Featured
Opinion: 2023:Politics Without Ideas- Reuben Abati
Published
4 years agoon
By
Editor
By Reuben Abati
I am concerned, but not shocked in any way, that the most prominent reaction to the interview that Arise News conducted last week with the Presidential candidate of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar has been sheer tittle-tattle about location, and format and silly ego games. It is a measure of the confusion in the land, and the failure to focus on ideas and concrete issues. The big problem that we face in this country, six months to the 2023 general election is the obsession with minutiae and the irrelevant. This must be considered a national tragedy considering the challenges before us. Thousands, if not millions of young Nigerians burn hours on the social media/internet abusing persons engaged in productive work, while they idle away in their ignorance and obscurantism. Times like this call for a greater deployment of time and intelligence, because Nigeria indeed, now more than before in the last two decades, stands at the brink of a precipice. But alas, Nigeria is saddled with a growing generation of idlers who think that their lives are enriched by pulling down others. But while these ordinary, eponymously anonymous persons need not detain serious minded persons from forging ahead, it must be noted that the emergent political elite is not in any way better. Its members are worse in terms of intellect, capacity, and character. This forces us to ask that question again: what a country! Or as the sage, Chinua Achebe, put it: “There was a country!”. The race to 2023 is a painful reminder of how the biggest tragedy that has befallen Nigeria is the absence of ideas, the collapse of good reason, and the brazen triumph of mediocrity and selective amnesia.
My concern is this: what is the central election issue as Nigeria prepares for the 2023 general elections? Where is that consensus that propels a nation? It is six months to Nigeria’s 2023 general elections, can anyone put his or her finger on any big issues of direct relevance within the context of the Constitution and the people’s expectations? I will address these same questions anon. But to get an idea of my drift, I would like to draw attention to what is currently going on in Britain. There is a bitter, blue-on-blue acrimonious fight for the seat of the Prime Minister of the UK within the ruling Conservative Party. The battle began with Prime Minister Boris Johnson losing the support and confidence of members of his own party and even if he survived two confidence votes, it eventually became clear that with the party-gate scandal and the abandonment of his government on the grounds of principle by many of his key persons, he had lost the support of his own party. From party-gate to everything else, Boris Johnson was his own assassin. He committed political suicide, damaged his own legacy and lost the moral right to lead. The practicality of his rejection is one of the reasons why I argue that Nigeria, going forward, should consider the option of a return to a parliamentary system of government or a combination of the parliamentary and the presidential, as has been robustly canvassed in the extant literature on the subject. The Presidential system creates monarchs, and that is precisely what it does in developing economies. A parliamentary system places greater emphasis on accountability and responsibility at all levels, and the people’s voice. That is what we need. But what do we have?
Nigeria’s political process is inundated with nonsense for structural reasons and what we have is a mad-house. In the UK at the moment, there is a race to succeed Boris Johnson. There is a consensus that the Prime Minister has overstayed his welcome. His party needs to get rid of him, to protect the party ahead of the next general elections. Boris Johnson as Prime Minister has desecrated the seat long enough. He has resigned. He will quit on September 5. But as his party, the Tories seek to appoint a new leader and a new Prime Minister, what we see is a focus on the issues. About eleven candidates began the race for No. 10 but after five ballots within the party the choice has been narrowed down to former Chancellor Rishi Sunak, and Foreign Secretary Liz Truss. Before this Liz vs Rishi moment, it must be noted that the arguments have been about issues and the British people – what can be done to make their lot better, what can be done to reinvent the party and deliver better dividends to the people in the face of an excruciating cost of living crisis – the cost of gas is high, the NHS is in trouble, inflation is so high, the Bank of England has had to tighten rates five times, persons in England now skip meals, confronted as they are by foodflation- so, how to save the Tory party and move beyond Boris Johnson. We have seen in that example, even if the eventual choice would be determined by a minority of about 160, 00 Tory party members, a focus on the big issues that are relevant to the people’s interests. Human beings will ways be human, I know that, but even the personal attacks that we have seen in the Tory dog-fight: on Penny Mordaunt, on Sunak’s centrism, Liz Truss’s extreme right politics have all been within the context of ideas and ideologies. The top contestants are talking about China, immigration, national security, the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war, cost of living crisis, climate change, tax cuts and investments. When the British eventually make their choice at the current intra-party level, it would be a choice between definite ideas, and when they do so in a future general election, it would also be about ideas and the people’s interest.
While the British are in that mode right now, Nigeria is also looking for new leadership, from a choice of 18 political parties and Presidential candidates. Liz Truss and Rishi Sunak had their first, major, one-on-one debate at 9 pm on Monday. The debate continues today, on Tuesday. Both debates matter because the candidates are spelling out their mission and vision. They will be watched closely and scrutinized by their publics, and whoever wins and emerges through the process would be convinced that the battle was truly won and lost as both candidates continue to slug it out on the battle-grounds. Here, in Nigeria, the candidates are not talking to the people. With the key exception of Peter Obi of the Labour Party and Omoyele Sowore of the Africa Acton Congress (AAC), who both run movements, not political parties, the other candidates are busy talking to their kind: godfathers, persons they think control Nigeria, and who can fix the election for them, and the party elite. When they remember the people, they throw money at them, and promise to give them more money if they are elected.
Nigeria, like many developing countries of the world that jumped on the democratization scheme in the early 90s, does not understand what it means nor have the people been able to domesticate the idea of democracy. The democratic project was imposed by the West as a one-size-fits all proposition, but the many contradictions that this has thrown up is beguiling. To use Nigeria as an example, it would be in order to say that Nigeria is not ready for democracy, certainly not in the present shape in which it is. Nigerian politicians are royalists with an undeserved sense of entitlement. They want power because power is sweet and grants a sense of control, relevance and importance. Our democracy is a democracy of terrorists, scavengers and opportunists. This is why there is a terrible gap between those at the apex and those at the base of society. Those who argue that the electorate should get their voters’ cards and make informed choices at the polls next year are all correct, and spot on, but what is anyone doing about the people’s cynicism, and the banditi-zation of Nigerian politics? In the absence of ideas and good conduct by the political elite, the people are in order to be cynical, as they have ever been, and what we see in the current lead up to Nigeria’s 2023 general election is chaotic cynicism.
Back to our original question: what are the big issues in Nigerian politics at this moment? The multiple reactions that have attended the Arise News interview with PDP Presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar simply show the lack of preparedness at the highest levels in this country. Nobody is talking about ideas. The reactions have been about peripheral issues, not ideas. Arise News sat with Atiku for a whole hour and raised issues ranging from politics to economy, relationships and other matters Nigeriana. The Nigerian social media mob took up editorial duties that is entirely not their business as they focused on sponsored and teleguided BS and in their sponsored frenzy, they failed to look at key issues. The only exception in this regard would be in my view, Farooq Kperogi, the scholar and columnist, who resisted and cleverly avoided a habitual tendency to be unkind to other people’s efforts. He focused on bigger issues. But what came from the other communities, that is, the opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Tinubu Campaign Organization, the Obidient movement supporting Peter Obi, and the Wike Camp, were the usual diatribe about ego: my candidate is better than yours, you lied against me. Within 48 hours, the whole thing degenerated into an ego game. Wike is threatening to talk later and reveal mountains of truth. He should stop threatening. If he has anything to say, let him go ahead and do so forthwith. Tinubu’s people have called Atiku a liar on the subject of Muslim-Muslim ticket. Atiku says he wants Tinubu in a one-on-one, one hour debate to settle the matter once and for all. Tinubu, we are told, has a memory loss issue.
I won’t be surprised if the two candidates start talking about whose wife is more beautiful and who can still crack the best fires in the other room, or who is richer, or more energetic. The Tinubu group picked on the smallest issues in the Atiku conversation, talking about Abraham Lincoln, the politics of running mates, whereas there are more important issues about the economy, privatization, national security, education and health. The way the Nigerian process is going, nobody will talk about what concerns the people. The politicians will share money on or before election day, and given the arrest of persons during the recent Ekiti and Osun Gubernatorial, off-cycle elections, the political bandits will find smarter ways of buying votes, and the ordinary people will find new ways of collecting electoral bribe. It is safe to say that there is no tested, effective law in place yet that addresses this challenge.
So, why are ideas no longer relevant in Nigerian politics? Most of the 18 Presidential candidates have no manifesto. For more than two weeks, the Tinubu Campaign Organization, after rejecting a document that was widely circulated threatened to release a manifesto. Nobody has seen that manifesto yet. What we see are reactions to rival political candidates on peripheral issues. More serious candidates who could have been on the ballot ironically have since been pushed out of the race. Where is Kingsley Moghalu for example? And why is Omoyele Sowore being treated like a student unionist? And why has Peter Obi been reduced to a social media sensation? Ideas, Ideas, ideas. We can’t get anything concrete. Nobody listens to ideas, because the ones that are ready to promote them are not given the opportunity to do so. Those who try to generate ideas, outside partisan boundaries, are treated badly. In 2015, it would be remembered that the APC in seeking to wrest power from the ruling PDP tried to construct its gambit around ideas: security, the economy and fight against corruption. In 2019, the ruling party sustained the same mantra and asked for an opportunity to complete what it started. In 2022/2023, the main gladiators are terribly distracted.
Yet, the major issue in Nigeria’s democracy – federal and state levels today, should be ideas and specific performance. Since the beginning of this campaign, the main candidates have discussed nothing but religion, ethnicity, personal health, clothing, and personality. The 2023 campaign has been dominated by personal ambition and expectations and trivia. Many of the presidential candidates that have emerged do not even have manifestoes. Nobody knows what they stand for or what they intend to do, not even what they understand about the task ahead. Titles are fashionable in Nigeria. Power is desirable. The allure of position and influence is magnetic. Nigerians would jump at anything along this spectrum. They want titles, not responsibility. This is why I think the reaction to the Arise News conversation with Atiku Abubakar veered off from the centre to the periphery. There are issues indicated in that conversation and alive in the public domain that have been conveniently ignored.
NNPC has just been unveiled as a new, commercial entity, in an industry that accounts for 80% of the country’s foreign exchange earnings. What do the Presidential candidates intend to do about that? Nigeria has a debt to revenue ratio crisis, with debt service cost exceeding revenue by about 119% per cent? The national grid continues to collapse and function epileptically. Inflation is as high as 18.6%. There is unemployment in the land. Food inflation as well. Life is so insecure, terrorists are threatening to abduct the President, Senators and Governors and either kill them or sell them into slavery, and they sound very serious about that objective. Yesterday, they even made an effort to engage the Presidential guards in Abuja. The country also faces a serious foreign exchange crisis – it is so bad that even bread makers are threatening to go on strike because they cannot access forex and raw materials. The aviation sector is down. The nation’s currency has lost everything including its integrity, the big question is how to save it. In real terms, this country is on the way to Venezuela if not Sri Lanka or Lebanon. These are important issues that should engage the attention of those who want to rule the country. But the space has been taken over by spokespersons writing platitudes and reticent candidates who piggy-back on the dominance of their parties and abdicate responsibility without negotiating the issues and a proper assessment of the chaos that is upon us. The country’s destiny seems postponed. This trend must change. Every Presidential candidate should be shown the video of yesterday’s UK Prime Ministerial debate between Rishi Sunak and Liz Truss.
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Featured
Class, Glamour As Global Statesman, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo Celebrates 89th Birthday
Published
17 hours agoon
March 7, 2026By
Eric
By Ruth Akpan
The historic city of Abeokuta, the capital of Ogun State, played host to an extraordinary gathering of statesmen, diplomats, scholars, traditional rulers and business leaders, who converged at the iconic Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library to celebrate the 89th birthday of Nigeria’s former President and globally respected elder statesman, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo.

The remarkable occasion, marked by a high-profile commemorative lecture, transcended the boundaries of a mere birthday celebration. Instead, it blossomed into a national intellectual convocation reflecting the towering stature of the former Nigerian leader whose enduring influence continues to shape political thought, diplomacy, and continental discourse across Africa and beyond.
The atmosphere at the majestic venue was one of intellectual engagement and dignified celebration as eminent personalities gathered to honour the remarkable life and enduring legacy of Olusegun Obasanjo. Gracefully by his side throughout the memorable gathering was his wife, Mrs. Bola Obasanjo, while members of the Obasanjo family, led by his daughter Iyabo Obasanjo, joined well-wishers in celebrating the patriarch whose decades of service have left an indelible mark on Nigeria and the African continent.

Organised by the Centre for Human Security and Dialogue, the event featured a distinguished lecture titled “The Global Africa Enlightenment: From Chains to Renaissance,” a thought-provoking theme that resonated profoundly with Africa’s historical journey—from centuries of enslavement and colonial subjugation to a future defined by unity, knowledge, and purposeful leadership.
The lecture provided a powerful moment of reflection on Africa’s past struggles while inspiring renewed commitment toward building societies anchored in justice, innovation, and institutional strength. The discourse also emphasized that Africa’s progress ultimately depends on strengthening democratic institutions, nurturing visionary leadership, and cultivating societies that uphold fairness, creativity, and collective advancement.



In his keynote address on the lecture’s theme, His Excellency Jean-Robert Pillard, Haitian Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Republic of South Africa, observed that history binds people together while culture reminds humanity of its shared identity. He noted that culture should not be viewed merely as nostalgic memory but as compelling evidence that the separation among African peoples was largely political rather than spiritual.
According to the ambassador, the concept of the Global Africa Enlightenment is not a newly invented philosophy but rather a reunion of peoples who share common ancestry, history, and heritage. While history preserves memory, he stressed, destiny demands action.
He further noted that the call for a Global Africa Enlightenment by Olusegun Obasanjo represents far more than poetic expression; rather, it is a clear policy direction and intellectual blueprint for the renewal and revitalisation of African civilisation.


The intellectual depth of the gathering was further enriched by scholarly responses delivered by Professor Oyedunni Arulogun, Vice-Chancellor of Chrisland University, and Professor Eyitope Ogunbodede, former Vice-Chancellor of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. Their reflections expanded on the lecture’s themes, examining Africa’s role in global intellectual discourse and the imperative for visionary leadership, innovation, and education.
Additional contributions came from student representative Rehinat Ololude, the Alake and Paramount Ruler of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo, and Dr. Eke Agbai, whose remarks added intergenerational perspectives to the profound discussions of the day.

One of the significant highlights of the event was the presentation of two scholarly works authored by the celebrant himself. With characteristic intellectual passion, Chief Obasanjo formally presented his books titled “Lest We Forget: Slavery, Slave Trade, Emancipation, and Reparation” and “Nigeria: Past and the Future.”
The books, which delve into the complex historical realities of slavery and Africa’s political evolution, reflect Obasanjo’s enduring commitment to documenting history while offering profound insights into Nigeria’s developmental trajectory and the continent’s future. 

In a stirring tribute, the Governor of Ogun State, Prince Dapo Abiodun described the celebrant as “an enduring study in leadership,” noting that his influence extends far beyond Nigeria to the wider African and international community. Reflecting on Obasanjo’s remarkable diplomatic engagements, the governor highlighted his numerous interventions in regional conflicts, particularly in countries such as Liberia, Ethiopia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where he served as mediator and peace envoy.
“Beyond Nigeria, Baba, your influence has extended across Africa and the wider international community, particularly in the area of conflict resolution and diplomacy.

“Through the African Union, the United Nations, and various global initiatives, you have consistently promoted dialogue as a pathway to peace and stability.”
Governor Abiodun further emphasised the importance of studying exemplary leaders such as Obasanjo, especially for younger generations across Africa.
“Young Africans must study figures like Baba, not merely to celebrate their achievements but to understand the principles that guide their decisions. They must learn how leadership, when driven by purpose and service, can influence the direction of a nation and even a continent,” he added.
The governor also reflected on Obasanjo’s historical role as Nigeria’s military Head of State, recalling how the nation firmly opposed apartheid and colonial rule under his leadership. According to him, Obasanjo strongly believed that the freedom of one African nation was intrinsically linked to the freedom of all African peoples.
Goodwill messages also poured in from across Nigeria and the international community.
Former President Goodluck Jonathan and President of the African Development Bank, Akinwumi Adesina sent congratulatory messages praising Obasanjo as an “apostle of peace” whose commitment to dialogue and stability has helped shape Africa’s diplomatic landscape.
The ceremonial cutting of the beautiful birthday cake was coordinated by respected business leader and former minister, Nike Akande as the celebrant, flanked by family members and friends marked the joyous moment.
Also present at the occasion were the Governor of Ogun State, Prince Dapo Abiodun, Deputy Governor of Ogun State, Noimot Salako-Oyedele, members of the Ogun State Executive Council, former Governors of Ogun State Gbenga Daniel and Ibikunle Amosun, former Governor of Osun State, Olagunsoye Oyinlola, former Governor of Kano State, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, renowned political economist Pat Utomi and former presidential candidate Peter Obi.
Adding regal splendour to the occasion was the presence of eminent traditional rulers including the Olubadan of Ibadanland, His Imperial Majesty Rasidi Adewolu Ladoja; the Alake of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo; and the Olowu of Owu Kingdom, His Royal Majesty Saka Adelola Matemilola.
Following the intellectually stimulating lecture, guests proceeded to a lavish reception held at the OOPL Marquee where the atmosphere transformed into one of celebration, camaraderie and conviviality.
Serving as Chairman of the occasion, the former Governor of Osun State, Olagunsoye Oyinlola delivered warm and reflective opening remarks that set the tone for the event, describing Chief Obasanjo as a visionary leader whose contributions to Nigeria, Africa, and the global community remain immeasurable.
Equally moving was the glowing tribute delivered by Erelu Abiola Dosunmu, who paid heartfelt homage to the celebrant, describing him as a courageous leader, visionary statesman, and tireless advocate for peace and African unity.
The event was attended by distinguished personalities including former Commonwealth Secretary-General Emeka Anyaoku; the elegant society matriarch, Erelu Abiola Dosunmu; respected entrepreneur and founder of Chisco Motors, Chidi Anyaegbu; and the ever-gracious former senator Florence Ita‑Giwa, among numerous other eminent personalities.
The evening was enlivened by captivating musical entertainment from legendary juju maestro Ebenezer Obey, whose timeless melodies filled the air with nostalgia and elegance.
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Featured
2027: APC Afraid of Competition, Jittery – Dele Momodu
Published
18 hours agoon
March 7, 2026By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
To further prove the opposition’s ability to contest and wrest power from the President Bola Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) national government, a chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), who is the Chairman, Ovation Media Group, Chief Dele Momodu, has made convincing arguments, stressing why Tinubu may not return to power in 2027.
Speaking during an interview on Channels television during the week, Momodu reiterated that though Tinubu has succeeded in muscling opposition through coercion and intimidation, a new force of the people will ensure that the APC and Tinubu are sent packing in 2027. He reiterated that the ruling party is jittery, and is afraid of competition. And that explains why opposition forces are being coerced to join the APC.
The following are excerpts from the no-holds-barred interview:
I can almost guess one of your answers to some of the questions we’ll ask you, but let me start by asking: some activity has kicked off in different political parties. But you know how it is—people want to see some opposition, a major opposition that challenges the ruling party, so people can have a proper alternative. Because what is a democracy without opposition in the first place? So, what’s going on with the ADC?
Okay. Let me start by saying that you are not being fair to the ADC.
How so?
I’ll prove it in a moment. The reason you are saying this is because the APC was already comfortably seated. They “jagabaned” as many people as possible from the other parties into their own party. They have all the resources in the world. They have all the security in the world. They even have control of INEC. When I say control of INEC, I mean that INEC is appointed by the government.
And they have jumped the gun. They started campaigning more than a year ago. You cannot say you are not aware that, recklessly, even a minister left his job and travelled to his home state. I’m sure for a week or two weeks, he was running a campaign as if the election would be next month.
So how then do you expect an opposition to operate when they have virtually shut down most of the opposition parties—either forcefully or even frontally? They are not hiding it.
Today, for the first time, we have a leader who controls two parties and is approved by the President of Nigeria. He says, “Yes, he is the leader of my party, APC,” and he is also a leader in the PDP. Is that democracy?
So the president cannot speak about the PDP, while the minister cannot speak about the APC, because it does not technically belong to the APC. But just because of the ongoing rascality in Nigeria, anything goes, and everything goes.
So when you blame the opposition, of course, the opposition is gathering momentum. You can see that even the government is jittery. Forget about their propagandists; they can import or export whoever they want to use for their propaganda. It is obvious that the ruling party is jittery, and that is why they are going all out, frantically, trying to showcase and pretend that all is well.
If you read the news today, you will see that the APC is indeed a house of commotion. From Benue to Zamfara to so many other places, you will see them fighting themselves like babies fighting for lollipops. And it is just starting.
For us, we have to be more technical. We have to be more sober.
The APC is able to fund its activities. Everybody that goes there right now is going there for various reasons. One, if you are a governor, you are afraid for your second term. If you are a governor, you are afraid of the EFCC. If you are a governor, you are afraid of the ICPC. If you are a governor, you are afraid of so many things—including your own shadow.
So a governor will voluntarily go into slavery and servitude because they know that the leadership they are dealing with is not a regular leadership. It is not a Goodluck Jonathan.
You understand? So you have a very tough leadership at the moment. There is this palpable fear across the nation, and so the opposition is trying to put its act together. We cannot, at this stage, behave recklessly.
If you want to play Brazil in football, you must play a different style. We cannot play their style because we don’t have what they have—the apparatus of power and so on and so forth.
But the most important thing is that we are ready to ask the electorate: is your life better today than it was when Buhari was in power? Now, the APC is supposed to be an offshoot of the Buhari administration. Yet every day it is the APC itself that is blaming Buhari and blaming the APC.
So when you see a situation like that, you will wonder if these people are serious at all.
Now they are saying, “Oh yes, they stabilized the exchange rate against the dollar.” I laugh. They forget to tell us where the dollar was when they took power.
They tell us today they are running budgets in trillions, but they forget to tell us what they have done with the trillions and whether they have been able to balance the budget.
They tell you that there is no government ever like the government of President Bola Tinubu. No problem. Maybe it’s reverse psychology so that people can believe that this government actually is not doing what it is supposed to be doing.
So when they talk about everything, you removed fuel subsidy from Day 1, you have not been able to tell us how it has affected Nigeria positively.
All the people are feeling is the negative effect of the subsidy. You have taken more loans than all the governments of Nigeria combined, yet we have not seen the effect of those loans.
So a lot is going on that Nigerians cannot understand. But there is a preponderance of propagandists who are willing to delete their brains and sell their souls for peanuts. That is why you see this cacophony of excuses on radio, on television, and in the newspapers.
So for me, the ADC does not have to do much. We will meet them, insha’Allah—by God’s grace—point by point, and we will demand answers to those issues.
Okay. So, in terms of what the electorate wants to see—organization, for instance. The last time the ADC came forward and spoke about the Electoral Act, many people wondered why those concerns did not come earlier, when the window was open, rather than after it had already been signed and then asking for it to be looked into again.
People thought, “Okay, does the ADC have some sort of plan that the public is not aware of?” Because even smaller opposition parties—well, let me not say smaller because they might get angry, but it’s a statement of fact. APP, for example, has also dissolved its executives and is electing new ones.
So those kinds of activities are what people expect to see. Because the media only reports what happens; if it doesn’t happen, they cannot report or fabricate it.
So those are the kinds of things we are asking about in terms of organization and preparedness, to be sure that the timeframe is met. Now that the presidential election is in January, these actions ought to have kicked in so that candidates—or aspirants—can know that, “Okay, I think I can pitch my tent here.”
My dear brother, there is nothing to worry about. There is nothing to worry about.
Strategy is strategy. I said it earlier—we cannot use Tinubu’s strategy. We cannot use his methodology. He has his own way of getting his results. So we now have to factor in how we are going to navigate and meander around his own strategy to get him out of the seat. That is the job of the opposition. That is what he did when he was in opposition. So there is no reason why others should not be allowed to do the same.
One thing is clear to us in opposition—I’ve said it before—the APC is jittery. Number two, the APC does not want competition, especially at the presidential level. That is very clear. They don’t want any form of competition. And if possible—and that is why they are sowing seeds of discord from party to party—it is clear. That is why they will hold some people and they will not hold others. It doesn’t matter.
You see, I am always spiritual in my life. I was born in Aladura church in Ile-Ife, and all my life I have always believed that it is God who gives power. No matter how powerful you are, God has a way. In Nigeria, when you talk about God, people say it means you are helpless. Don’t worry—I have seen miracles in my life. So those miracles will happen in Nigeria.
I am a good student of history, and I can see clearly that all the shenanigans going on right now around the APC, trying to infiltrate every political party—I know that their mission and ambition now, if possible, is to have all 36 governors. It doesn’t matter. Let them take all the governors.
But when you look back to 2023, you will see that we had the G5 governors led by Nyesome Wike. Out of those five governors, three of them contested to be senators, supervised by governors in their own states. Yet all three of them lost their senatorial seats.
It tells you something: there is no guarantee that even if they carry all the governors, those governors can deliver for Asiwaju. So when people panic and say they cannot see preparations, don’t worry. Be patient. Slow and steady wins the race. We know what we are doing. And to say that we have not been campaigning or doing anything—I don’t know anybody who has worked better than Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi. I watch him every day. I see all the activities. We respond to all the radicality and so on and so forth.
But like I said, of course, the will of the state is very strong. All we are trying to do is chip away at it slowly but steadily, and then effectively. It will happen.
You have to remember that I was there when the APC itself was formed. I wasn’t a member at that time, but we supported the government of Buhari. And this was the same way the PDP people were saying, “No, it’s not possible. You cannot defeat an incumbent.”
And people are arguing now, saying, “Oh, because Tinubu is next to God, he is an oracle in Lagos, he is everything on planet earth.” No problem.
But we all have brains. And that brain is what we are going to use.
Let me ask you this, because a number of people wonder—and it’s a question I have almost always asked. Look, how does the internal politics of one political party become so susceptible to the influence of an individual from another political party? But maybe that’s not an issue to respond to for now.
There is an issue in the Electoral Act, and I’m sure it is something that is also of concern to you. Oh, by the way, you may want to respond to that other issue.
It is about the digital register that is being sought. Is the ADC, in your opinion, ready? Because I don’t think we can give any excuse. The understanding we have for now—even in a statement put out by YIAGA Africa—is that any political party that does not have its digital register ready may not be able to present candidates during the elections.
So is the ADC ready? What are the inhibitions or hurdles that you think need to be crossed by the ADC in particular, in order to get it ready? Do you think it is something that the ADC, as a growing and substantive opposition, can achieve?
My dear brother, as a prominent media practitioner, I beg you—try to encourage democracy. Try to encourage opposition.
Look, all the APC has been doing is to manipulate the system, and every day, there are new laws that you must obey. There are requirements that you must fulfil. Is that democracy?
But they cannot hide behind one finger, as Chief MKO Abiola used to say. Let them continue to manipulate and meander, and we too will navigate around it.
Is there any law anywhere that says only party members will vote during the general election? The answer is no. So when it comes to picking candidates, there are different methods and ways by which a party can choose its candidate. It has nothing to do with digital registration.
The digital registration right now is ongoing everywhere in different political parties. At the appropriate time, the parties will determine how they will do it. They are not the ones who will tell us who to pick or how to pick that person.
So I don’t know why this panic exists. Go and check the APC that you say is ready. In almost every state right now, they are fighting. In Lagos State, the only reason nobody can fight openly is because they have always operated the “Baba’s sope” style of governance.
I apologize for cutting in, but the question I’m asking is actually about the preparedness of the ADC. Because whether we like it or not—just a second—whether we like it or not, it’s already a law. Political parties must present their digital register.
I’m saying that they are complying. The ADC will comply. Even when we disagree with some of the things they are throwing at us, the ADC is strong enough.
You have some of the biggest veterans of politics in the ADC, and they are ready. They know how to play the game. So I am telling you—we are not illiterate.
So how do you want to frustrate us or intimidate us with digitalization? It is something that everybody would like to participate in. But to now single out the ADC and say, “We don’t know what you guys are doing”—I have already said: be patient with us.
When was the ADC was formed, all manner of challenges were thrown at us, yet we were still standing. So don’t panic on our behalf. Let us do our job. Let us focus on what we need to do. And if we fail, then you can say anything.
We are hoping that no political party will fail, sincerely. Otherwise, there will be no democracy at all. Because we need to have a viable opposition—truly viable opposition.
How do you have a viable opposition when the ruling party is clearly dictatorial? How? That’s why I said you should be practical and support the opposition by asking relevant questions from the ruling government.
Is it not an admission on your part, Chief Momodu, that the ADC does not have what it takes to stand up against the APC?
Don’t say that. That is judgmental.
No, what you are saying is that the APC has muscled the opposition.
Yes, it has muscled the opposition. But wait for the response from the people. You always talk about opposition as if it is only about political parties. The biggest opposition in the world are the floaters. The floaters don’t have to belong to any party.
On the day of voting, you will see how they will pour out and vote massively against an oppressive government—and defend their vote.
You are saying it as if the APC has a monopoly on this thing. That’s why I’m saying our strategy cannot be open at this stage. In fact, we would be stupid to let the whole world know what we are planning. We can’t.
A lot of people did not even see the ADC coming, yet they had been meeting for over a year. And when they finally came together, the ruling party was scared. That is why they are running helter-skelter, sending their agents—“Go and file this case in court, go and file that case against the Labour Party, go against NNDP, go against this one.”
You will see the coalition.
I told you I was there in 2015. How many leaders came together in 2015 to make Buhari president? The number of people we have in the ADC today, and the calibre of men and women we have in the ADC today, will scare the daylights out of them.
They can spend all their resources—spend all the resources of Nigeria—trying to defeat the ADC, but the ADC will emerge victorious. I’m very sure about that.
So, as we wind down, you said we shouldn’t panic on your behalf—we’ll note that. But yesterday we had the Governor of Adamawa State on the program, and when we asked him the reasons why he moved and what that meant for the opposition—he was in the PDP and then moved to the APC—he said the North should forget about 2027.
According to him, there is an unwritten rule that, for things to move smoothly politically, the South has to finish its turn, and then it reverts to the North so that the unwritten agreement can continue smoothly. What do you think of that?
It is those who have nothing better to say who talk about North and South.
The Constitution of Nigeria is supreme, and the Constitution of Nigeria does not talk about zoning. Even if you want to talk about whether zoning has been fair to a particular region in the South or in the North, you will see that Nigeria has been fair to the South.
Obasanjo did eight years, after which Yar’Adua did about three years, and then Jonathan completed that tenure to about ten years. Jonathan then contested and won, giving him about five years plus the earlier eight years of Obasanjo—and he was still allowed to contest again, which, if he had won, would have made it about seventeen years out of twenty-four or thereabouts. So look, those who say these things—I don’t want to waste my time on that.
But let me respond to the Governor Fintiri, who joined the APC because he believes it is the turn of the South. Oh, how cheeky.
His people were chased out of their villages just in the last couple of days or weeks. So has he gone to the APC to thank them for securing his people? A lot of people who are going into the APC—why are they going?
Take Kwara State now, which is in the hands of the APC. Are they happy and joyous that their people are being killed by bandits?
In every part of the nation where you have the APC, it is a story of sorrow, tears, and blood.
So what exactly is the APC offering them that they are all running out of shelter and falling over themselves to praise a god of iron who must be obeyed?
It’s unfortunate.
But when tomorrow comes—we have seen it before.
I remember when a lot of people insisted they must join the Abacha government. Go and read the history and see what happened there afterward. Everybody was saying, “If you don’t join Abacha, other people will take the appointment.”
Is life only about power? The answer is, No.
The problem with Nigerian leaders is that they don’t read much, especially history. They don’t like history. If they liked history, they would know what happened to others in the past who tried to enslave their own people. They would read about it all over the world.
Some governors now believe the only way they can win a second term—by fire, by force—is if they go to the APC. This is what is going on. You are asking why the opposition cannot take them on. Take on who? Take on Tinubu? Why didn’t the opposition take them on in Lagos in the last 27 years? You know how this game is played.
The President of Nigeria is one of the most powerful presidents—until Donald Trump started whipping sense into us. The presidency can do anything. Now our president is begging America to come and help us. Who does that, when we were the ones helping other parts of Africa?
I was there in Sierra Lone, I was there in Congo. I was in Liberia. Our soldiers controlled ten out of fifteen counties in Liberia. So what has happened to our soldiers today that we have to beg America to come and take over our country? We’re not serious.
In case I might have missed it—do we have a date for the ADC congresses?
Everything will be announced, and of course, you know Channels will be one of the first to get it. We are operating in a very professional way. We are not going to play a rough game with the APC. It is not necessary.
The people we are targeting are the people. This is not about playing politics.
Most of us—when you see us now—we are veterans. There is nothing I am looking for in politics. I have always technically been in opposition, and I am happy that we are still standing firm.
The ADC is not the problem of Nigeria.
The APC is the problem.
So let’s all come together. Don’t discourage anybody. If you have suggestions, make them to whomever you wish.
But to say, “Oh, we are not ready. We can’t take them on with just one year to the election.” Are we still talking about that? Anything can happen in the next one month.
The APC is falling apart. They appointed ambassadors, and they can’t even post them. Some of them did thanksgiving in church. Some of them went to fashion designers to sew their dresses in advance.
Yet today they are not there. They are all mourning behind the scene.
Look, the majority of my friends are in the APC. Sometimes when I hear their pain, I feel it. They talk about the difficulties they are facing. They don’t know what is going on because everybody must wait for Abuja. They can’t do anything without Abuja.
So I’m very confident. I know what is going on behind the scenes. A lot of people are going there, but what they expect to find there, they are not finding easily.
Thank you.
So we’ll have to anchor at this point. We do thank you very much indeed for your time this morning. Many will be looking to see how those activities also kick off.
Chief, thank you for your time today.
Thank you, and have a nice day.
All right.
Related
Featured
Presidency Releases Postings of Ambassadors-designate
Published
2 days agoon
March 6, 2026By
Eric
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has approved the postings of 31 career and 34 non-career ambassadors to various countries and the United Nations. The Senate confirmed the ambassadors-designate last December.
POSTINGS OF NON-CAREER AMBASSADORS / HIGH COMMISSIONERS
S/N NAME MISSION APPROVED
1. SENATOR GRACE BENT: LOME-TOGO
2. SEN. ITA ENANG: SOUTH AFRICA
3. IKPEAZU VICTOR: SPAIN
4. NKECHI LINDA UFOCHUKWU: TEL-AVIV, ISRAEL
5. MAHMUD YAKUBU: QATAR
6. PAUL OGA ADIKWU: THE VATICAN CITY HOLY SEE
7. VICE ADMIRAL IBOK-ETE EKWE IBAS: THE PHILIPPINES
8. MR. RENO OMOKRI: MEXICO CITY, MEXICO
9. HON. (ENGR.) ABASI BRAIMAH (FMHR): BUDAPEST, HUNGARY
10. MRS. ERELU ANGELA ADEBAYO: PORTUGAL
11. BARR. OLUMILUA OLUWAYIMIKA AYOTUNWA: TOKYO, JAPAN
12. RT. HON. UGWUANYI IFEANYI LAWRENCE: ATHENS, GREECE
13. BARR. CHIOMA PRISCILLA OHAKIM: WARSAW, POLAND
14. AMINU DALHATU: UNITED KINGDOM, UK
15. LT. GEN ABDULRAHMAN BELLO DAMBAZAU: BEIJING, CHINA
16. HON. TASIU MUSA MAIGARI: GAMBIA
17. OLUFEMI PEDRO: AUSTRALIA
18. BARR. MUHAMMED UBANDOMA ALIYU: ARGENTINA
19. LATEEF KAYODE ARE: USA
20. AMB. JOSEPH SOLA IJI: RUSSIA
21. SEN. JIMOH IBRAHIM: UN PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE
22. FEMI FANI KAYODE: GERMANY
23. PROF. ISAAK FOLORUNSO ADEWOLE: OTTAWA, CANADA
24. AJIMOBI FATIMA FLORENCE (F): AUSTRIA
25. MRS. LOLA AKANDE (F): SWEDEN
26. AYODELE OKE: FRANCE
27. YAKUBU N. GAMBO: SAUDI ARABIA
28. SENATOR PROF. NORA LADI DADUUT: SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA
29. BARR. ONUEZE CHUKWUJIKA JOE OKOCHA SAN: DUBLIN
30. DR. KULU HARUNA ABUBAKAR: TUNIS, TUNISIA
31. RT. HON. JERRY SAMUEL MANWE: PORT OF SPAIN, T&T
POSTINGS OF CAREER AMBASSADORS / HIGH COMMISSIONERS LIST
S/N NAME MISSION APPROVED
1. AMB. NWABIOLA EZENWA CHUKWUMEKA: COTE D’IV/OIRE
2. BESTO MAIMUNA IBRAHIM: NIAMEY-NIGER
3. MONICA OKWUCHUKWU ENEBECHI: SAO TOME, STP
4. AMB. MOHAMMED MAHMUD LELE: ALGIERS-ALGERIA
5. ENDONI SYNDOPH PAEBI: OUAGADOUGOU-BURKINA FASO
6. AHMED MOHAMMED MONGUNO: CAIRO EGYPT
7. AMB.JANE ADAMS (NEE OKON) MICHAEL (F): KINGSTON-JAMAICA
8. AMB. CLARK-OMERU ALEXANDRA (F): LUSAKA-ZAMBIA
9. CHIMA GEOGGREY LIOMA DAVID: BAMAKO-MALI
10. AMB. ODUMAH YVONNE EHINOSEN: MALABO –E/GUINEA
11. AMB WASA SEGUN IGE: BEIRUT, LEBANON
12. RUBEN ABIMBOLA SAMUEL (F): ROME, ITALY
13. AMB.ONAGA OGECHUKWU KINGSLEY: MAPUTO, MOZAMBIQUE
14. AMB.MAGAJI UMAR: KINSASHA, DR CONGO
15. AMB.MUHAMMAD SAIDU DAHIRU: NEW DELHI-INDIA
16. AMB. ABDUSSALAM HABU ZAYYAD: DAKAR-SENEGAL
17. AMB SHEHU ILU BARDE: ACCRA GHANA
18. AMB.AMINU NASIR: ETHIOPIA
19. ABUBAKAR MUSA MUSA: N’DJAMENA, CHAD
20. AMB. HAIDARA MOHAMMED IDRIS: THE HAGUE-NETHERLANDS
21. AMB.BAKO ADAMU UMAR: RABAT-MOROCCO
22. AMB. SULU GAMBARI OLATUNJI AHMED: MALAYSIA
23. AMB.ROMATA MOHAMMED OMOBOLANLE (F): TANZANIA
24. AMB. SHAGA JOHN SHAMAH: BOTSWANA
25. SALAU, HAMZA MOHAMMED: TEHRAN, IRAN
26. AMB.IBRAHIM DANLAMI: KENYA
27. IBRAHIM ADEOLA MOPELOLA (F): COTONOU-BENIN
28. AMB.AYENI ADEBAYO EMMANUEL: BRUSSELS, BELGIUM
29. AMB.AKANDE WAHAB ADEKOLA: BERNE-SWITZERLAND
30. AMB. AREWA (NEE ADEDOKUN) ESTHER (F): WINDHOEK-NAMIBIA
31. AMB.GERGADI JOSEPH JOHN: LIBREVILLE-GABON
32. AMB. LUTHER OGBOMODE AYO-KALATA (F): SIERRA LEONE
33. DANLADI YAKUBU NYAKU : KHARTOUM-SUDAN
34. BELLO DOGON-DAJI HALIRU: BANGKOK, THAILAND
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has already received agrément from the United Kingdom for the High Commissioner-designate, Ambassador Aminu Dalhatu. Similarly, France has sent the agrément for Ambassador Ayo Oke.
The Ministry has also conveyed the nominations of the other 62 designated envoys to all the countries concerned, including a request for their agréments in line with standard diplomatic practice.
President Tinubu has directed that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should immediately commence the induction programme for the ambassadors-designate and High Commissioners.
Bayo Onanuga,
Special Adviser to the President,
(Information and Strategy)
March 6, 2026.
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