Opinion
The Police is Your Friend and Other Lies We No Longer Believe
Published
1 month agoon
By
Eric
By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)
There was a time in Nigeria when the phrase The Police is Your Friend was not a national joke. It was a civic assurance, a symbolic handshake between the state and its citizens. It represented the ideal of a civil security architecture built on trust, service, and protection. Today, that once reassuring slogan has decayed into a bitter irony. It no longer evokes safety; it provokes fear. It no longer signals partnership; it signals danger. What should have been the soul of Nigerian civil state relations has become a cruel parody of our lived experience at checkpoints, stations, and on the streets.
The Nigerian security apparatus has undergone a transformation so profound that it now resembles a predatory machine rather than a protective institution. The sight of a police patrol vehicle, which should ordinarily bring comfort, now triggers anxiety. Citizens instinctively brace themselves, not for assistance, but for extortion, harassment, or violence. We are not merely witnessing isolated incidents of misconduct. We are watching a pattern of state enabled brutality unfold in real time, a pattern so consistent that it feels like a televised execution of the social contract. In this grim theatre, the Nigerian state often appears not as the protector but as the principal aggressor.
On Sunday, April 26th 2026, the quiet air of Effurun in Delta State was shattered by the crack of a service pistol. What should have been an ordinary Sunday afternoon became the final chapter in the life of twenty-eight year old Mene Ogidi. A viral video, barely two minutes long, captured the horrifying scene. Ogidi sat on the dusty ground, his hands tied behind him with a rope. He was unarmed, exhausted, and pleading in his mother tongue for a chance to explain himself. Standing over him was a man in plain clothes, a man sworn to protect the very life he was about to extinguish. Assistant Superintendent of Police Nuhu Usman raised his pistol and fired two shots at close range into the body of a restrained, helpless citizen.
This was not a confrontation. It was not a crossfire. It was not a struggle for a weapon. It was an execution. A daylight assassination carried out by a state paid officer who felt so insulated by impunity that he performed his violence in front of a digital audience. The collective outrage that followed was not simply about one death. It was the eruption of a nation that has watched this script repeat itself far too many times.
Barely days later, in Dei-Dei Abuja, another life was cut short. A National Youth Service Corps member was shot inside his father’s compound. Authorities described it as a mistake during a crossfire, but the silence that followed spoke louder than any official explanation. These tragedies are not anomalies. They are symptoms of a deep institutional rot, a rot that has turned the badge into a license for violence rather than a symbol of service.
Extrajudicial killings in Nigeria represent a direct assault on the fundamental right to life and the presumption of innocence. When a law enforcement officer assumes the roles of accuser, judge, and executioner, the very foundation of the state begins to crumble. In the case of Mene Ogidi, the Delta State Police Command admitted that the officer acted in gross violation of Force Order 237, the regulation governing the use of firearms. This admission is significant because it reveals that the problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the collapse of discipline, the erosion of accountability, and the entrenchment of a culture of impunity.
Between 2020 and 2025, Nigerian security agencies were implicated in nearly six hundred violent incidents against civilians, resulting in more than eight hundred deaths. The Nigeria Police Force accounted for over half of these fatalities. These numbers paint a disturbing picture. The institutions funded by taxpayers to provide security have become one of the greatest threats to their safety.
The psychology behind this brutality is rooted in the absence of consequences. When officers believe that nothing will happen after they pull the trigger, the threshold for using lethal force drops to zero. In the Effurun case, reports suggest that the suspect was even transported to a station after the initial shooting, only to be shot again. This level of cruelty reflects a complete dehumanization of the citizenry. The victim is no longer seen as a person with rights. He becomes a disposable suspect. This mindset is a legacy of the defunct SARS unit, whose methods and mentality continue to shape policing culture. Rebranding SARS into SWAT or the Rapid Response Squad means nothing if the same men, trained in the same violent ethos, continue to operate with the same predatory instincts.
The Nigerian police system has evolved from a flawed institution into what many citizens now describe as a state sponsored cartel. The Zero Tolerance mantra often repeated by the Inspector General of Police, Olatunji Disu, has become a public relations slogan that evaporates at every checkpoint. The immediate dismissal and recommended prosecution of ASP Usman and his team may satisfy the public’s immediate hunger for justice, but it does not address the deeper institutional vacuum that allowed an officer to believe he could execute a restrained suspect without consequence. If accountability only occurs when a video goes viral, then we are not being policed. We are being hunted by a uniformed gang that is occasionally caught on camera.
This raises critical questions. Where were the superior officers? Where was the Area Commander while this culture of execution was taking root? Command responsibility in Nigeria remains a myth. Until a Commissioner of Police is removed for the actions of their subordinates, there will be no internal incentive to reform. The decay is structural. We are recruiting frustrated individuals, training them in aggression rather than professionalism, and unleashing them on a population they are conditioned to view with suspicion and contempt.
The mistake narrative used in the Abuja NYSC shooting reflects this tactical incompetence. A professional force does not mistake a youth corper in his bedroom for a combatant. Nigerians are effectively subsidising their own endangerment, paying for the bullets that cut down their brightest young citizens. A nation cannot survive this level of uniformed recklessness. The state has lost its monopoly on violence to its own agents. When police officers fear the citizen’s camera more than they respect the citizen’s life, the system has failed.
Five years after the historic 2020 End SARS protests, the systemic reforms promised by government remain largely unfulfilled. Only a handful of states have implemented the recommendations of the judicial panels or compensated victims. The National Human Rights Commission reported in July 2025 that it had received over three hundred thousand complaints of abuses. This staggering figure reflects the scale of the crisis. While the current Inspector General has introduced new regulations to align the Police Act of 2020 with operational realities, the gap between a gazetted document in Abuja and a patrol team in Delta remains vast.
The solution to this bloodletting must be radical and structural. First, police oversight must be decentralised. Relying on Force Headquarters in Abuja to discipline an officer in a remote community is inefficient and ineffective. Each state should have an independent, citizen led oversight board with the authority to recommend immediate suspension and prosecution without interference from the police hierarchy.
Second, Force Order 237 must be overhauled to strictly limit the use of firearms to situations where there is an immediate and verifiable threat to life. Under no circumstances should a restrained or surrendering suspect be shot.
Third, Nigeria must address the mental health and welfare of police officers. Men who live in dilapidated barracks, earn inadequate wages, and operate under constant stress are more likely to lash out at the public. However, poverty cannot be an excuse for murder. Welfare reform must go hand in hand with strict accountability.
Finally, justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. The trial of ASP Usman and others like him should be public, transparent, and swift. It must serve as a deterrent that resonates in every police station across the country. The era of secret disciplinary rooms must end. Nigeria must invest in technology driven policing, not only in weapons but in body cameras and digital accountability systems. When officers know they are being recorded, hesitation replaces recklessness.
A NATIONAL CALL TO ACTION
The era of Orderly Room secrecy must end. Nigeria must decentralise police disciplinary trials, moving them from closed sessions in Abuja to open, civilian led inquiries in the states where the abuses occur. A National Firearms Audit is urgently needed. Every officer must account for every round issued, and any missing ammunition should trigger automatic suspension for the entire chain of command.
The National Assembly must fast track the Victims of Police Brutality Trust Fund, ensuring that compensation becomes a legal right funded directly from the budgets of offending commands. Nigeria must stop being a nation of post script outrage. Command responsibility must become law. If an officer under a Commissioner’s watch executes a handcuffed suspect, that Commissioner must lose their job alongside the shooter.
The blood of Mene Ogidi and the NYSC member in Dei Dei is a stain on our national conscience. It is a reminder that as long as one Nigerian can be tied up and shot without trial, no Nigerian is truly safe. Silence is no longer an option. Waiting for the next viral video is no longer acceptable. The time to demand change is now.
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Opinion
Packed Centres and Penalty Heartbreak: How UCL Final Captured the City’s Imagination
Published
1 day agoon
June 6, 2026By
Eric
By Shakirat Akintola
The undeniable magnetic pull of elite European football was on full display as thousands of local enthusiasts filled viewing hubs, sports lounges, and open-air centers across Cities to witness the 2026 UEFA Champions League Final. The high-stakes encounter between Paris Saint-Germain and Arsenal effectively transformed standard weekend spots into arenas of intense passion and collective suspense.
Long before the 8:00 PM kickoff, popular viewing venues across the municipality were already recording unprecedented turnouts. Seats were fully booked hours in advance, prompting operators to arrange auxiliary seating, while latecomers lined the perimeters just to catch a glimpse of the screens. The crowd represented a vivid cross-section of the local football community: dedicated Arsenal supporters hopeful for a historic continental crown, and a vocal contingent of rival enthusiasts eager to witness the drama unfold.
The atmosphere fluctuated sharply through 120 minutes of grueling football, punctuated by the sharp commentary and spirited debates characteristic of local match-day culture. When Arsenal’s Kai Havertz opened the scoring in the 6th minute, the ensuing roar was deafening, momentarily uniting strangers in celebration. However, the equilibrium shifted completely when PSG’s Ousmane Dembélé converted a 65th-minute penalty, elevating the tension to a fever pitch as the game stretched into a exhausting period of extra time.
With local power infrastructure traditionally tested during peak weekend hours, venue operators relied heavily on heavy-duty backup generators to ensure uninterrupted transmission of the broadcast. Ultimately, the pinnacle of European club football was decided by a tense penalty shootout, culminating in a 4-3 victory for PSG after a 1-1 aggregate draw.
While the final whistle dealt a heavy emotional blow to the local Arsenal faithful, it triggered immediate celebrations among neutral observers, capping off an evening of unparalleled community engagement.
“The turnout yesterday surpassed our expectations,” noted a prominent sports lounge manager in the area. “We had to expand our seating capacity outdoors to accommodate the crowd. Win or lose, an event of this magnitude serves as the ultimate weekend anchor for our people.”
Beyond the tactical display on the pitch in Budapest, Saturday’s massive turnout underscored a broader reality: in our communities, European football finals are no longer merely televised sports events—they have evolved into vital social rituals that define the weekend landscape.
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Opinion
The Trials of Leadership in National Security: Lessons, Challenges and Enduring Solutions
Published
1 day agoon
June 6, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke
“True leadership in security is not measured by the strength of weapons or the reach of intelligence, but by the courage to protect the vulnerable, the wisdom to unite the divided, and the integrity to build systems that endure beyond fear — transforming the trials of today into the foundations of a safer, more just tomorrow.” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
Leadership in security matters is among the most demanding responsibilities any head of state or government can bear. It requires balancing the protection of lives and property with respect for human rights, navigating complex political pressures, managing limited resources, and responding to both visible and invisible threats. In many nations, especially in Africa, the trials of leadership in this domain reveal deep structural, historical, and human challenges. Yet, they also offer profound opportunities for authentic leadership to emerge — leadership that is ethical, strategic, inclusive, and people-centred. This write-up examines these trials through the lenses of Nigeria, broader Africa, and the wider world, before proposing comprehensive, viable, and sustainable solutions that can safeguard lives, properties, businesses, and national stability without compromising democratic values or human dignity.
The Nigerian Experience: Leadership Under Fire
Nigeria presents one of the most complex case studies of leadership trials in security. As Africa’s most populous nation and largest economy, it faces multiple, overlapping threats: Boko-Haram insurgency in the Northeast, banditry and kidnapping in the Northwest, farmer-herder conflicts in the Middle Belt, separatist agitations in the Southeast, and urban crime in major cities, which cut across the entirety.
Successive Nigerian leaders have grappled with these challenges under intense public scrutiny. The Buhari administration (2015–2023) prioritised military offensives against Boko-Haram, achieving territorial gains, but struggling with asymmetric warfare, intelligence gaps, and humanitarian consequences. The current Tinubu administration has emphasised a “whole-of-government” approach, combining kinetic operations with socio-economic interventions. However, persistent challenges such as corruption in security procurement, poor coordination between agencies, inadequate funding for intelligence, and the politicisation of security appointments continue to undermine effectiveness.
The trials here are multifaceted: limited political will in some quarters, ethnic and religious dimensions that complicate responses, inadequate technological infrastructure for modern policing, and the sheer scale of the country’s geography and population. Leadership in Nigeria’s security space has often been reactive rather than proactive, with short-term military solutions sometimes overshadowing long-term governance and development strategies.
Broader African Context: Patterns and Variations
Across Africa, leadership trials in security share common threads but manifest differently. In the Sahel region (Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger), military coups have complicated counter-terrorism efforts, with new juntas struggling to balance sovereignty concerns with the need for international support. In the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia’s leadership faced the devastating Tigray conflict, highlighting how internal political disputes can rapidly escalate into humanitarian catastrophes.
The Democratic Republic of Congo continues to battle armed groups in the East, where weak state presence, illegal mineral exploitation, and regional interference create a vicious cycle. South Sudan and Somalia illustrate the immense difficulty of building security institutions from near-zero capacity after prolonged conflict.
What unites these cases is the tension between sovereignty and effectiveness, limited state capacity, and the challenge of addressing both immediate security threats and underlying drivers such as poverty, youth unemployment, and governance deficits. Leadership that succeeds tends to combine military resolve with political inclusion and development-focused interventions. Failures often stem from over-reliance on force, exclusionary politics, or inability to coordinate national and regional responses.
Global Perspectives: Universal Lessons
Globally, leadership trials in security are equally evident. The United States has faced challenges in balancing domestic security with civil liberties, particularly in the post-9/11 era. Colombia’s long struggle against FARC and drug cartels showed how sustained leadership, institutional reform, and international partnerships can eventually yield results. Sri Lanka’s post-civil war experience highlights both the possibilities of reconciliation and the dangers of majoritarian policies that alienate minorities.
These global cases reinforce a key lesson: authentic security leadership is never purely military. It requires integrating intelligence, law enforcement, justice, development, and diplomacy. Leaders who ignore any of these elements often achieve temporary calm at the cost of long-term instability.
The Hallmarks of Authentic Leadership in Security
Authentic leadership in security matters is defined by several non-negotiable traits:
- Strategic Foresight: Anticipating threats through robust intelligence and early warning systems.
- Ethical Balance: Protecting citizens without violating their rights.
- Inclusive Approach: Ensuring security policies do not disproportionately target specific ethnic or religious groups.
- Institutional Building: Investing in professional, well-equipped, and accountable security agencies.
- Transparency and Accountability: Regular public reporting and independent oversight.
- Regional and International Cooperation: Recognising that no nation can secure itself in isolation.
Comprehensive Solutions and the Way Forward
To overcome these trials, the following integrated solutions are recommended:
For Nigeria: Building a Cohesive National Security Architecture
- Creation of a National Security and Development Council: This high-level body should bring together security agencies, economic ministries, state governors, traditional rulers, and civil society to align security strategies with socio-economic interventions. Regular town hall meetings should be institutionalised to incorporate grassroots perspectives.
- Community-Oriented Policing and Intelligence Reform: Strengthen community policing by recruiting and training local officers who understand cultural dynamics. Establish neighbourhood watch systems with legal backing and technology support (CCTV, drones, and data analytics) to improve early warning and response.
- Youth Empowerment and Deradicalisation Programmes: Launch a National Youth Security and Prosperity Initiative targeting at-risk youths with vocational training, entrepreneurship grants, mentorship, and psychological support. Partner with faith-based organisations and traditional leaders for culturally sensitive deradicalisation efforts.
- Security Sector Reform and Professionalisation: Increase funding for training, welfare, and modern equipment while introducing performance-based promotions and independent oversight boards to reduce corruption and improve accountability.
- Judicial and Legislative Strengthening: Fast-track security-related cases through specialised courts and ensure adequate funding for the justice system to reduce impunity.
For Africa: Continental and Regional Solutions
- Strengthening the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA): The African Union should fully operationalise the African Standby Force with dedicated funding and rapid deployment protocols. Regular joint exercises with Regional Economic Communities (RECs) will improve interoperability.
- Establishment of an African Security Academy: A continental institution to train a new generation of ethical, professional security leaders in modern intelligence, counter-terrorism, cyber security, and human rights-compliant operations.
- Harmonised Migration and Border Management Framework: Develop clear, humane policies that facilitate legal labour mobility while strengthening border controls against criminal networks. Joint border posts and shared intelligence platforms between ECOWAS, SADC, and IGAD would reduce irregular migration pressures.
- Economic Integration as Security Strategy: Accelerate the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) implementation with special focus on youth employment, women’s economic empowerment, and cross-border value chains. Shared prosperity reduces the desperation that fuels conflict and migration.
Global and Systemic Solutions
- Responsible International Partnerships: Global partners should shift from short-term military aid to long-term capacity building in governance, justice, and economic development. Support should be conditioned on transparency and human rights compliance.
- Diaspora Engagement Frameworks: African governments should create structured programmes to harness the skills, capital, and networks of the diaspora for national development and peacebuilding.
- Global Norms on Arms Control and Conflict Financing: Strengthen international cooperation to curb the flow of small arms and illegal minerals that fuel African conflicts.
Building a United Africa Mindset: Cultural and Educational Transformation
Sustainable security requires changing how citizens think. A genuine United Africa mindset can be cultivated through:
- Pan-African Education Curriculum: Teach shared African history, Ubuntu philosophy, and success stories of regional cooperation from primary school onwards.
- Youth and Cultural Exchange Programmes: Expand scholarships, sports tournaments, arts festivals, and technology bootcamps that connect young Africans across borders.
- Media and Storytelling Initiatives: Support content creators who highlight positive intra-African collaboration and shared identity.
- Citizen Diplomacy Platforms: Encourage town twinning, joint community development projects, and people-to-people initiatives between different African nations.
Conclusion: Leadership as the Bridge to Enduring Security
The trials of leadership in security matters reveal both the fragility and resilience of states. In Nigeria, Africa, and the wider world, the challenges are immense, but they are not insurmountable. Authentic leadership — courageous, ethical, inclusive, strategic, and people-centred — remains the most reliable bridge between threat and safety, between division and unity, between fragility and resilience.
The way forward demands a fundamental shift: from reactive security to proactive peace-building, from militarised responses to holistic development, and from narrow national interests to enlightened regional solidarity. When leaders embrace this higher calling, they do not merely manage crises — they transform societies.
Africa, and indeed the world, does not need perfect leaders. It needs honest, committed, and visionary ones who understand that the ultimate measure of security leadership is not the number of weapons acquired, but the number of lives protected, dignities restored, and futures secured. The time for such leadership is now.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Opinion
Nigeria’s Persistent Insecurity Challenge and It’s Stark Realities
Published
2 days agoon
June 5, 2026By
Eric
Prof Soji Adejumo
As Nigeria continues to battle insecurity from all fronts, an alarming trend has surfaced. The strategic kidnapping of school children and teachers portend grave dangers for the progress and development of Nigeria. By making schools and religious worship sites lethal targets, the foundation of educational development and habitat of faith based ethical codes and moral instructions for societal development are under existential threats. What is more alarming is the apparent inability of state and national security forces to dislodge the terrorists from their strongholds. No nation can survive in an environment of insecurity, fear and wanton destruction of lives without any hope of a robust response by government forces.
A situation where terrorists and bandits dictate bizarre and humiliating terms of negotiations to Government and state actors will ultimately force government to go on its knees to appease these _bestiae in carne humana_ or animals in human skins.
The recent abduction of school pupils and teachers in Oriire Local Government of Oyo State and brutal killing of some teachers has shown how seriously weakened the national security architecture is. The most relevant question now is: “Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?” (who Guards the guards?). When the national security apparatus is headed and commanded by elements from the same tribes and ethnicity as the tormentors, a clear approach to security salvation is very dim and becomes a mental puzzle.
Insecurity in this 21st century cannot be solved by field permutations alone but by a combination of force and cutting edge technologies. We have watched the USA and Iran war and seen at first hand how both sides have deployed highest technologies to counter and demolish enemy strongholds.
We have seen how America extracted downed pilots from deep enemy territories using technologies with pinpoint accuracy just to save three precious American lives. Security is all about surveillance, threat detection and prevention. High level surveillance requires dedicated live satelite and internet communication. America leads the world with over 10,000 satelites in low and deep space with about 250 satelites dedicated to defence. Iran operates about 31 satelites in low orbit and has cross links with satelites of some allied countries. Nigeria struggles with 3 or 4 non dedicated satelites. How then do we monitor terrorists right from their bases to when they are in motion? Satelites that can track and report suspicious movements are totally out of Nigeria’s direct influence. Nigerian security probably depends on the same satelite communication that the terrorists and bandits bandits also use and deploy perhaps with better coordination. Nigerians conservatively, spend about 2 to 3 million Dollars on Elon Musk’s SpaceX every month and the terrorists and bandits are also active subscribers of the same Satelites via SpaceX STARLINK.
A query sent to an AI chatbot on the use of Elon Musk satellites to identify bandits in Nigeria brought startling responses. I will quote portions here: “Satellites from Elon Musk’s companies can be used to track bandits, but in practice, it is difficult and complex. One of the early customers of Elon Musk’s Starlink internet are terrorists and criminal elements involved in kidnapping. Nigerian military and government face a frustrating paradox: while the technology exists to track these devices, bandits are actively exploiting Musk’s Starlink for secure communication, making them harder to find. Starlink provides high-speed, portable internet to deep forests and remote areas where traditional cell towers don’t exist. This has unfortunately become a tool for non-state actors to coordinate and communicate with encrypted signals without detection.Tracking Difficulties:
The Nigerian Presidency has cited that security agencies cannot easily trace or block internet activities from bandits using Starlink because the terminals operate directly from space, complicating standard IP-address tracking used for local networks. Tracing a bandit’s connection often requires SpaceX’s direct assistance to pinpoint the exact locations.
Aside from internet hardware, private commercial imaging satellites (like SpaceX’s partner imagery networks or services such as Planet Labs and Maxar) can capture high-resolution imagery of bandit camps and movements. However, because they are constantly orbiting, they only provide periodic snapshots rather than real-time tracking, requiring coordination with on-the-ground intelligence to be truly actionable”.
Nigeria does not have to be at a digital Cross roads here. All Internet devices have unique and real time IP Addresses to function and be maintained. These devices are on regular subscriptions and have to be maintained by renewal of their subscriptions. The bandits have hundreds of these devices and the Nigerian military have captured and confiscated more than 500 of these from terrorists camps. Thats a good way of tracing the pattern of purchase, registration and physical location and movements of these devices.
The Federal Government cannot allow foreign satelite operators to run business in the country without active regulation. Recently Elon Musk expressed worries about the ise of its satelites by the Trump Administration for defence but thats all he can do. The American Government has powers to determine how much of SpaceX can be used by American enemies. Bandits can easily afford satelite technologies access as it is less than N1,500 a day per device and they make far more than that from ransom payments. Nigerian security forces should lace up their boots and force satelite access providers to locations identified as terrorists bases to suspend or shut down such service at least temporarily to allow federal forces have full intelligence coordination of such locations. It does not require rocket science to do this. I know certain European countries that have a central headquarters monitoring ALL GSM communications in the country through specialised Algorithms and codes silently scanning and digitally listening to all audio calls and chats and flagging off suspicious communication trails for further processing monitoring and investigation. These are very complex and time consuming security architectures and networks but the results improve national security tremendously. All the huge monies paid out as ransom could have been better utilised to build this architecture. However it is doubtful if this can ever be done as long as the same ethnicity responsible for kidnapping and associated crimes are allowed to manage the national security architecture.
This is again where the failure of our national educational system is very glaring. Universities are centres of national development through cerebral and intellectual research and pursuits. I am not aware of any university in Nigeria running programmes or research aimed at developing appropriate software and hardware designs that can be used for National Security. I am not aware of any direct or indirect link, synergy or partnership between our universities and national security installations.
Most of the critical intellectual components are probably still outsourced outside the country from Universities with less imposing physical infrastructure compared to our Universities but far more superior intellectual content. There are 12 National Universities Commission (NUC) approved universities in Oyo state and not a single can make any intellectual contribution to the fight against insecurity and terrorism by way intellectual support in Internet and Communication Technologies. Our Universities curriculum should be totally overhauled for International relevance and not just be national monuments of white washed sepulchres.
Prof Soji Adejumo (Ajiroba of Ibadanland) writes from Ibadan, Nigeria.
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