the following day. Even at that, Oyegun refused to appear in the court. The judge again asked Mr Adio the whereabout of the defendant to which he replied despondently that he could not find Mr Oyegun.
An angry Awokoya, who stood in for Fawehinmi addressed the court: “The stage is now set for which the authority of the court must be preserved. The excuses being given by my learned friend that he could not locate the defendant is a brazen method of scandalizing the court. The court has duty to see that its orders are enforced. Instead of the permanent secretary obeying the order of court, he has contemptuously and irresponsibly, without any justifiable reason, disobeyed the orders of this court”.
Mr Adio thereafter went ahead with his application that the court lacks the jurisdiction to hear the case. He quoted section 6(6)(a) of the constitution, section 221 and section 51 of the High Court Laws of Lagos State. He also quoted the infamous Decree 17 that ousted the powers of court. “The effect of section 3(3) of Decree 17 is that is dead completely. If a statute says there is no jurisdiction in certain event, it is impossible for the court to have jurisdiction. If the court has no jurisdiction to entertain a matter, all proceedings on the matter are a nullity”, he argued.
At this junction, Justice Jinadu quipped in and asked: “ If a law says nobody should bear a child, then anyone pregnant should not bear the child. Is that not absurd?” After several arguments, the court dismissed the application the following day. Despite the dismissal, the judge did not wield the big stick against Oyegun. Rather, he summoned the bailiff to explain his efforts to serve the defendant. The Bailiff, Mr Kayode Oduwole explained to the court all his efforts at effecting service on Oyegun both at home and office which was to no avail.
Chief Oyegun and President Buhari. Journey started in 1984
The next day, July 27, Justice Jinadu delivered his judgment where he upheld the jurisdiction of his court since the matter before him was not dismissal but interdiction. He furthermore declared Seidu Garba’s interdiction illegal and ordered that he be reinstated back to his job. The court thereafter still gave Mr Oyegun till July 30 to appear before him and like earlier orders, it was flouted. The judge thereafter asked that Mr Adio, Oyegun’s lawyer should serve the defendant.
Meanwhile, the leadership of the Advisory Judicial Council and the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice George Shodeinde Showemimo called Justice Jinadu to his chambers at the Supreme Court where he advised that he should adjourned the case till after Hajj which Justice Jinadu was scheduled to attend and then proceed on his leave. The CJN advised that a ditch was being dug for Jinadu and that he should not fall into it with his eyes wide open.
Justice Jinadu’s reply was that he was protecting the integrity and independence of the judiciary. He said to adjourn the matter indefinitely will be contrary to the oath he swore to uphold justice. On August 3, the matter came up in court and when asked for the whereabouts of the defendant, he lawyer, Mr Adio in his reply was unruly to the court. After several warnings, the court ordered that he remove his wig and gown and step out of the bar. However, again, maturity prevailed as the judge rather than sending Mr Adio to prison, reprimanded him.
The case came up again on August 3. Oyegun as usual was not in court. Justice Jinadu again asked Mr Adio if he had filed a return he ordered. Adio became unruly and replied the judge in a very rude manner. : “I don’t understand what a return means, I am not a party to the order. I will not carry out any order..” At this juncture, the judge had had it to the brim. His patience stretched beyond limit. He ordered Adio to remove his wig and gown and step out of the bar. Adio complied and moved to the dock.
It took all the maturity in him not to commit Adio to Prison that day. In a short ruling, Justice Jinadu wrote: “It has never happened in all my experience at the Bar and on the Bench, for a legal practitioner to behave in such a defiant, arrogant, and outrageous way in which you have behaved this morning. I shall therefore adjourn this matter till Thursday, August 7 to enable you carry out the order of this court as explained to you by the registrar”. The judge allowed Adio to go free despite the insult on the court.
At this juncture, the Chief Judge of Lagos State, Justice Adetunji Adefarasin who had been watching from the sidelines, decide to intervene. He summoned Justice Jinadu to his office and called two senior judges to the meeting as well. They are Justice Candide Ademola Johnson, and Justice Charles Bada. At the meeting, the Chief Judge revealed that he was in receipt of a letter the Federal Ministry of Justice forwarded to Dodan Barracks complaining about Justice Jinadu. The three judges after reviewing the case agreed that Justice Jinadu should have known that there were unseen hands behind the conduct of Adio. That being the case, he should know what to do in the next adjourned date.
However, when he got to the office, he found out that Adio had filed the returns the court ordered. Shortly after, The Chief Judge called him on phone to come to his office with the case file. He complied and returned the file. The Chief Judge again called him to minute on the file: “I have no personal interest in the matter and I do not want to handle it any more”, Justice Jinadu complied. The following day, August 7, the trial judge announced in court that the file has been returned to the Chief Judge.
Chief Fawehinmi was shocked: “I am worried about the rule of law in this country. All the orders made are being ignored. The rule of law is being bastardised and brutalized! This is a dangerous precedent!”, he said. The following day, all newspapers carried the story in their front pages. The Sketch in an editorial condemned the withdrawal of the case from the trial judge. “The truth is that the rule of law is being bloodied with marked consistency by the authorities in this country.. When decrees are made ousting the jurisdiction of ordinary courts, when trials are being conducted in secret, when judges trained to administer justice are subordinated to military laymen, what respect can the authorizes say they have for the rule of law?”, The Sketch asked.
From this moment, administrative intrigues took over. The Chief Judge, Justice Adefarasin, who initially asked Justice Jinadu to return the casefile to him denied he did so, saying that Justice Jinadu voluntarily returned the file. Justice Adefarasin’s rebuttal came when Justice Jinadu was out of the country on holy pilgrimage to hajj. Justice Ishola Oluwa who just retired issued a press release on the unfairness of the Chief Judge in making his comments when he knew Justice Jinadu being out of the country could not reply. “I wish to emphasize that Justice Jinadu is now on Holy Pilgrimage to Mecca and therefore not in a position to remind the Chief Judge about the exchange of correspondence between him and Justice Adefarasin on this matter. I have as a friend of Justice Jinadu’s a duty to say that If I were the Chief Judge, I would wait for him to be back from Mecca before reading a statement to the open court wherein it is not mentioned that Justice Jinadu had without reservation written the Chief Judge to maintain his stand that the file was indeed withdrawn by Justice Adefarasin”, Justice Oluwa stated.
Chief Fawehinmi also filed a suit in court challenging the withdrawal of the case from Justice Jinadu by the Chief Judge. Justice Adefarasin however dismissed the case as “misconceived and an abuse of court process”. He later transferred the case to Justice Abdulraheem Bakare.
On September 12, 1984, the Advisory Judicial Council, in a letter summoned Justice Jinadu to appear before it to answer to some queries viz:
Addressing a state counsel of the Federal Ministry of Justice in January, 1984 that he was drunk,andDisrobing a Principal State Counsel during the proceedings of a case in the court.
He was to appear before them the following day, September 13, 1984.
Justice Jinadu complied and defended himself before the panel. The following day, September 14, 1984, the Advisory Judicial Council, in a letter signed by Justice Sowemimo as chairman AJC, reprimanded Justice Jinadu, asking him to apologise to the Chief Judge of Lagos State, Justice Adefarasin publicly in a letter. He was also to appear before a panel comprising of the acting Chief Justice of Nigeria, President of the Court of Appeal, Attorney General of the Federation, and the Chief Judge of Lagos State, to tender his apology orally to them and then await disciplinary action that would be meted out to him. What this means in short, is to totally humiliate him before an eventual dismissal.
Rather than apologise, Justice Jinadu opted to proceed immediately on retirement. He immediately forwarded his notice of retirement to the Military Governor of Lagos State through the Chief Judge of the State. He gave a six month notice to enable him conclude the part heard matters before him. He then wrote a reply to the Advisory Judicial Council where he explained thoroughly the facts of the case. In concluding his letter, he said:
Gen Buhari in 1984
“I believe the judiciary has an important role to play in this country as it is the last hope of the common man. The Judiciary has to be firm, fair, and courageous and must not employ any form of double standards. It is not right in my view to regard or treat courts of justice as extension of the Federal Ministry of Justice;
Above all, your letter asked me to apologise in writing and in addition to appear before you, the President of the Court of Appeal, and the Attorney General of the Federation to apologise verbally. This verbal apology appears to me to appease the lawyers in the Ministry of Justice through the Attorney General of the Federation, otherwise what is the necessity of a verbal apology after a written apology. I cannot be a part of this humiliation and disgrace to the judiciary and as no condition is permanent, I have done the only honourable thing for a reasonable, upright, and disciplined judge to do. I categorically deny the allegation made in your letter against me that I lied;
I wish to emphasize very strongly that I did not tell lies. Accordingly I cannot see how how I can continue to serve as a judge under such a system. I have already given notice of my retirement from service. I cannot condone any attempt to destroy the judicial system in this country using me as a scapegoat”.
Rather than allowing the judge the six months’ notice that he gave, the Supreme Military Council under General Muhammadu Buhari directed him to proceed on his retirement immediately, not minding the part heard cases before him.
The matter subsequently went before the Court of Appeal where a three man panel that consisted of Justice Adenekan Ademola, Justice Idris Legbo Kutigi, and Justice Owolabi set aside the judgement of Justice Jinadu and decared that Saidu Garba was lawfully fired. Not satisfied, Garba proceed to the Supreme Court.
On October 26, 1986, the Supreme Court, in a lead judgement delivered by Justice Kayode Eso declared that Decree 17 has no effect on the case of Seidu Garba. The apex court thereafter set aside the judgement of the Court of Appeal, and reinstated Garba, thereby vindicating Justice Jinadu. Other members of the panel included Justices Andrew Otutu Obaseki, Saidu Kawu, Abdul Ganiyu Olatunji Agbaje, and Philip Nnaemeka Agu.
Celebrating the courage of Justice Jinadu, The Guardian Newspaper, in its editorial of November 1, 1984 titled “Justice Jinadu: A tribute to courage” said: “Not many men ever utter words so power-packed or so profound that they recommend themselves for perpetual remembrance. But then, not many men qualify for remembrance. Mr Justice Yahaya Jinadu, formerly of the High Court of Lagos State, shines like a hundred diamonds on both accounts. Said he as he bowed out of the nation’s judiciary: I cannot condone any attempt to destroy the judicial system in this country using me as a scape goat;
Those eternal words may one day go down as the epitaph of this remarkable Nigerian. Remarkable because he is one of the few in public life ever to demonstrate that the exigencies of bread- not to mention the butter on top of it-will never corrupt them into desecrating the sanctity of a respected principle”
Justice Jinadu is still alive, hearty, happy and well. He is 92 years old. General Buhari is back as President of Nigeria, while Mr John Oyegun is the immediate past Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), the ruling party, and the judiciary…….
*Source*: Salute to courage. The Story of Justice Yaya Jinadu by Akinola
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Tribute to a Mentor, National Icon, Professor Jibril Aminu
Published
2 days agoon
June 16, 2025By
Eric
By Kema Chikwe
I join other associates of Professor Jibril Aminu not only to mourn his passing but to celebrate the life of an extraordinary Nigerian—a man whose intellect, integrity, and influence shaped generations and transformed institutions. His recent passing in Abuja marks the end of a monumental chapter in our nation’s history.
Professor Aminu was more than a scholar; he was a national compass. As Minister of Education, he envisioned an equitable and progressive system that empowered minds and bridged social divides. Later, as Minister of Petroleum, he steered one of Nigeria’s most critical sectors with exceptional competence, transparency, and patriotic foresight. The reforms he implemented laid foundations that are still felt today.
Yet perhaps his greatest legacy lies in the quiet, determined way he mentored others. To thousands, he was a teacher. To many more, he was a father figure, a counselor, a voice of reason in turbulent times. He believed in excellence, discipline, and service above self—and he lived those values until the very end.
Professor Jibril Aminu was one of the closest friends of my late brother-in-law, Ajie Ukpabi Asika, and his wife, my eldest sister, Chief (Mrs.) Chinyere Asika. By extension, he became a cherished friend to our entire family. When he, as Minister of Education, sought to publish his visionary speeches on education in Nigeria, my sister introduced me to him.
At the time, Dilibe Onyeama and I were on the planning committee for the first Enugu International Book Fair and served on the executive committees of both the Publishers Association and the Association of Nigerian Authors. Dilibe, being a well-known author, was introduced to my sister and to Professor Aminu to collaborate on the project. Although Dilibe later withdrew from the project, I continued working on it. After editing the manuscript, I submitted it to Heinemann for publication. David Ogbodo, Professor Aminu’s dedicated and resourceful Special Assistant, provided all the necessary logistics. Despite my several trips to Heinemann in Ibadan and my best efforts, the book was unfortunately never published due to circumstances beyond my control. Nonetheless, Professor Aminu recognized my intellectual potential and encouraged me to pursue my doctorate at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka.
He later appointed me to the Governing Council of the Nigerian Students Loans Board, where I served as Chairman of the Establishment Committee and later as Vice Chairman of the Tenders Board. This marked my first exposure to federal-level public service and became a springboard for many of my future achievements.
As President of Klub Feminique—a circle of close, accomplished friends—I organized a fundraiser to establish a computer center. Professor Aminu’s financial support was remarkable. He not only contributed generously but also sent a high-profile representative to serve as Guest of Honour.
When he became Minister of Petroleum, he connected me with Chief Alex Nwokedi, then Public Relations Director at NNPC and also a close family friend. Through this connection, I was given the opportunity to produce and reproduce the journal Investment Opportunities in Nigeria’s Petroleum Sector. This engagement significantly boosted my career as a publisher.
When my husband faced challenges with his Owerri Modern Market project—challenges arising from efforts by detractors within the State Military Government to cancel his contract—Professor Aminu stood by us and supported the restoration of that contract. He was always there to help.
For me, the support, motivation, inspiration, and encouragement I received from Professor Aminu prepared me for much of what I have achieved in life. He was a mentor to whom I remain deeply indebted.
Nigeria has lost a giant. But his ideals live on—in the lives of those he mentored, in the institutions he strengthened, and in the future he so selflessly helped to build.
Farewell, Professor Aminu. Your light was bright. Your legacy is eternal.
Mrs Kema Chimwe is a former Minister of Aviation
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Harakati Za Fosters Sub-Regional Integration, Development in Africa at Second Annual Conference
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3 days agoon
June 15, 2025By
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By Ruth Akpan
Harakati Za Muungano, a not for profit organization dedicated to African unity, integration and policy reforms for the development of Africa, has hosted its second annual conference. The event held at the prestigious Accra International Conference Centre in Accra, Ghana.
The six-day conference, which ran from May 7th to May 13th, 2025, brought together distinguished delegates from 14 African countries including Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo, Cameroon, Gabon and the Republic of Congo.
With the theme “Structural Transformation Through Deep Policy Reforms To Produce Sub-Regional Integration And Expedited Development In Africa”, the conference provided a platform for policymakers, thought leaders and experts to share insights and experiences in driving Africa’s development through policy reforms and sub-regional integration.
As Special Guest of Honour, Chief (Dr.) Dele Momodu, Chairman Ovation International, shared valuable insights from his extensive travels across Africa, emphasizing the importance of collaboration and collective actions in achieving Africa’s development goals.
A panel of distinguished speakers including the President of the International Secretariat of HARAKATI ZA MUUNGANO, Mr. Kwame Danquah, Lecturer at Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar, Senegal, Dr. Chérif Saloum Diatta, Former Deputy Minister of Fisheries and Marine Resources in Sierra Leone, Mr. Charles Rogers, Lecturers at Université Général Lasana Conté de Sonfonia Guinea, Mr. Harouna Ly and Dr. Mamoudou Sounossy Diallo delivered thought-provoking presentations on the conference theme.
This second edition of the HARAKATI ZA MUUNGANO conference served as a catalyst for meaningful discussions, networking opportunities, and the exchange of ideas among participants fostering continuous development and integration among African countries.
Harakati Za Muungano is aimed at promoting sociopolitical policy reforms, drive progressive changes and facilitate structural transformation in key sectors such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, energy and water resources, promoting good political and economic policy reforms and to facilitate the establishment of a consolidated union in Sub-Saharan Africa.
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By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
June 12 holds an indelible place in Nigeria’s political consciousness, a date now officially designated as the nation’s “Democracy Day”. More than just a public holiday, it serves as a sad reminder of a defining moment in Nigeria’s quest for democratic governance, intricately linked to the struggles of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola. His electoral victory in the 1993 presidential election, widely acclaimed as the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s history even as at today, and its subsequent annulment, unleashed a torrent of political and legal crises that profoundly shaped the trajectory of the nation. Understanding June 12 therefore requires delving into the idealism it represents, the betrayal it embodied, and its enduring political and legal importance.
THE GENESIS OF HOPE: THE JUNE 12, 1993 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
By the early 1990s, Nigeria was tired of protracted military rule. Decades of coups, counter-coups, and authoritarian regimes had subdued political development, entrenched corruption, and fostered deep-seated distrust between the populace and the government. General Ibrahim Babangida’s military regime, having promised a transition to civilian rule, had embarked on a seemingly elaborate program. Some people dubbed it “transfixion programme” This program culminated in the presidential election of June 12, 1993.
The election itself was unique. Unlike previous multi-party contests, the Babangida regime had streamlined the political landscape to just two government-sanctioned parties: the Social Democratic Party (SDP) (“a little-to-the-left”) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) (“a little-to-the-right”). This binary choice forced a broader alignment across Nigeria’s often-fractious ethnic and religious lines. The SDP presented an unusual ticket: Chief M.K.O. Abiola, a wealthy Yoruba businessman and philanthropist from the South-West, as its presidential candidate, paired with Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, a Muslim from the North-East, as his running mate. This Muslim-Muslim ticket was unprecedented and signaled a potential shift from Nigeria’s traditional ethno-religious political divisions.
The NRC fielded Alhaji Bashir Tofa (a Kanuri) and Sylvester Ugoh (an Igbo). The electoral process on June 12, 1993, unfolded remarkably smoothly. Despite initial logistical challenges, Nigerians turned out in large numbers to vote, demonstrating an undeniable enthusiasm for democracy. The results, though never fully announced by the National Electoral Commission (NEC), began to seep in, indicating a clear and decisive victory for MKO Abiola. Independent observers, both domestic and international, hailed the election as exceptionally free and fair, devoid of the widespread rigging and irregularities that had plagued previous Nigerian elections. It was a moment of genuine national unity and optimism, a powerful affirmation of the Nigerian people’s desire for self-governance. Abiola ostensibly won across Nigeria, beating Bashir Tofa even in his Gyadi-Gyadi, Albassa ward in Kano.
THE ANNULMENT: A BETRAYAL AND THE DAWN OF NATIONAL CRISIS
The ecstasy of the June 12 election was tragically short-lived. In a move that shocked the nation and the international community, the Babangida regime, on June 23, 1993, unilaterally annulled the results of the presidential election. The reasons cited were vague, ranging from “irregularities” to the need to “save the Judiciary.” This annulment was widely perceived as a direct affront to the democratic will of the Nigerian people and a cynical betrayal of the transition program.
The annulment ignited a profound political crisis. Protests erupted across the country, particularly in the South-West, Abuja and other major cities across Nigeria. Civil society organizations, human rights activists, pro-democracy groups (such as the National Democratic Coalition – NADECO), CLO, UDD and student unions galvanized public opposition. The country was plunged into a period of intense civil unrest, strikes, and widespread condemnation from international bodies and foreign governments. The annulment not only shattered public trust, but also deepened existing ethnic and regional fault lines, as many viewed the action as a deliberate attempt by the military-Northern establishment to deny the South-West its legitimate turn at the presidency.
THE STRUGGLE FOR VALIDATION AND THE FIGHT FOR DEMOCRACY
The annulment of the June 12 election led to a prolonged period of agitation and repression. MKO Abiola declared himself the rightful president and was eventually arrested and detained in 1994 after declaring his intention to reclaim his mandate. He remained in detention for four years and died in custody on July 7, 1998, under suspicious circumstances that had the finger of the government, even as the country was transitioning to another civilian government.
The June 12 movement inspired a generation of pro-democracy activists, journalists, students, and labour leaders who risked their lives to challenge military dictatorship. It became a rallying point for advocating civil liberties, electoral justice, and the return to democratic governance. I was, with all humility, one of the frontline torch bearers of our fight against military dictatorship.
MKO ABIOLA’S STRUGGLE: A SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE
At the heart of the June 12 struggle was Chief M.K.O. Abiola himself. Having clearly won the election, he rightly refused to accept the annulment. He embarked on a courageous and ultimately self-sacrificing campaign to reclaim his mandate. On June 11, 1994, exactly one year after the election, Abiola declared himself president-elect in the Epetedo area of Lagos Island, asserting his rightful claim to the presidency. This act of defiance was a direct challenge to the authority of the military regime, which by now was headed by General Sani Abacha.
Abiola was subsequently arrested on June 23, 1994, on charges of treason. His incarceration became a central focus of the pro-democracy struggle. Despite immense national and international pressure, Abiola remained resolute, refusing to renounce his mandate in exchange for his freedom. His continued detention and unwavering stance served as a powerful symbol of resistance against military tyranny and a constant reminder of the unfinished democratic business. His wife, Kudirat Abiola, also became a prominent voice in the struggle, actively campaigning for her husband’s release and the revalidation of the June 12 mandate. She was tragically assassinated in 1996 in broad daylight.
Abiola’s prolonged struggle ended tragically with his death in detention on July 7, 1998, just weeks after the sudden death of General Abacha in equally sinister circumstances in Aso villa. His death, under suspicious circumstances extinguished the immediate hope for the revalidation of his mandate but solidified his place as a martyr for democracy in Nigeria who paid the ultimate supreme price for redemptive messiahnism.
THE POLITICAL IMPORTANCE OF JUNE 12
The political importance of June 12 in Nigeria cannot therefore be overstated. Symbol of Democratic Will: June 12 stands as the most potent symbol of the Nigerian people’s unequivocal desire for democratic governance. It demonstrated that Nigerians, across ethnic and religious divides, could unite and vote freely, rejecting the imposition of leadership.
Symbol of Electoral Integrity
June 12, 1993, remains a benchmark for free and fair elections in Nigeria. The transparency and credibility of that election are often cited as the gold standard against which future elections are measured.
2. National Unity
MKO Abiola’s victory cut across ethnic, religious, gender, status and regional divisions, proving that national unity and collective political will were possible in Nigeria. It challenged the long-standing narrative that Nigeria could not overcome its deep-seated ethno-religious differences.
Catalyst for Sustained Pro-Democracy Struggle: The annulment fueled a sustained and relentless pro-democracy movement. Groups such as NADECO, CLO, UDD, DA, other civil society organizations and various activists relentlessly agitated against military rule, sacrificing personal liberty and, in some cases, their lives. This pressure, both internal and external, played a significant role in ultimately forcing the military to hurriedly relinquish power in 1999.
Exposure of Military’s Ills: The June 12 saga laid bare the inherent contradictions and self-serving nature of military rule. It exposed the military’s disdain for popular will and its willingness to undermine the very transition it claimed to oversee.
Shaping the Fourth Republic: The experiences of June 12 profoundly influenced the design and character of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, which began in 1999. The framers of the new constitution and the political elite were keenly aware of the need to prevent a repeat of such an annulment.
National Healing and Recognition: For decades, June 12 remained a contentious issue, primarily celebrated in the South-West as a “Democracy Day.” However, in a significant move towards national healing and historical recognition, President Muhammadu Buhari, on June 6, 2018, officially declared June 12 as Nigeria’s Democracy Day, replacing May 29. This act posthumously honored MKO Abiola with the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR), Nigeria’s highest national honour reserved only for Presidents and Heads of State. This official recognition was a crucial step in acknowledging the historical injustice and unifying the country around a shared democratic ideal.
4. Rejection of Military Rule
June 12 represents the collective will of Nigerians to reject military dictatorship. The years following the annulment saw increased pressure on the military, culminating in the return to civilian rule in 1999 after the death of General Sani Abacha.
5. Restoration of Democratic Values
The recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day affirms Nigeria’s commitment to democratic governance, civil liberties, the rule of law, and the right of the people to choose their leaders.
FROM MAY 29 TO JUNE 12: A SHIFT IN NATIONAL NARRATIVE
Before 2018, Nigeria’s Democracy Day was celebrated on May 29—the day the military handed over power to a civilian government in 1999. I argued repeatedly like many Nigerians that May 29 was merely symbolic of military benevolence rather than popular sovereignty. In contrast, June 12 embodied the people’s struggle, sacrifice, and demand for democracy. Its restoration was therefore a long held dream.
LEGAL IMPORTANCE OF JUNE 12
Beyond its political ramifications, June 12 also carries significant legal importance.
Judicial Independence and Integrity Tested: The annulment of the election, supposedly to “save the Judiciary,” ironically exposed the Judiciary’s vulnerabilities under military rule. The Judiciary was drawn into the political fracas, with conflicting court orders and legal battles that ultimately highlighted the limitations of the legal system when confronted by raw military power. The Judiciary infamously failed the country during the crisis.
Questions of Sovereign Will vs. Military Decrees: The annulment raised fundamental legal questions about the supremacy of the people’s sovereign will, expressed through a free and fair election, versus the arbitrary power of military Decrees and Edicts. The military junta argued its Decrees were supreme, but the legal community largely condemned the annulment as an illegal act, devoid of any legitimate legal basis.
Focus on Electoral Reforms: The flaws and vulnerabilities exposed by the June 12 experience spurred subsequent efforts at electoral reforms in Nigeria. There was a clear understanding of the need for robust electoral laws, transparent processes, and an independent electoral commission capable of withstanding political pressure.
Reinforcement of Constitutionalism: The struggle underscored the importance of constitutionalism and the rule of law. The arbitrary nature of the annulment reinforced the argument for a return to civilian rule governed by a written constitution that guarantees rights and limits arbitrary power.
Precedent for Popular Mandate: While the mandate was not revalidated, the June 12 experience set a powerful precedent: a free and fair election outcome, reflecting the will of the people, holds immense moral and legal weight that cannot be easily dismissed without significant repercussions. It became a benchmark against which future elections would be measured.
CONCLUSION:
June 12 is far more than just a date on the calendar; it is a national narrative woven with threads of hope, betrayal, struggle, and eventual recognition. It stands as a powerful testament to the resilience of the Nigerian people and their unwavering commitment to democratic ideals. The MKO Abiola struggle, characterized by his electoral victory, the subsequent annulment of the freest election in Nigeria’s history, and his ultimate sacrifice, served as a catalyst for a sustained pro-democracy movement that eventually led to the end of military rule.
Its political importance lies in its role as a unifying symbol of democratic will, a catalyst for political transition, and a critical lesson in the perils of authoritarianism. Legally, June 12 exposed the fragility of institutions under military rule, underscored the imperative of robust electoral laws, and reinforced the sanctity of the popular mandate. By designating June 12 as Democracy Day, Nigeria has officially acknowledged this painful yet pivotal chapter of its history, honoring the sacrifices made and reaffirming its commitment to the principles of freedom, justice, and democratic governance. The echoes of June 12 continue to echo, serving as a constant reminder that the voice of the people, expressed through the ballot box, must always be respected and upheld. Whether Nigerians have imbibed or exhibited lessons learnt from June 12 is another matter altogether.
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