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Pendulum: A Prayer for President Buhari and His Ruling Party
Published
8 years agoon
By
Eric
By Dele Momodu
Fellow Nigerians, I don’t know about you but I’m truly worried that our dear beloved country may have fallen into the hands of those who do not see unity and nation-building as a priority. Before I go on, let me tell a true life story. In 2014, I was on a bus ride with the current Minister of Transport, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi and a few others. We were on our way to view a suitable office for the Muhammadu Buhari Presidential Campaign office in Abuja. As always, discussions dovetailed from one topic to another. The one I will never forget was when the then Governor of Rivers State, Amaechi, suddenly turned to me and asked my opinion on whether Buhari should drop the title ‘General’ from his name. Amaechi did not say what was behind that thought, but I suspected that many people felt it could be an albatross being a sad reminder of his days as a military dictator. Some young folks in the bus had apparently suggested this to the Governor as brand consultants but I responded by disagreeing vehemently.
“Why would a man drop his greatest achievement in life?” I asked rhetorically, with a straight poker face. There was pin drop silence. I fired on “so what do you now want to call Buhari, Mister, Chief, Dr. or what? I think the title ‘General’ can even be funkified by us by referring to him as “the People’s General…” I humbly suggested. There was general excitement and consensus, thereafter. That day, it was clear that we were all very happy and delighted to be working for the victory of a man we believed had learnt his lessons after being unceremoniously sacked in a military coup 30 years earlier.
For the sake of those who do not know what happened between 1983 and 1985, let me summarise the history and story of that period. On December 31, 1983, a military coup was heralded by a certain Colonel Sani Abacha. I had never heard his name before then, and I’m sure not many Nigerians did. The coup brought an abrupt end to the President Shehu Shagari government and its reckless and profligate ruling party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). A general election held barely months to the coup had been heavily rigged by the NPN and such unheard of adjectives like “landslide and moonslide” were used to describe the outcome. Nigerians were shocked to their marrow, but the government of the day could not be bothered. Therefore, it was not a big surprise when the stern-faced Abacha made his announcement on the last day of 1983 and a Brigadier Muhammadu Buhari was soon declared as the new Military Head of State.
The Buhari regime immediately made a “war against corruption and indiscipline” its signature mantra. Draconian Decrees were promulgated. Military tribunals were set up and pronto, politicians, businessmen and journalists were thrown into detention, summarily prosecuted and convicted. Huge sentences were manufactured and handed out like popcorn or confetti. Many Nigerians initially welcomed this Messiah, Buhari, and his deputy, Angel Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, who had come to rescue Nigeria from political demons and other prodigal children. Everyone screamed “crucify them…” It was such a sweet refrain, but the honeymoon period was soon over, and Nigerians started groaning under the yoke of repressive laws, squalid and degrading detention camps, atrocious sentences, unjustifiable double standards, myopic and visionless economic policies, beggarly supplies, rationing of essential commodities, a mindless clampdown on the Press, and so on. Buhari and his deputy, Idiagbon were on rampage, out of supposed righteous indignation at the way Nigerians and Nigeria had been defiled and desecrated by the political class and businessmen. They studiously ignored all entreaties to temper justice with mercy.
To cut a long story short, Nigerians groaned and moaned and cried for deliverance from this bitter, brash and brutish government. This was the opportunity Ibrahim Babangida and company needed to strike and they took full advantage, sacked the Buhari government almost effortlessly in a palace coup.
Upon learning of the cataclysmic fall of that government, Nigerians spilled into the streets in wild jubilation. History would record many reasons the government failed woefully. Let me briefly mention a few. The discipline it sought to instil was lopsided and discriminatory. In a country that is totally neurotic about ethnicity and religion, President Shagari was placed under house arrest, but his Vice President, Dr Alex Ekwueme, and many other Southern politicians were kept in prison under the most excruciating conditions, in a most bizarre act of man’s inhumanity to man. Many of the prisoners, like Governor Bisi Onabanjo of Ogun State, became human skeletons and walking corpses. Some, such as Governor Ambrose Alli of Bendel State, suffered irreparable or even fatal damages to their health. Laws were made in typical Orwellian fashion, in which all animals were supposed to be equal, but some were more equal than others. The Big Brother kept watch over the animals, but allowed some to enjoy unbelievable privileges, including, allegedly, the Emir of Gwandu, who contrived to bring in 53 suitcases into the country without being searched, contrary to Buhari’s law at the time, because his son was the Aide-de-Camp (ADC) to Buhari. Fela, the legendary musician was jailed under the flimsiest of pretexs. Two journalists, Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor were jailed as warning to other would be troublemakers. The list of atrocities was long and endless.
The government ran a voodoo economic misadventure and the economy nosedived and collapsed with debilitating consequences. It was a policy of “do as I say and not as I do…” Babangida crept in and dismantled the unfriendliness of that government. In fact, Babangida’s attraction was being the opposite of what Buhari represented. Babangida assembled the most cerebral Nigerians and ran a government of intellectuals who could challenge him, policy for policy. Even known critics were attracted to work for their countrt. Back to Buhari, the regime went into oblivion and a sad place in our history, or so it seemed.
Babangida’s government itself ended tragically by overstaying its welcome. Perhaps, had Babangida allowed the 1993 elections to hold in peace, and not in pieces, Nigeria won’t be in this mess today. Over-tinkering with the political process led to endless conflagration.
It is not known at what point Buhari started nursing his ambition to run back to power. He probably suffered from withdrawal syndrome like other Generals who at different times attempted to return to the hallowed corridors of power. For example, Major-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua (died without realising his dream), General Olusegun Obasanjo (returned by the conspiracy of the military Mafiosi and almost bagged a third term, in the kitty), General Ibrahim Babangida (couldn’t muster enough support from Obasanjo, the capo di tutti capi, and others, so quickly beat a hasty retreat), Lt. General Aliyu Gusau (silent power house, highly regarded in intelligence circles). In the event, General Buhari contested a record four times and eventually won in 2015.
It is ironic that a man who was brusquely booted out of power 30 years earlier was brought back in a haze of glory. His triumphant re-entry into the Nigerian political sphere and space will remain one of the most mysterious miracles of this century. The best way to describe it would be that Nigerians were victims of mass hypnotism and “collective amnesia”. Please, let me succinctly explain, again. Today is a day for going down memory lane. The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) handed power on a platter of gold to Buhari. Some of us had written all the English in the lexicon warning of the danger ahead if the ruling party did not reduce its profligacy and pugnacity. Just as the Party went on a binge and wasted resources, it also suffered another calamity by not keeping its house in order. Nigerians got increasingly frustrated and desperately wanted a terminal end to a ruling Party that boasted it would rule eternally. It was this desperation that catapulted Buhari back to power, warts and all.
I remember some of our deliberations after Amaechi and company stormed out of the PDP. That was the beginning of the end. PDP, in its state of cockiness did not envisage the catastrophe that awaited it in the near future. Amaechi and friends tactically aligned with a few other parties like ACN, ANPP and CPC to form APC. I will forever salute the total commitment of two people in particular, Amaechi and Dr Bukola Saraki, the current Senate President. The combination of both was lethal. I was honoured to participate in a few of their meetings. They were responsible for attracting a lot of the younger folk to Buhari. Many of the questions people asked about Buhari included: does he have intellectual capacity to run a modern government?; what business did he run in the last 30 years?; will he discriminate or seek revenge against supposed enemies?; has he purged himself of dictatorial tendencies?; will he be an ethnic bigot?; a religious fanatic coming to Islamise Nigeria?; etc,. We devised a general and standard response to the myriad of thought-provoking queries – “General Buhari is a born-again democrat…” – and we stuck to our guns, even if not totally assured or convinced about the true nature and status of the last saint standing. We were driven by our blind faith and the hope that Baba must have learnt useful lessons in 30 years and had had time to reflect on the things he did wrong in the past and what he plans to do right in the future.
The clincher for many of us was the invitation and inclusion of Professor Yemi Osinbajo, a renowned scholar, legal luminary, seasoned administrator and revered priest of the Christian faith. To every known or imagined defect in Buhari, we found a foil, an antithesis, and counter-solution in Osinbajo. We assumed their relationship was going to pan out like that of the symbiotic relationship of Buhari and Idiagbon, and that Osinbajo would be the guiding spirit and stabilising force of the government. No one reckoned with a hidden cabal while Amaechi, Tinubu, Saraki and others sweated profusely to make Buhari President. Not that we were not warned by those who should know because they were close to him, once upon a time.
Anyway, the rest is now history. Baba realised his ambition and we were all elated. But as in the proverbial death of the elephant, no sooner did Baba assume office than everyone, including strangers to the party, surfaced with knives and plates to cut their portions. I was stunned when, systematically, even Amaechi was being blocked by some of those who used to loiter in his corridor begging for mobilisation. A new power block suddenly emerged. On several occasions, I approached Amaechi and sympathised with his gradual and steady banishment from the inner caucus, but my man had, and still has, incurable faith in Buhari. The President is his hero who could do no wrong, so he ignored all the other distractions. The tragedy of APC was in alienating most of the powerful forces that brought it to fruition. Things fell apart too quickly. Ill-health also slowed Baba down and threw up some over-zealous and ambitious people who seized upon the lacuna to govern by proxy.
I also suspect the existence of a fifth columnist within government who programmed everything to fail. The many fractious and fracticidal wars that broke out were totally unnecessary. Again, the battle against corruption could have been fought differently. Before the election, there was a tacit understanding that the Change government was going to tackle the scourge of corruption differently, that it was not going to be selective and that the priority would be on recovering the loot across board, irrespective of party affiliations. Punitive measures were only going to be unleashed on those who refuse to give back a substantial chunk of their loot.
Baba was going to demonstrate his new avowed embrace of democratic and nationalistic credentials in order to dispel the fears of those who believe a leopard can never change its spots. It is strange and inexplicable how the massive goodwill was frittered away in no time. Today, the President and his Party are merely struggling to put up an appearance. Even his most fastidious supporters admit in private that only a miracle and unprecedented rigging can bring them back to power in 2019. The objective ones agree that those who did not vote for Buhari in 2015 will never vote for him in 2019, while many of those who did will no longer do so next year. The ruling Party has been shattered into smithereens. Not even PDP was this divided in its journey towards Golgotha. I don’t know, since I’m not God, what game plan APC has for the rest of its first-term, but these are perilous times for a Party that willy-nilly blew its humongous chances on the altar of intolerance, vengefulness, selfishness and disregard for the rule of Law, such that very few now seem to care about the giant strides and major achievements of the government.
Nigerians need nationalists, democrats and performers, not ethnic jingoists, vengeful autocrats and struggling performers. It is not impossible for this administration to draw back from the precipice and the Buhari administration still has a few months to woo Nigerians again. Those who can still pray should intercede on its behalf. As for me and my house, we shall offer The Lord’s Prayer…
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‘Punishment Before Trial’: The Travails of Nasir El-Rufai
Published
3 hours agoon
July 19, 2026By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
For 150 days and counting, a former Governor of Kaduna State, and one time Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, has remained in the custody of various security agencies including the Department of State Services (DSS), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) for alleged offences ranging from fund misappropriation, wiretapping and eavesdropping on security information among others. El-Rufai has not been found of any offence though he has spent over 150 days in custody.
The former governor’s plight was brought back to the fore weekend, when his wife, Asia Ahmad El-Rufai, made a passionate appeal to the international community to intervene over what she described as her husband’s prolonged detention and alleged denial of due process.
Mrs El-Rufai argued that the former governor’s continued incarceration amounted to “punishment before trial” and posed a threat to Nigeria’s democratic institutions. She noted that her husband has not been fairly treated even as she alleged that the former Director-General of the Bureau of Public Enterprise (BPE) may have taken ill in custody, bleeding from both nose and mouth. She wondered how someone, could made to undergo such severe punishment even when he is not undergone any trial, let alone being found guilty.
In a statement she signed herself, released his social media handles to mark what she described as the 150th day of El-Rufai’s detention, El-Rufai’s wife called on foreign governments, multilateral and multinational organisations and international human rights groups to closely monitor the legal proceedings involving her husband.
She acknowledged not speaking as a political actor but as a wife and mother seeking fairness for a member of her family.
The woman was of the opinion that the period of her husband’s incarceration without trial, has taken a significant emotional and physical toll on the former governor, members of his family and close associates.
“On the 150th day of Mallam Nasir El-Rufai’s detention, I ask readers outside Nigeria to pause over what that number means. One hundred and fifty days is not a legal phrase.
“It is five months of missed meals, missed prayers, missed proper mourning of his deceased mother, missed family conversations, interrupted medical care and moments we can never recover,” she said.
Acknowledging that her husband had been a controversial figure during his more than two decades in public service, as well as how rule of law and democracy should play out, she observed that “My husband is no stranger to controversy or public scrutiny. He has been praised, criticised, loved and opposed. That is democracy.
“But what is happening to him today is not democracy, and it is not accountability. It is punishment before trial,” she said.
Continuing and reflecting on the origin of the travails of her husband, Mrs El-Rufai traced his confrontation with the law to when am attempt was first made to arrest him at the airport on his way back from Egypt. The embarrassing situation at the airport culminated in his appearance for questioning, and ever since he has been allowed except when he was momentarily permitted to go and bury his dead mother.
She said, “There was the sudden invitation, his voluntary appearance before the authorities, and the promise of bail that existed on paper but not in freedom.
“There was the night he was moved between locations without warning and without the dignity of allowing his family to know where he was being taken,” she stated.
Asia also alleged that the former governor became seriously ill while in custody and experienced bleeding from his nose and mouth.
She claimed that officials were reluctant to provide him with adequate medical attention or allow his family to deliver his prescribed medication.
“I still remember the helplessness of hearing that he had fallen gravely ill in custody, bleeding from his nose and mouth, while those responsible for his welfare were reluctant to provide the care any person deserves.
“I remember the anxiety of trying to get his medication to him and wondering whether officials would accept it,” she said.
According to her, the detention had inflicted emotional distress on the family, which continued to wait for the legal process to take its course.
“These are not abstract violations. They are the moments that chip away at a family’s resolve and hope,” she added.
While not requesting that her husband be placed above the law, or escape investigation as a public officer, she insisted that such investigations must be conducted transparently, and in accordance with constitutional safeguards.
“If the state believes it has evidence, let it be presented before an impartial court, openly and fairly.
“But justice cannot be selective. It cannot be pursued through overlapping charges, repeated detention, impossible bail conditions and public humiliation designed to persuade the nation of guilt before a judge has heard the case,” she said.
She accused the government of the day of orchestrating the gory details of the situation, including stringent bail conditions to deprive her husband of freedom, even as the election approaches, stressing that Nigeria was drifting from legitimate accountability towards “lawfare,” which she described as the deployment of legal institutions and judicial procedures as political weapons. She believes that El-Rufai’s problems are the consequence of his disagreement with President Bola Tinubu, and his eventual decanting from the All Progressives Congress (APC).
“The concern is not whether former officials may be investigated; they can and should be.
“The concern is whether the law is being applied neutrally or deployed against those who have fallen out of political favour,” she said.
“His political rupture with President Bola Tinubu’s ruling All Progressives Congress and his refusal to surrender his independent voice should not make him a target for indefinite punishment or detention disguised as prosecution,” she said.
“The legal architecture”, she continued, “surrounding him is bewildering even to trained observers: multiple charges in different courts, overlapping allegations, shifting statutory theories and duplicated claims arising from the same alleged events.
“If one application for bail is made and the conditions are met, another accusation can be filed the next day. If one judge must consider freedom, another process can be used to delay it,” she alleged, querying why such procedures was allowed to turn the judicial process into a form of punishment before conviction.
In March 2026, the ICPC arraigned El-Rufai, alongside one Joel Adoga, before Honourable Justice A.I. Aikawa of the Federal High Court, Kaduna Division, on a 10-count charge bordering on abuse of office, money laundering and fraud.
According to the charge sheet marked FHC/KD/73/2026, the former governor was accused of unlawfully receiving multiple sums of money in naira and foreign currencies while serving as a public officer.
Specifically, the Commission alleged that El-Rufai, in September 2020 and January 2023, received the sum of N289,826,998.12 on each occasion as severance allowance, far exceeding the legally entitled sum of N20,013,245.00, being 300 percent of his annual basic salary.
The ICPC charge further revealed that between 2016 and 2023, the former governor allegedly took control of various sums in United States Dollars through his domiciliary account with Guaranty Trust Bank. These include $320,800 allegedly paid in tranches by Joel Adoga, as well as other deposits amounting to $155,800, $305,300, and several smaller sums from different individuals, all reasonably suspected to be proceeds of unlawful activities.
Joel Adoga was also accused of conspiring with the former governor in July 2019 to disguise the origin of $10,000 deposited into the said account.
One of the counts reads that both defendants, in July 2019 at Wuse, Abuja, allegedly conspired to disguise the origin of $10,000 paid into the former governor’s domiciliary account, knowing or reasonably ought to have known that the funds formed part of the proceeds of unlawful activity, contrary to and punishable under relevant provisions of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022.
When the charges were read, both defendants pleaded not guilty to all counts, but they were ordered to be remanded in ICPC custody.
The ICPC further violated the court-ordered access to the former governor, saying that the order did not override the agency’s internal security rules.
In May 2026, the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja granted El-Rufai N100 million bail in the trial over the alleged unlawful interception of the phone communications of the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu. However, he was re-arrested right at the court premises by the DSS, prompting the family to raise alarm.
EL-RUFAI’S STRINGENT BAIL CONDITIONS
Much as the embattled former Kaduna governor was granted bail, the conditions have appeared too stringent and tough to meet, the situation that prompted the African Democratic Congress (ADC) among many other concerned Nigerians to react.
In its immediate reaction, the ADC accused the Federal Government of turning El-Rufai into a political prisoner, describing his ordeal as “political persecution dressed up as prosecution.”
El-Rufai’s family also condemned the re-arrest.
El-Rufai’s second wife, Hasiat, who addressed journalists outside the DSS facility, said the family was traumatised by the development and lived daily under the shadow of threats and surveillance.
“We now live in constant fear. Every day we get a threat — DSS is coming to raid your house, ICPC is coming to raid your house, police are coming to raid your house. You are being followed. Our phones are tapped,” she said.
As part of the bail conditions, the trial judge, Justice Joyce Abdulmalik ordered the defendant to produce a surety who must be a federal civil servant not below Grade Level 17.
According to the court, the surety must not only be resident in either Maitama or Asokoro highbrow districts of Abuja, but must also deposit the original Certificate of Occupancy of a landed property not valued below the bail sum.
It held that the surety must also provide evidence of receipt of salary for at least three months, with an authenticated letter from the manager of a bank within the jurisdiction of the court.
It added that a verification letter from the surety’s immediate department must be submitted alongside a tax clearance certificate covering the last six months.
The defendant was further mandated to surrender his valid international passports and directed not to travel out of the country without permission.
Justice Abdulmalik ordered the defendant to report to the headquarters of the Department of State Services, DSS, every last Friday of the month by 10 a.m. to sign an attendance register, pending the determination of the case. The former governor was also directed to submit a letter of attestation from the Chairman of the Kaduna Traditional Council.
The trial judge warned that failure to comply with any of the conditions would lead to an automatic revocation of the bail.
“It also confirms our fears that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is deploying the instruments of state power to keep one of the leading opposition figures out of circulation. This is political persecution dressed up as prosecution.”
ADC also drew comparisons between El-Rufai’s case and those involving former Kogi State governor, Yahaya Bello, and former Delta State governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, both facing separate corruption allegations.
“When placed beside other high-profile cases, the contrast becomes stark and shameful. Yahaya Bello, former governor of Kogi State, has been accused in an alleged N80.2 billion money laundering case.
‘’Ifeanyi Okowa, former governor of Delta State, was arrested over the alleged diversion of N1.3 trillion in derivation funds. But today, they are walking around free, singing President Tinubu’s campaign song,” the ADC statement noted.
However, unconfirmed feelers reaching The Boss have it that El-Rufai’s incarceration has a lot to do with keeping him away from the face politics till after the 2027 General elections. The truth, or otherwise behind the postulation remains to be seen. Nigerians have to wait till the former governor’s next appearance in court by September 2026, to determine the direction of his freedom.
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Mary Habila’s Death: Tinubu Has Failed Comprehensively, Disgracefully – Atiku
Published
3 days agoon
July 16, 2026By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
A former Vice President, and Presidential Candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Atiku Abubakar, has lashed out at the administration of President Bola Tinubu over its prolonged silence on the death of a medical practitioner, Mary Habila, who died at the residence of the Minister of Works, Dave Umahi.
Atiku condemned the inability of the Tinubu-led government from making any pronouncements or instituting any form of probe to unravel the cause of death since the sad incident occurred on June 27, 2026, saying the administration has failed comprehensively and disgracefully.
Atiku’s remarks are contained in a statement he released on his social platforms endorsed with his regular AA.
While not casting any blame on any particular person or entity, Atiku maintained that condolences are not enough,but must be accompanied by thorough investigation into the circumstances that led to the death of the 26 years old medical practitioner in her prime.
The former Vice President therefore called for a “credible, independent, and transparent investigation” to establish the truth, noting that “it is the refusal of the Federal Government to guarantee such an investigation that constitutes the scandal before us”.
The statement in full:
I have followed with deep sorrow and mounting concern the reports surrounding the death of Miss Mary Habila, a 26-year-old Nigerian from Nok, Southern Kaduna, who died on June 27, 2026, within the private residence of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, in Uburu, Ebonyi State.
First, I extend my heartfelt condolences to the Habila family. No family should have to mourn a daughter taken in the prime of her life while also fighting simply to learn the truth of how she died.
But condolences are not enough. Nigerians deserve answers, and it is on this score that the Tinubu administration has failed, comprehensively and disgracefully.
Consider the facts that are not in dispute. A young woman died in the residence of a serving Federal Minister. For nearly two weeks, neither the Minister, nor the police, nor any arm of government said a word to the Nigerian people. It took the courage of Sahara Reporters to bring this death into public view. Three weeks after her death, no autopsy has been performed. No cause of death has been established. The investigation remains domiciled in the very state where the Minister served two terms as Governor and where his influence is beyond question.
And through all of this, silence from the Presidency. Silence from the Federal Executive Council. Silence from the Inspector-General of Police. Silence from the National Assembly. Not one word. Not one directive. Not one gesture to assure Nigerians that the life of Mary Habila matters to this government.
Instead, the Minister has been permitted to manage the narrative of a death that occurred under his own roof: issuing statements through his personal aides, deploying his private lawyers to correspond with the police, and continuing his official duties as though nothing has happened, while civil society groups, youth organisations, and the family’s own community cry out for an independent inquiry.
Let me be clear: I make no pronouncement on anyone’s guilt or innocence. That is precisely the point. Only a credible, independent, and transparent investigation can establish the truth, and it is the refusal of the Federal Government to guarantee such an investigation that constitutes the scandal before us.
A government’s first duty is the protection of life. Where a life is lost in circumstances touching a high official of state, the burden on government to act transparently is at its heaviest.
President Tinubu’s administration has instead treated this tragedy as an inconvenience to be waited out. If the death of a young Nigerian woman in a Minister’s residence cannot stir this government to act, then Nigerians must ask: whose life, exactly, does this government value?
I therefore demand the following: One, President Bola Tinubu must direct the Honourable Minister of Works to step aside immediately, pending the conclusion of investigations. This is not a punishment; it is the minimum standard of public accountability in any serious democracy. No official under this cloud should preside over a federal ministry as though it were business as usual.
Two, the Inspector-General of Police must immediately transfer the investigation from the Ebonyi State Command to Force Headquarters, with the involvement of independent forensic experts. No investigation conducted in the shadow of the Minister’s home-state influence can command public confidence.
Three, a full, independent, and internationally credible autopsy must be conducted without further delay, with the findings made public. The stalemate over the post-mortem, three weeks after this young woman’s death is an indictment of every institution involved.
Four, the family of Mary Habila must be protected from any pressure, inducement, or intimidation, and must be guaranteed unfettered access to the facts of their daughter’s death.
The measure of a nation is how it responds when the powerful are touched by tragedy and the powerless demand truth. Mary Habila was somebody’s daughter, somebody’s sister, a young professional with her life ahead of her. She was a Nigerian. Her death must not be reduced to a footnote of political convenience.
Nigeria will work again, but only when the life of every Nigerian counts, and when no one, however highly placed, stands beyond the reach of accountability.
May the soul of Mary Habila rest in peace. May her family find justice. -AA
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Atiku Accuses INEC of Aiding Tinubu’s Alleged One-party State Agenda
Published
5 days agoon
July 14, 2026By
Eric
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has accused the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of aiding President Bola Tinubu’s agenda to weaken opposition parties ahead of the 2027 polls by granting access to a factional leader of the African Democratic Congress (ADC).
In a statement issued Monday by the Atiku Media Office, Atiku alleged that INEC’s actions amounted to partisanship and a violation of the Constitution and the Electoral Act.
The statement referenced a July 11, 2026 claim by Nafiu Bala Gombe, who “parades himself as National Chairman of the African Democratic Congress (ADC)”, that he had succeeded in uploading the names of his candidates on INEC’s portal.
According to Atiku’s office, uploading candidates is part of the process for the 2027 General Elections, made possible by access codes granted to political parties in line with INEC guidelines.
“Meanwhile, INEC has been mum, and has not denied or confirmed this obvious contradiction to the law and its own guidelines,” the statement said.
Atiku’s team argued that by granting an access code to Bala Gombe, INEC was recognizing a “pretender” despite having “since validated the chairmanship of the Sen. David Mark-led exco.”
“By granting access code to Bala Gombe, a pretender, laying claims to the chairmanship of the ADC, though the law is not on his side and INEC has since validated the chairmanship of the Sen. David Mark-led exco, the electoral umpire is once again manifesting its partisanship,” the statement noted.
It drew parallels with a past incident under Prof. Joash Amupitan-led INEC, alleging the commission “illegally removed the names of the duly recognised ADC exco following the judicial rascality of Justice Lifu in ignoring a superior ruling of an appellate court.”
The statement described the “so-called ‘successful’ uploading of ‘candidates’ by Nafiu Bala Gombe” as lacking legal basis.
“Nafiu Bala Gombe is not recognised as ADC Chairman. Mark is duly recognised. Can there be two recognised Chairmen of a political party? Possibly only in an INEC led by Amupitan. Can INEC grant two access codes to a political party? Certainly not,” it added.
Atiku’s office warned that the development “is a recipe for crisis and confirms that Prof Joash Amupitan was appointed to enable the weakening of the opposition parties by creating crisis even where none exists.”
Citing the law, the statement noted that Section 222 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) provides that candidates must emerge through recognized party primaries supervised by INEC, while Section 84 of the Electoral Act 2022 requires parties to submit only one validly nominated candidate per elective office.
“Nafiu Bala Gombe and his criminal gang did not conduct any primaries. The INEC granting of access code to Nafiu Bala Gombe is unconstitutional and unlawful. The only submitted candidates known to the law are those of David Mark. Any parallel submission such as Nafiu Bala Gombe’s is null and void,” it said.
The statement called on the INEC Chairman to stop “fomenting crisis in the ADC and the other opposition parties and by so doing helping President Bola Tinubu’s agenda of total State capture.”
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